CHAPTER III

WILLIAM HARVEY AND EXPERIMENTAL OBSERVATION

After the splendid observations of Vesalius, revealing in a new light the construction of the human body, Harvey took the next general step by introducing experiment to determine the use or purpose of the structures that Vesalius had so clearly exposed. Thus the work of Harvey was complemental to that of Vesalius, and we may safely say that, taken together, the work of these two men laid the foundations of the modern method of investigating nature. The results they obtained, and the influence of their method, are of especial interest to us in the present connection, inasmuch as they stand at the beginning of biological science after the Renaissance. Although the observations of both were applied mainly to the human body, they served to open the entire field of structural studies and of experimental observations on living organisms.

Many of the experiments of Harvey, notably those relating to the movements of the heart, were, of course, conducted upon the lower animals, as the frog, the dog, etc. His experiments on the living human body consisted mainly in applying ligatures to the arms and the legs. Nevertheless, the results of all his experiments related to the phenomena of the circulation in the human body, and were primarily for the use of medical men.

In what sense the observations of the two men were complemental will be better understood when we remember that there are two aspects in which living organisms should always be considered in biological studies; first, the structure, and, then, the use that the structures subserve. One view is essential to the other, and no investigation of animals and plants is complete in which the two ideas are not involved. Just as a knowledge of the construction of a machine is necessary to understand its action, so the anatomical analysis of an organ must precede a knowledge of its office. The term "physiological anatomy of an organ," so commonly used in text-books on physiology, illustrates the point. We can not appreciate the work of such an organ as the liver without a knowledge of the arrangement of its working units. The work of the anatomist concerns the statics of the body, that of the physiologist the dynamics; properly combined, they give a complete picture of the living organism.

It is to be remembered that the observations of Vesalius were not confined exclusively to structure; he made some experiments and some comments on the use of parts of the body, but his work was mainly structural, while that which distinguishes Harvey's research is inductions founded on experimental observation of the action of living tissues.

The service of Vesalius and Harvey in opening the path to biological advance is very conspicuous, but they were not the only pioneers; their work was a part of the general revival of science in which Galileo, Descartes, and others had their part. While the birth of the experimental method was not due to the exertions of Harvey alone, nevertheless it should stand to his credit that he established that method in biological lines. Aristotle and Galen both had employed experiments in their researches, and Harvey's step was in the nature of a revival of the method of the old Greeks.

Harvey's Education.--Harvey was fitted both by native talent and by his training for the part which he played in the intellectual awakening. He was born at Folkestone, on the south coast of England, in 1578, the son of a prosperous yeoman. The Harvey family was well esteemed, and the father of William was at one time the mayor of Folkestone. Young Harvey, after five years in the King's school at Canterbury, went to Cambridge, and in 1593, at the age of sixteen, entered Caius College. He had already shown a fondness for observations upon the organization of animals, but it is unlikely that he was able to cultivate this at the university. There his studies consisted mainly of Latin and Greek, with some training in debate and elementary instruction in the science of physics.

At Padua.--In 1597, at the age of nineteen, he was graduated with the Arts degree, and the following year he turned his steps toward Italy in search of the best medical instruction that could be found at that time in all the world. He selected the great university of Padua as his place of sojourn, being attracted thither by the fame of some of its medical teachers. He was particularly fortunate in receiving his instruction in anatomy and physiology from Fabricius, one of the most learned and highly honored teachers in Italy. The fame of this master of medicine, who, from his birthplace, is usually given the full name of Fabricius _ab Aquapendente_, had spread to the intellectual centers of the world, where his work as anatomist and surgeon was especially recognized. A fast friendship sprang up between the young medical student and this ripe anatomist, the influence of which must have been very great in shaping the future work of Harvey.

Fabricius was already sixty-one years of age, and when Harvey came to Padua was perfecting his knowledge upon the valves of the veins. The young student was taken fully into his confidence, and here was laid that first familiarity with the circulatory system, the knowledge of which Harvey was destined so much to advance and amplify. But it was the stimulus of his master's friendship, rather than what he taught about the circulation, that was of assistance to Harvey. For the views of Fabricius in reference to the circulation were those of Galen; and his conception of the use of the valves of the veins was entirely wrong. A portrait of this great teacher of Harvey is shown in Fig. 9.

At Padua young Harvey attracted notice as a student of originality and force, and seems to have been a favorite with the student body as well as with his teachers. His position in the university may be inferred from the fact that he belonged to one of the aristocratic-student organizations, and, further, that he was designated a "councilor" for England. The practice of having student councilors was then in vogue in Padua; the students comprising the council met for deliberations, and very largely managed the university by their votes upon instructors and university measures.

It is a favorable comment upon the professional education of his time that, after graduating at the University of Cambridge, he studied four or more years (Willis says five years) in scientific and medical lines to reach the degree of Doctor of Physic.

On leaving Padua, in 1602, he returned to England and took the examinations for the degree of M.D. from Cambridge, inasmuch as the medical degree from an English university advanced his prospects of receiving a position at home. He opened practice, was married in 1604, and the same year began to give public lectures on anatomy.

His Personal Qualities.--Harvey had marked individuality, and seems to have produced a powerful impression upon those with whom he came in contact as one possessing unusual intellectual powers and independence of character. He inspired confidence in people, and it is significant that, in reference to the circulation of the blood, he won to his way of thinking his associates in the medical profession. This is important testimony as to his personal force, since his ideas were opposed to the belief of the time, and since also away from home they were vigorously assailed.

Although described as choleric and hasty, he had also winning qualities, so that he retained warm friendships throughout his life, and was at all times held in high respect. It must be said also that in his replies to his critics, he showed great moderation.

The contemplative face of Harvey is shown in Fig. 10. This is taken from his picture in the National Portrait Gallery in London, and is usually regarded as the second-best portrait of Harvey, since the one painted by Jansen, now in possession of the Royal College of Physicians, is believed to be the best one extant. The picture reproduced here shows a countenance of composed intellectual strength, with a suggestion, in the forehead and outline of the face, of some of the portraits of Shakespeare.

An idea of his personal appearance may be had from the description of Aubrey, who says: "Harvey was not tall, but of the lowest stature; round faced, with a complexion like the wainscot; his eyes small, round, very black, and full of spirit; his hair black as a raven, but quite white twenty years before he died; rapid in his utterance, choleric, given to gesture," etc.

He was less impetuous than Vesalius, who had published his work at twenty-eight; Harvey had demonstrated his ideas of the circulation in public anatomies and lectures for twelve years before publishing them, and when his great classic on the Movement of the Heart and Blood first appeared in 1628, he was already fifty years of age. This is a good example for young investigators of to-day who, in order to secure priority of announcement, so frequently rush into print with imperfect observations as preliminary communications.

Harvey's Writings.--Harvey's publications were all great; in embryology, as in physiology, he produced a memorable treatise. But his publications do not fully represent his activity as an investigator; it is known that through the fortunes of war, while connected with the sovereign Charles I as court physician, he lost manuscripts and drawings upon the comparative anatomy and development of insects and other animals. His position in embryology will be dealt with in the chapter on the Development of Animals, and he will come up for consideration again in the chapter on the Rise of Physiology. Here we are concerned chiefly with his general influence on the development of biology.

His Great Classic on Movement of the Heart and Blood.--Since his book on the circulation of the blood is regarded as one of the greatest monuments along the highroad of biology, it is time to make mention of it in particular. Although relatively small, it has a long title out of proportion to its size: _Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in Animalibus_, which maybe freely translated, "An Anatomical Disquisition on the Movement of the Heart and Blood in Animals." The book is usually spoken of under the shorter title, _De Motu Cordis et Sanguinis_. The full title seems somewhat repellent, but the contents of the book will prove to be interesting to general readers. It is a clear, logical demonstration of the subject, proceeding with directness from one point to another until the culminating force of the argument grows complete and convincing.

The book in its first edition was a quarto volume of seventy-eight pages, published in Frankfort in 1628. An interesting facsimile reprint of this work, translated into English, was privately reproduced in 1894 by Dr. Moreton and published in Canterbury. As stated above, it is known that Harvey had presented and demonstrated his views in his lectures since 1616. In his book he showed for the first time ever in print, that all the blood in the body moves in a circuit, and that the beating of the heart supplies the propelling force. Both ideas were new, and in order to appreciate in what sense they were original with Harvey, we must inquire into the views of his forerunners.

Question as to Harvey's Originality.--The question of how near some of his predecessors came to anticipating his demonstration of the circulation has been much debated. It has been often maintained that Servetus and Realdus Columbus held the conception of the circulation for which Harvey has become so celebrated. Of the various accounts of the views of Harvey's predecessors, those of Willis, Huxley, and Michael Foster are among the most judicial; that of Foster, indeed, inasmuch as it contains ample quotations from the original sources, is the most nearly complete and satisfactory. The discussion is too long to enter into fully here, but a brief outline is necessary to understand what he accomplished, and to put his discovery in the proper light.

To say that he first discovered--or, more properly, demonstrated--the circulation of the blood carries the impression that he knew of the existence of capillaries connecting the arteries and the veins, and had ocular proof of the circulation through these connecting vessels. But he did not actually see the blood moving from veins to arteries, and he knew not of the capillaries. He understood clearly from his observations and experiments that all the blood passes from veins to arteries and moves in "a kind of circle"; still, he thought that it filters through the tissues in getting from one kind of vessel to the other. It was reserved for Malpighi, in 1661, and Leeuwenhoek, in 1669, to see, with the aid of lenses, the movement of the blood through the capillaries in the transparent parts of animal tissues. (See under Leeuwenhoek, p. 84.)

The demonstration by Harvey of the movement of the blood in a circuit was a matter of cogent reasoning, based on experiments with ligatures, on the exposure of the heart in animals and the analysis of its movements. It has been commonly maintained (as by Whewell) that he deduced the circulation from observations of the valves in the veins, but this is not at all the case. The central point of Harvey's reasoning is that the quantity of blood which leaves the left cavity of the heart in a given space of time makes necessary its return to the heart, since in a half-hour (or less) the heart, by successive pulsations, throws into the great artery more than the total quantity of blood in the body. Huxley points out that this is the first time that quantitative determinations were introduced into physiology.

Views of His Predecessors on the Movement of the Blood.--Galen's view of the movement of the blood was not completely replaced until the establishment of Harvey's view. The Greek anatomist thought that there was an ebb and flow of blood within both veins and arteries throughout the system. The left side of the heart was supposed to contain blood vitalized by a mixture of animal spirits within the lungs. The veins were thought to contain crude blood. He supposed, further, that there was a communication between the right and the left side of the heart through very minute pores in the septum, and that some blood from the right side passed through the pores into the left side and there became charged with animal spirits. It should also be pointed out that Galen believed in the transference of some blood through the lungs from the right to the left side of the heart, and in this foreshadowed the views which were later developed by Servetus and Realdus Columbus.

Vesalius, in the first edition of his work (1543) expressed doubts upon the existence of pores in the partition-wall of the heart through which blood could pass; and in the second edition (1555) of the _Fabrica_ he became more skeptical. In taking this position he attacked a fundamental part of the belief of Galen. The careful structural studies of Vesalius must have led him very near to an understanding of the connection between arteries and veins. Fig. 11 shows one of his sketches of the arrangement of arteries and veins. He saw that the minute terminals of arteries and veins came very close together in the tissues of the body, but he did not grasp the meaning of the observation, because his physiology was still that of Galen; Vesalius continued to believe that the arteries contained blood mixed with spirits, and the veins crude blood, and his idea of the movement was that of an ebb and flow. In reference to the anatomy of the blood-vessels, he goes so far as to say of the portal vein and the vena cava in the liver that "the extreme ramifications of these veins inosculate with each other, and in many places appear to unite and be continuous." All who followed him had the advantage of his drawings showing the parallel arrangement of arteries and veins, and their close approach to each other in their minute terminal twigs, but no one before Harvey fully grasped the idea of the movement of the blood in a complete circuit.

Servetus, in his work on the Restoration of Christianity (_Restitutio Christianismi_, 1553), the work for which Calvin accomplished his burning at the stake, expressed more clearly than Galen had done the idea of a circuit of blood through the lungs. According to his view, some of the blood took this course, while he still admits that a part may exude through the wall of the ventricle from the right to the left side. This, however, was embodied in a theological treatise, and had little direct influence in bringing about an altered view of the circulation. Nevertheless, there is some reason to think that it may have been the original source of the ideas of the anatomist Columbus, as the studies into the character of that observer by Michael Foster seem to indicate.

Realdus Columbus, professor of anatomy at Rome, expressed a conception almost identical with that of Servetus, and as this was in an important work on anatomy, published in 1559, and well known to the medical men of the period, it lay in the direct line of anatomical thought and had greater influence. Foster suggests that the devious methods of Columbus, and his unblushing theft of intellectual property from other sources, give ground for the suspicion that he had appropriated this idea from Servetus without acknowledgment. Although Calvin supposed that the complete edition of a thousand copies of the work of Servetus had been burned with its author in 1553, a few copies escaped, and possibly one of these had been examined by Columbus. This assumption is strengthened by the circumstance that Columbus gives no record of observations, but almost exactly repeats the words of Servetus.

Cæsalpinus, the botanist and medical man, expressed in 1571 and 1593 similar ideas of the movement of the blood (probably as a matter of argument, since there is no record of either observations or experiments by him). He also laid hold of a still more important conception, viz., that some of the blood passes from the left side of the heart through the arteries of the body, and returns to the right side of the heart by the veins. But a fair consideration of the claims of these men as forerunners of Harvey requires quotations from their works and a critical examination of the evidence thus adduced. This has been excellently done by Michael Foster in his _Lectures on the History of Physiology_. Further considerations of this aspect of the question would lie beyond the purposes of this book.

At most, before Harvey, the circuit through the lungs had been vaguely defined by Galen, Servetus, Columbus, and Cæsalpinus, and the latter had supposed some blood to pass from the heart by the arteries and to return to it by the veins; but no one had arrived at an idea of a complete circulation of all the blood through the system, and no one had grasped the consequences involved in such a conception. Harvey's idea of the movement of the heart (_De Motu Cordis_) was new; his notion of the circulation (_et Sanguinis_) was new; and his method of demonstrating these was new.

Harvey's Argument.--The gist of Harvey's arguments is indicated in the following propositions quoted with slight modifications from Hall's _Physiology_: (I) The heart passively dilates and actively contracts; (II) the auricles contract before the ventricles do; (III) the contraction of the auricles forces the blood into the ventricles; (IV) the arteries have no "pulsific power," _i.e._, they dilate passively, since the pulsation of the arteries is nothing else than the impulse of the blood within them; (V) the heart is the organ of propulsion of the blood; (VI) in passing from the right ventricle to the left auricle the blood transudes through the parenchyma of the lungs; (VII) the quantity and rate of passage of the blood peripherally from the heart makes it a physical necessity that most of the blood return to the heart; (VIII) the blood does return to the heart by way of the veins. It will be noticed that the proposition VII is the important one; in it is involved the idea of applying measurement to a physiological process.

Harvey's Influence.--Harvey was a versatile student. He was a comparative anatomist as well as a physiologist and embryologist; he had investigated the anatomy of about sixty animals and the embryology of insects as well as of vertebrates, and his general influence in promoting biological work was extensive.

His work on the movement of the blood was more than a record of a series of careful investigations; it was a landmark in progress. When we reflect on the part played in the body by the blood, we readily see that a correct idea of how it carries nourishment to the tissues, and how it brings away from them the products of disintegrated protoplasm is of prime importance in physiology. It is the point from which spring all other ideas of the action of tissues, and until this was known the fine analysis of vital processes could not be made. The true idea of respiration, of the secretion by glands, the chemical changes in the tissues, in fact, of all the general activities of the body, hinge upon this conception. It was these consequences of his demonstration, rather than the fact that the blood moves in a circuit, which made it so important. This discovery created modern physiology, and as that branch of inquiry is one of the parts of general biology, the bearing of Harvey's discovery upon biological thought can be readily surmised.

Those who wish to examine Harvey's views at first hand, without the burden of translating them from the Latin, will find an edition of his complete works translated into English by Willis, and published by the Ray Society, of London.

As is always the case with new truths, there was hostility to accepting his views. In England this hostility was slight on account of his great personal influence, but on the Continent there was many a sharp criticism passed upon his work. His views were so illuminating that they were certain of triumph, and even in his lifetime were generally accepted. Thus the new conception of vital activities, together with his method of inquiry, became permanent parts of biological science.