CHAPTER XLIV.

AFTER THE WOE, THEN COMES THE LAW.

BETSY GASKINS’ sad history and the terrible fate of poor Jobe—for he it was whose body was found on the cinder-pile—caused great excitement, not only in Tuscarawas County, but throughout Ohio, and even in many other sections of the country. One Chicago paper devoted a whole column to portraying the awfulness of turning an old man from a friendly shelter on such a cruel night as the one when Jobe Gaskins froze to death. Other papers in different parts of the Union expatiated on the hardships of the old couple from the time the hard hand of the law began to push them from their home until death took pity on them and removed them beyond the reach of man’s cruelty to man. The lesson of their humble lives was made the subject of sermons and of editorials everywhere.

By the time of the campaign of 1896, the people of the United States had become so wrought up that there seemed to be a spontaneous demand for the restoration of the conditions which prevailed when it was possible for Jobe Gaskins and his likes to pay off their debts. So universal was the demand that three parties nominated the same candidate for president. He made a brilliant campaign; but, owing to his being handicapped by a plutocratic, mortgage-holding, interest-taking running mate, he was defeated.

Out of the campaign and the knowledge gained by the people, however, much good resulted. In many States legislatures were elected that were above the corrupting influence of the money power. The people were awake to their needs, and many laws were enacted for the betterment of the conditions of the common people, particularly the poor and homeless.

Ohio, especially, was active in this direction. It seemed that nearly every member of the legislature had learned the story of Betsy and Jobe Gaskins, and had come to Columbus determined, if possible, to provide laws that would stay the hands of Ohio sheriffs from turning honest people out of the shelter they had erected by their own industry and economy, and to make it easier for people to pay for homes.

It was only the second day of the session when sixteen bills were presented in the House and four in the Senate, all designed to lessen the hardships of debtors and the burdens of the oppressed.

There seemed to be a unanimity of opinion that county treasurers should be authorized to receive money on deposit in order to protect the depositor from loss; that money so deposited should be exempt from taxation, and that legal interest should be reduced to four per cent. There was some diversity of opinion as to whether or not the treasurers should do a general banking business; all agreed, however, that money should be loaned out on first mortgage real estate security at not to exceed four per cent. interest. The bills were referred to a committee appointed for the purpose, and the following is the bill reported back by the committee, the chairman of which, Mr. L. W. Chambers, of Ashtabula County, became its champion:

THE BILL.

“_Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio_: That on and after the first Monday in April, A. D. 1898, any person so desiring may deposit money in any sum from one dollar ($1) up, with the treasurer of the county in which he resides, and receive therefor a certificate of deposit or a credit on a pass-book, and all such money may be withdrawn on demand unless otherwise stipulated in the certificate of deposit. The treasurer may require a notice of sixty days for the withdrawal of any sum exceeding one hundred dollars ($100).

“SEC. 2. The county treasurers of Ohio are hereby authorized to receive on deposit money from the citizens of their respective counties; keep the same separate from the other funds received by them; place the same in a special account, to be called the People’s Savings Fund; provide such extra clerk hire as may be necessary to attend to the business; lend the money of such fund on first mortgage real estate security to such citizens as may apply for same, at a rate of simple interest not to exceed four (4) per cent. per annum.

“All securities and title of property shall be certified to the treasurer by the auditor and recorder, and shall be appraised by a board of appraisers residing in the township where the property is situated.

“Not more than ninety (90) per cent. of the appraised value of any property shall be loaned thereon.

“The trustees of the respective townships of Ohio are hereby constituted a board of appraisers of the property on which loans may be asked in such township. For such appraisement, whether the loan is granted or not, the applicant shall pay said appraisers a fee of two dollars each. At least two of such appraisers shall go upon and assess the value of any such property.

“The borrower shall pay all incidental charges connected with any loan. The treasurer shall not receive more than one per cent. per annum on the money loaned, as his compensation for conducting and caring for said business; all interest received, less expense to said treasurer, shall be distributed pro rata to the depositors in accordance with the amount and time of deposit.

“A failure to pay interest for three years shall work a forfeiture of any loan made under the provisions of this act, and the property shall revert to the county without process of law further than order of court upon sworn statement of the treasurer as to such delinquency; and the mortgagee shall be permitted to occupy such premises for such a length of time as the payments made thereon shall amount to a yearly rental of four per cent. and taxes, after which the said property may be rented at not less than four per cent. and taxes, or sold at private sale at not less than appraised value.

“Any losses sustained by the depositors, through the defalcation or dishonesty of the county treasurer, or any other officer of a county, shall be paid by the county in full, and the said officer apprehended, his property, as well as any and all property transferred or assigned by him during his incumbency, shall be confiscated, and he shall be hanged by the neck until dead, without benefit of trial except to ascertain the certainty of such defalcation or dishonesty. In such cases there shall be no appeal, pardon or reprieve.”

No sooner was this law proposed than the telegraph wires were put in use to notify every banker in Ohio, as well as the principal bankers in Chicago, New York and other great centers.

Their hired agents were there. In two days the lobbies and corridors of the State-house at Columbus were crowded with well-dressed, well-fed, diamond-studded gentlemen from all parts of the country, crying out against such a law and picturing the direful results that would follow its passage.

Legislators were buttonholed, wined and dined, threatened, abused, coaxed, cajoled, persuaded and bribed for some five or six days. The newspapers of the country denounced the bill as “revolutionary,” “socialistic,” “destructive,” “ruinous,” and suggested that “the militia should be called out to drive the anarchistic law-makers not only from the State-house at Columbus, but out of the State of Ohio.” They bemoaned “the terrible disgrace that had already been brought upon the fair name of Ohio,” and claimed that “to uphold the honor and integrity of the State the bill must be overwhelmingly defeated.” Brilliant lawyers and leading business men were summoned to Columbus to oppose the bill and to tell the law-makers how bitterly the people were opposed to it.

All this time from ten to a hundred homes were being sold weekly by the sheriff of each county. Thousands were starving in Chicago, New York and other cities and towns, and all because during all their lives they had been paying directly or indirectly from six to ten per cent. interest to these same fat, well-dressed fellows who were now at Columbus trying to prevent legislation for the relief of the people.

For days it looked as though the bill would be defeated. Very few spoke in its favor, but one could hear criticism almost anywhere. Two days before it was to come up for third reading a thing happened, however, that gave it new life. Bill-posters in all parts of the city of Columbus filled the bill-boards and store windows with brilliant posters announcing that on the following night the famous actor James A. Herne and his company would play

“BETSY GASKINS (DIMICRAT),

WIFE OF

JOBE GASKINS (REPUBLICAN),”

at the Grand Opera-house, for the benefit of the poor of the city, and that the members of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio had been invited to attend free as the guests of Tom L. Johnson, of Cleveland. The large posters in the windows and on the bill-boards showed “Betsy Set Out in the Big Road,” “Jobe in Berea,” “The Cinder Pile,” and “Little Jane at the Family Reunion.”

Crowds gathered before the windows and about the bill-boards, studying the pictures. Strong men and brave women were seen to wipe away the tear of sorrow as they recalled and rehearsed the sad tale of Jobe and Betsy Gaskins.

In the afternoon word got out that the legislature had under consideration a bill that would make it easier for people to get homes. By morning of the next day it was the talk of the town.

The night of the show the large theater could not hold more than one-fourth of those who had come to see. The doors were closed at seven o’clock, and the performance began at once, word being sent to the disappointed crowd outside that Mr. Herne would give two shows that night, the doors to open for the second performance at nine o’clock, and, further, that seats would be free to all, only those paying who desired to contribute to the fund for the needy.

Immense enthusiasm, tears, and at times laughter, followed the players. As the hardships, trials and disappointments of poor old Betsy and innocent Jobe were made vivid and real by the actors, like conditions in the lives of fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters or friends came to the memory of nearly every one in the audience, and tears and sobs proved the interest with which the people were drinking in the great lesson that was passing before them. Finally, when the curtain fell on the last act, instead of the crowd rising and hastening to the exits, as crowds usually do, they sat for some moments as if spell-bound. Then individuals began to rise in their seats here and there, and, leaning over, to converse with their nearest neighbors in words and tones of consolation and hope, as though some great pall hung over them. Women were crying; the men looked earnest and thoughtful.

This was the condition of the audience when a great tumult was noticed in the front of the house; loud shouts of men filled the room, while above all others and on the shoulders of two brawny men there was lifted a middle-aged man, pale, nervous, yet seemingly calm. Every one seemed to be trying to reach his hand or touch his garments. He smiled. He was borne forward to the stage and placed upon it. At the same time two other men climbed on with him. When the larger of the two, who I afterward learned was the representative from Seneca County, vigorously pounded for order, the crowd settled back in their seats and quiet reigned. Then the big legislator said:

“Ladies and gentlemen, we have witnessed to-night one of the most wonderful plays ever presented to an intelligent public—wonderful in the fact that it is so true to life that nearly every one in the vast audience knows some near or dear one who is only Betsy or Jobe Gaskins under another name; wonderful in the fact that this proud nation of the United States, after an existence of over one hundred years, should have a system of laws that works such terrible hardships on her citizens, and then claim to be civilized or advanced; wonderful in the fact that these conditions exist on every hand, in every direction, and yet a nation of Christians has not risen up against them. But, good people, my heart swells with joy when I tell you that sitting by my side, carried here in the arms of admiration, is a man who has set out to relieve the people of Ohio from such slavery—who has introduced in the legislature a bill which will come up for a third reading to-morrow, and which will relieve the poor of many of such hardships as poor Betsy and Jobe Gaskins had to bear—a bill, if you please, that will make it easier for us and our children to buy and pay for a home.

“Fellow-citizens, I present to you the Hon. L. W. Chambers, of Ashtabula County, the chairman of the committee and champion of the bill I have just referred to.”

The audience arose _en masse_, climbed on seats, cheered, stamped and whistled, while Mr. Chambers, without a smile, but calmly and courteously, bowed and sat down.

Then the big legislator, after getting the crowd quiet again, said that the bill he referred to would enable any one with reasonable security to borrow money from the county treasury at not more than four per cent. interest, and that in his opinion the play they had just seen had in part offset the influence of the lobbying bankers who had been hanging around the Assembly hall like buzzards for nearly a week.

Mr. Herne then came out and requested the audience to disperse, stating that four thousand other people were waiting outside for a repetition of the play.

The audience left reluctantly. No sooner was the theater cleared than the second audience made a rush for admission. It was only a few moments until the house was filled again from pit to gallery.

The interest manifested was fully as great as that evoked by the first performance, and the acting again was superb. At 11:20 o’clock the curtain fell on the last act for the second time that night.

The next morning early people from all parts of the city could be seen traveling in the direction of the State-house, in street-cars, carriages, on bicycles and afoot. All seemed to be intent and anxious. Fully fifteen thousand people were on the State-house grounds by nine o’clock. They talked, whispered, argued and made speeches. The sole theme was Betsy Gaskins and the new law. The antiquated crank was there, claiming that it “can’t be done,” “better leave things as they are.” Every now and then a lobbying banker could be seen, slipping along, eyes cast downward, as though he felt his guilt.

When the session opened the galleries of the Assembly room were filled with people. The State-house was full. The gavel of the speaker fell. The chaplain offered prayer. He prayed that right might prevail; that the poor and heavy-laden might be unburdened; that the bribe-taker, together with the bribe-giver, might perish from the land; and, above all, he invoked the blessings of Divine Providence on the acts of that particular day.

After prayer silence reigned a while. It was broken when a tall, partly bald, large-faced, keen-eyed law-maker over in the northeast corner of the hall arose in his seat, took a general survey of the house and galleries, took a large roll of money from his pocket, and, waving it above his head, said in thunder tones:

“Behold! See that money! There sit in this house fifty-three men who know where that money came from, and what it was given for. They know it because they each have received from the same hand like sums. They came here sworn to represent the people who elected them; they would sell them into slavery instead. They are bribe-takers, and have sold their votes and influence against the bill that comes up to-day. This hall for the last week has been surrounded by a horde of lobbying bankers and bankers’ lawyers, buying the manhood of men that the poor may continue to be oppressed.”

Then, turning and pointing toward a banker from Cincinnati who sat in the south gallery, he said:

“There is the man! I defy him to deny that he paid me the five hundred dollars I hold in my hand to vote and work against this bill!”

The banker was livid. All eyes were turned toward him. He sat looking straight at the legislator, who pictured the banker as a “thief,” a “murderer,” a “corrupter of justice,” a “despoiler of government,” and closed by waving his hand over the hall and exclaiming that such criminals had by their own acts put themselves beyond the pale of the law.

By this time the crowd had become furious. The Assembly arose as one man, many with rolls of money in their hands, and a cry went up that was awful to hear—a cry of _lost manhood found_.

There were repeated calls for order, but there was no order to be had. Well-dressed, sleek men could be seen hurriedly making their exit from all the doors of the State-house, and hastening at full speed in all directions. For more than an hour the tumult continued.

In the meantime some of the spectators had caught the Cincinnati briber and a lobbying lawyer from Findlay, and, securing a rope, tied them together, took them out on High Street, and made them run a gauntlet of some three hundred yards’ length through a maddened concourse of American citizens. Some had staves, straps, switches; others, lamp-black, flour, Venetian red, and whatever they could get to deface and besmirch the fine clothes, fair faces and dignified appearance of the two corrupters of the law. The pair trotted up and down that space until they became so fatigued and crestfallen that they fell prostrate and begged for mercy. They were permitted to go on sworn promises never again to come to Columbus to bribe or influence the people’s legislators.

After the tumult had subsided and when quiet had been restored at the State-house, some forty-eight members, seemingly under the influence of a stricken conscience, took from their pockets various sums of money and sent them up to the clerk as a contribution to the fund for the needy. In all there was $21,468. Many admitted that it was bribe money, and many others, while not openly admitting it, said so by their convicted looks. It was a solemn occasion. It seemed as though money and dishonor had been routed and the spirit of human justice reigned in that hall, touching each heart with unseen hand.

The bill that would make it “easier for the poor to live and secure homes” had come to life again. When the bill was read there was a murmur of general approval. Its champion made one of the most eloquent and pathetic speeches ever delivered in the State-house at Columbus. He showed how, at six per cent. interest, all the wealth of the nation may pass into the hands of the money-lenders every sixteen years, and leave of the annual increase only enough to support the great mass of the people with a meager living. He showed how the bankers had conspired together to rob the nation in time of peril; how they had robbed the business men, robbed the masses, robbed everybody by their contraction of the currency and their thieving, unjust laws. He said:

“We have had demonstrated here in this hall to-day the manner in which the bankers have looked after the interests of the country for the last thirty-five years. They know no god but money, and with money they have corrupted the world. They are of no service to either God or man, and yet they demand that both man and God bow before their will.”

He showed how hundreds of millions of dollars had been stolen from depositors in the banks of the United States by suspension and failure, the result of the most dishonest, the most unsafe system of banking known to the world. “The American banker laughs when asked for security; takes all the money he can get; breaks up at pleasure, and mocks the grief of the poor depositors.” Closing he said:

“Fellow-legislators, I appeal to you for the passage of this bill. I appeal to you in the name of common honesty; I appeal to you in the name of thousands of hard-working citizens who, desiring to save their earnings, now have no safe place to put them. I appeal to you in the name of the millions of husbands and fathers whose shoulders are stooped under the burdens of high interest and money contraction heaped upon them by this conspiring horde of money-mongers. Let our motto be: ‘Justice to mankind; equality before the law.’ And let human rights and human liberty be our ever-burning beacons of guidance.”

Then followed the member from Sandusky County. He took up the feature of the bill that favored the exemption from taxation of money deposited in the county treasury. He showed how a tax on money always fell on the borrower in the way of increased interest; how, if we take taxes from money and give the people a safe place to deposit, thousands of dollars, now kept out of circulation and hidden in the homes of the people, would come out and be used in the channels of trade to the benefit of all. He then appealed to the legislators to be men and patriots, and to spurn with contempt the influence of the lobbying money-lenders and corruptionists.

Many others spoke in favor of the bill, and only one or two offered any opposition. It was evident from the beginning that the opponents to the measure were routed, and when it came to a vote the bill passed with only fourteen votes in the negative.

When the result was announced the scene on the floor and in the galleries was one of joy beyond description. Liberty, long chained, had broken her bonds. Men grasped each other’s hands, and women wept with joy. They saw the dawn of the new day of liberty—freedom from debt.

The bill passed the Senate the same afternoon and became a law on the 18th day of March, 1898.

The news was telegraphed all over the world. The county treasurers of Ohio were instructed to begin on the first Monday of April to receive the people’s money on deposit and to loan the same to the people at four per cent.

In every county seat, in almost every town, post-office or store, around nearly every fireside, the new law was discussed. When the first Monday of April came scarcely a man could be found who did not thoroughly understand this “law for the common good of the common people.” As soon as the doors of the banks were opened, men began to draw out their money, carry it over to the county treasuries of the State, deposit it and depart for home. Others called at the county treasuries, signed mortgages bearing four per cent. interest, and borrowed money to pay off their mortgages, held by the banks, drawing seven or eight per cent. interest, returning home feeling a thrill of new life and new hope.

No sooner would one borrower pay off an old seven or eight per cent. mortgage at the banks than would some depositor withdraw the money, carry it to his county treasurer, deposit it, and another borrower would deposit a new four per cent. mortgage and pay off an old seven or eight per cent. mortgage at possibly the same bank.

This continued for nearly six months, by which time most of the loans on which the people had been paying seven or eight per cent. had been converted into four per cent. mortgages, payable to the various counties. Most of the bankers were honest and continued to take in money on old mortgages and pay it out to the depositors until their business was settled up in full.

In Tuscarawas County the aggregate of the mortgages held by the six banks was $1,048,692. On this amount the people saved by the new law an average of three and one-half per cent., or $37,703.22. This sum, instead of being paid to the bankers of the county each year, was saved by the borrowers, and, being applied on the principal, helped pay off the burdens of the people.

The first man in New Philadelphia to withdraw his deposit was Clem Waltz. He had $2,200 in the First National. He drew it out at 9:10 a. m., took it to the county treasurer, deposited it at 9:28 a. m.; and at 9:52 a. m. Seymour Grimes borrowed $1,600 of it on his River Bottom farm, and paid off a mortgage against him held by the same First National. About the same time Jacob Moore borrowed $500 on his house and lot on Eighth Street for the same purpose. So by 10 o’clock $2,100 of that $2,200 taken out by Waltz was back in the bank, and two hardworking, honest, industrious citizens were paying only four per cent. interest instead of seven or eight. And Clem Waltz had all of Tuscarawas County back of him as security for his $2,200, and would receive three per cent. interest on his money clear of taxes.

About 11 o’clock Robert Witt came into the county treasurer’s office with $2,000 of the same money that had been paid to the bank by Moore and Grimes, and by noon it was loaned out to other persons who would rather pay four per cent. interest than seven or eight. In the afternoon business was still brisker.

The first day there was $38,000 withdrawn from the various banks; deposited with the county treasurer; loaned to the same people that owed the banks; paid back into the banks; taken out and placed in the treasury, etc.

The first week loans to the amount of $356,828 were thus changed. Everybody seemed to be happy except a banker here and there. Many bankers, however, admitted that they were pleased to see the poor have more chance in life.

In six months’ time all the banks except the First National had closed up their business and quit. Business in all other lines has picked up. Two of the ex-bankers are clerks in the county treasurer’s office, while the others, being rich, have decided not to engage in any business for a while, feeling that it is due themselves and the community that they take a long-needed rest.

Betsy’s dream has, at least in part, come true. Jobe’s dream still remains to be realized. Millions of men are still out of work. But the people have been aroused. They are thinking hard, and soon they will act. They will act at the ballot-box, and by their votes they will declare that “the chief aim of human government should be to secure to each individual contentment and happiness, and that this can be done only by securing to all the unrestricted opportunity to labor.”

“Work for the unemployed” is the issue on which the people will fight and win the battle of the ballots.

There is much talk that a memorial be erected to Betsy Gaskins—not to perpetuate the memory of her hardships, but to ever keep the people in mind of the fact that every liberty or right we enjoy has cost much suffering, distress and woe, and, further, that every advance toward a perfect state of human society as taught by Jesus Christ has been in spite of selfish and ignorant wealth, and never by its aid.

Long may the spirit of human justice live, is the prayer of

THE EDITOR.

BROTHERS ALL.

BROTHER of mine, if one should come, Should come to your door to-day, With the marks of the nails in His hands and the scars Of the thorns on His brow, and say:

“Brother of mine, I stand in need; I am He who was crucified; Will you help me to-day in word and deed? Will you stand to-day at my side?”

Brother of mine, I know that you Would give Him this answer true: “You died for me, and what can I do But die, if I may, for you?”

Brother of mine, if one should come, Should come to your door to-day, With the scars of toil on his hands and the marks Of the sweat on his brow, and say:

“Brother of mine, I stand in need; I am being crucified; I have sought for work from door to door; I am everywhere denied.

“Brother of mine, I ask not alms; I have asked no man to give; I but ask for work to earn my bread; I ask the right to live.”

Brother of mine, what would you say, What would your answer be To this lowly brother of Him who said: “Even so unto me.”

HENRY BENSON.