CHAPTER XI

VARIOUS OCCURRENCES

The Shrewsbury pair started the year 1575 in different fashion. She was in the Tower and not at all in a happy mood. He also in a fortress—Sheffield—but as warder and not prisoner, and more unhappy, because in the larger things he was always the more conscientious, yet bestirred himself to send a diplomatic present of rich gold plate to Lord Burghley, and was himself in the usual manner the recipient of bounties from his friends and tenants. Burghley acknowledges the present and his indebtedness in highly satisfactory terms to the master of Sheffield Castle:—

“And now, my Lord, I find such continuance or rather increase, of your good will to me, by your costly gift of plate this new year, as you may account me greatly in your debt and yet ready with my heart and service to acquit you. I humbly therefore pray your Lordship to make proof of my good will where my power may answer the same, and I trust you shall find the best disposed debtor that your Lordship hath to acquit my debt.”

Lodge prints immediately before this letter from the Lord Treasurer a fragment (also from the Talbot manuscripts) in which Lord Shrewsbury lays his financial case emphatically before the Queen, and there is no doubt that his appeal and the present of gold plate to her Lord Treasurer were incidents closely related:—

“Your Majesty was minded to allow me for the keeping of this Lady but £30 a week. When I received her into my charge at your Majesty’s hands, I understood very well it was a most dangerous service, and thought overhard to perform, without some great mischief to himself at least, and as it seemed most hard and fearful to others and every man shrunk from it, so much the gladder was I to take it upon me, thereby to make appear to your Majesty my zealous mind to serve you in place of greatest peril; and I thought it was the best proof your Majesty could make of me. I demanded not great allowance, nor did stick for anything as all men used to do. My Lords of your Council, upon good deliberation, assigned by your Majesty’s commandment, a portion of £52 every week (less by the half than your Majesty paid before she came to me) which I took, and would not in that doubtful time have refused your Majesty’s service of trust so committed to me, if my lands and life had lain thereon; and how I have passed my service, and accomplished your trust committed to me, with quiet, surety——”

That sudden break in the appeal, whatever its cause, has its own dramatic force.

As regards Court matters, a long letter from Francis Talbot, the eldest son, who apparently wrote so rarely, belongs to the beginning of this year. It gives a picture of Queen Elizabeth in a mood of anxiety, depression, and perplexity in regard to foreign politics, especially touching the all-important decision as to whether or not she should accept the offer of the suzerainty of the Netherland States:—

“Her Majesty is troubled with these causes which maketh her very melancholy; and seemeth greatly to be out of quiet. What shall be done in these matters as yet is unknown, but here are ambassadors of all sides who labour greatly one against another.”

To this year also belongs a kindly letter—this time on purely family matters—from the wife of Francis Talbot, Lady Ann, _née_ Herbert, daughter of William, Earl Pembroke, to the Countess of Shrewsbury. In this the forthcoming “prograce” is mentioned, and the visit of Queen Elizabeth to the then Countess of Pembroke, her sister-in-law, _née_ Catherine Talbot, and married to Henry, Earl Pembroke:—

“Good Madame, I am to crave pardon for not writing to my Lord’s man Harry Grace. The cause I willed him to declare to your La. which was the extremity that my sister of Pembroke was in at that time; which hath continued till Thursday last. Since that day she hath been out of her swooning, but not able to stand or go. Her greatest grief is now want of sleep, and not able to away with the sight of meat; but considering her estate before we think ourselves happy of this change, hoping that better will follow shortly. The Queen Majesty hath been here with her twice; very late both times. The last time it was ten of the clock at night ere her Majesty went hence, being so great a mist as there were divers of the barges and boats that waited for her lost their ways, and landed in wrong places, but thanks be to God her Majesty came well home without cold or fear. For the holding of the progress I am sure your La. heareth; for my part I can write no certainty, but as I am in all other matters, as I have always professed and as duty doth bind me, ready at your La. command; and in anything I may show it either at this time or when occasion serveth, if I be not as willing thereto as any child of your own, then let me be condemned according to my deserts; otherwise I humbly crave your La. good opinion of me not to decrease, remembering your La. commandment heretofore, to write to you as often as I could, which now in this place I shall have better means than I have had in the country, and thereupon presuming to lengthen my letter upon any occasion, although I count this of my sister very evil news, yet considering her recovery, I hope my long scribbling will the less trouble your La. And so with my most humble duty of my Lord and your La. I humbly take my leave. From Baynards Castle the 8th of May.

“Your La. assured loving daughter to command,

“ANNE TALBOT.

“My sister of Pembroke hath willed to remember her humble duty to my Lord and you, with desire of his daily blessing. As soon as she is able she will do it herself.

“To the right honourable and my assured good Lady and mother, the Countess of Shrewsbury.”

That “my sister Pembroke” recovered from her swoonings and her convalescence is stated at the close of a long letter from Gilbert Talbot, in February, to both his parents.

During the whole of the spring the Earl’s correspondence was large. Sir Francis Walsingham and others kept him informed of all State events and possibilities which could affect politics. In a paper which the Earl endorses “Occurrences, from Mr. Secretary Walsingham” is contained the news of the disappearance from the French Court of Henry of Navarre, the overtures made to him by the French King, the gradual increase of his adherents among the Protestants, the multifarious schemes of the Duke of Guise, and all the details which made for civil war. The belief in magic seems to have had sufficient hold upon a statesman like Walsingham to induce him to include a note such as this:—

“There is secret report, and that very constantly affirmed by men of credit, that a day or two before the King of Navarre departed, it happened the Duke of Guise and him to play at dice, upon a very smooth board, in the King’s cabinet; and that, after they had done, there appeared suddenly upon the board certain great and round drops of blood that astonished them marvellously, finding no cause in the blood of the world, but, as it were, a very prodigy.”

Another letter of this year is very interesting, as it shows the indefatigable Lady Shrewsbury once more at her match-making, and once again seeking to ally her family with one which could most assist it at Court—the family of Lord Burghley. Lord Shrewsbury’s letter making the proposal as suggested by his wife is not forthcoming, but Lord Burghley’s reply is full and detailed, and breathes caution in every word. His excuses for declining the offer are quite reasonable. At the same time he must have had sufficient insight into her Ladyship’s masterful character to strengthen his refusal. He accentuates his fear of the Queen’s distrust by instancing the absurd reports circulated about him when he merely went to Buxton to drink the waters, and he concludes with a quaintly sententious condemnation of “human learning” in wishing well to the boy whom he did not desire for his son-in-law.

“My very good Lord,—My most hearty and due commendations done, I cannot sufficiently express in words the inward hearty affection that I conceive by your Lordship’s friendly offer of the marriage of your younger son; and that in such a friendly sort, by your own letter, and as your Lordship writes, the same proceeding of yourself. Now, my Lord, as I think myself much beholden to you for this your Lordship’s kindness, and manifest argument of a faithful goodwill, so must I pray your Lordship to accept mine answer, with assured opinion of my continuance in the same towards your Lordship. There are specially two causes why I do not in plain terms consent by way of conclusion hereto; the one, for that my daughter is but young in years; and upon some reasonable respects, I have determined (notwithstanding I have been very honourably offered matches) not to treat of marrying her, if I may live so long, until she be above fifteen or sixteen, and if I were of more likelihood myself to live longer than I look to do, she should not, with my liking, be married before she were near eighteen or twenty. The second cause why I differ to yield to conclusion with your Lordship is grounded upon such a consideration as, if it were not truly to satisfy your Lordship, and to avoid a just offence which your Lordship might conceive of my forbearing, I would not by writing or message utter, but only by speech to your Lordship’s self. My Lord, it is over true and over much against reason that upon my being at Buxton last, advantage was sought by some that loved me not to confirm in her Majesty a former conceit which had been laboured to put into her head, that I was of late become friendly to the Queen of Scots, and that I had no disposition to encounter her practices; and now at my being at Buxton, her Majesty did directly conceive that my being there was, by means of your Lordship and my Lady, to enter into intelligence with the Queen of Scots; and hereof at my return to her Majesty’s presence I had very sharp reproofs for my going to Buxton with plain charging of me for favouring the Queen of Scots; and that in so earnest a sort I never looked for, knowing my integrity to her Majesty; but especially knowing how contrariously the Queen of Scots conceived of me for many things past to the offence of the Queen of Scots. And yet, true it is, I never indeed gave just cause by any private affection of my own, or for myself, to offend the Queen of Scots; but whatsoever I did was for the services of mine own sovereign Lady and Queen, which if it were yet again to be done I would do. And though I know myself subject to contrary workings of displeasure yet will I not, for remedy of any of them both, decline from the duty I owe to God and my sovereign Queen; for I know and do understand, that I am in this contrary sort maliciously depraved, and yet in secret sort; on the one part, and that of long time, that I am the most dangerous enemy and evil willer to the Queen of Scots; on the other side that I am also a secret well willer to her and her title, and that I have made my party good with her. Now, my Lord, no man can make both these true together; but it sufficeth such as like not me in doing my duty to deprave me, and yet in such sort is done in darkness, as I cannot get opportunity to convince them in the light. In all these crossings, my good Lord, I appeal to God who knoweth, yea (I thank him infinitely), who directeth my thoughts to intend principally the service and honour of God, and jointly with it the surety and greatness of my sovereign Lady the Queen’s Majesty; and for any other respect but it may tend to those two, I appeal to God to punish me if I have any. As for the Queen of Scots, truly I have no spot of evil meaning to her. Neither do I mean to deal with any titles to the Crown. If she shall intend any evil to the Queen’s Majesty, my sovereign, for her sake I must and will mean to impeach her; and therein I may be her unfriend, or worse.

“Well now, my good Lord, your Lordship seeth I have made a long digression from my answer, but I trust your Lordship can consider what moveth me thus to digress. Surely it behoveth me not only to live uprightly, but to avoid all probable arguments that may be gathered to render me suspected to her Majesty whom I serve with all dutifulness and sincerity; and therefore I gather this, that if it were understood that there were a communication or a purpose of marriage between your Lordship’s son and my daughter I am sure there would be an advantage sought to increase these former suspicions. Considering the young years of our two children ... if the matter were fully agreed betwixt us, the parents, the marriage could not take effect, I think it best to refer the motion in silence, and yet so to order it with ourselves that, when time shall hereafter be more convenient, we may (and then also with less cause of vain suspicion) renew it. And in the meantime I must confess myself much bounden to your Lordship ... wishing your Lordship’s son all the good education may be meet to teach him to fear God, love your Lordship, his natural father, and to know his friends; without any curiosity of human learning, which, without the fear of God, I see doeth great hurt to all youth in this time and age. My Lord, I pray you bear with me scribbling, which I think your Lordship shall hardly read, and yet I would not use my man’s hand in such a matter as this.

“From Hampton Court, 24th December, 1575.

“Your Lordship’s most assured commandment,

“W. BURGHLEY.”

The boy in question was Edward Talbot, the Earl’s fourth son. His matrimonial chances did not suffer by this just refusal, for in after years he married one of the twin heiresses of Lord Ogle of Northumberland, and eventually, after the death of his two elder brothers, succeeded to his father’s earldom.

A single bill of items of the Earl’s expenditure in the year 1575 amounting to £300 is of a nature which shows how many and extensive were the purchases justifying his constant appeals to the Treasury. All these items he had to import from France by special messenger. Hogshead after hogshead of French wine was required for Mary’s use. Her household drank it in preference to the heavier English brew of ale. Moreover, she was accustomed to use it for her bath, especially when indisposed. Buckram and canvas, damask and sheeting, vinegar and live quails (“with cages for the said quails”), paper and hempseed, “comfitures and other sugar-works,” and even “fourteen pounds of sleyed silk for my Lady, being of all colours,” go to this long bill of goods from Rouen.

My Lady meanwhile was properly reinstated in the English Queen’s confidence. It would please Bess Shrewsbury well to know that this letter from the Earl of Leicester, written early in 1576 to her husband, has come down to posterity:—

“My Lord,—For that this bearer is so well known and trusted of you I will leave to trouble you with any long letters, and do commit the more to his report, for that he is well able to satisfy your Lordship fully of all things here. And, touching one part of your letter sent lately to me, about the access of my Lady, your wife, to the Queen there, I find the Queen’s Majesty well pleased that she may repair at all times, and not forbear the company of that Queen, having not only very good opinion of my Lady’s wisdom and discretion, but thinks how convenient it is for that Queen to be accompanied and pass the time rather with my Lady than meaner persons. I doubt not but your Lordship shall hear in like sort also from her Majesty touching the same, and yet I may well signify thus much, as from herself, to your Lordship. The rest I commend to this bearer, and your Lordship, with my good Lady, to the Almighty. In haste, this first of May.

“Your Lordship’s assured kinsman, “R. LEICESTER.”

Soon after, in June, Lord Shrewsbury, at Buxton with his “charge,” asks that he may remove her, not to Tutbury as suggested, but back to Sheffield Lodge. There was a “bruit” that Lord Leicester was going to Buxton for the waters, and it was necessary, seeing that his going would probably attract others in the world of fashion, not to allow Mary to linger at the baths. A letter from Gilbert Talbot, in July, 1576, full of the usual delightful chit-chat about Queen and Court, mentions the Buxton expedition in connection with the magnificent Leicester:—

“My duty most humbly remembered, right honourable my singular good Lord and father. Since my coming hither to the Court there hath been sundry determinations of her Majesty’s progress this summer. Yesterday it was set down that she would go to Grafton[35] and Northampton, Leicester, and to Ashby, my Lord Huntingdon’s house, and there to have remained twenty-one days, to the end the water of Buxton might have been daily brought thither for my Lord of Leicester, or any other, to have used; but late yesternight this purpose altered, and now at this present her Majesty thinketh to go no further than Grafton; howbeit there is no certainty, for these two or three days it hath changed every five hours. The physicians have fully resolved that wheresoever my Lord Leicester be he must drink and use Buxton water twenty days together. My Lady Essex and my Lady Sussex will be shortly at Buxton, and my Lady Norris shortly after; I cannot learn of any others that come from hence.

“This day Mr. Secretary Walsingham has gotten the Bill signed for the S. Q.’s diet, and to-morrow early it shall be sent to the Exchequer, that as soon as possible we may receive the money, which shall be disposed according to your Lordship’s commandment in payment of all your debts here.

“I have bespoken two pair of little flagons, for there are none ready made, and I fear they will not be finished before my departure hence. I have seen many fair hangings, and your Lordship may have all prices, either two shillings a stick or seven groats, three, four, five, or six shillings the stick, even as your Lordship will bestow; but there is of five shillings the stick that is very fair. But unless your Lordship send up a measure of what depth and breadth you would have them, surely they will not be to your Lordship’s liking; for the most of them are very shallow, and I have seen none that I think deep enough for a guest chamber, but for lodgings.

“I have had some talk with my Lord of Leicester since my coming, whom I find most assuredly well affected towards your Lordship and yours. I never knew man in my life more joyful for their friend than he at my Lady’s noble and wise government of herself at her late being here; saying that he heartily thanked God of so good a friend and kinsman of your Lordship, and that you are matched with so noble and good a wife. I saw the Queen’s Majesty yesternight in the garden; but for that she was talking with my Lord Hunsden, she spake nothing to me, but looked very earnestly on me. I hear her Majesty conceiveth somewhat better of me than heretofore;[36] and my Lord of Leicester doubteth not in time to bring all well again.

“I can learn no certain news worthy to write to your Lordship’s Secretary. William Winter hath not yet sent my resolute answer from the Flushingers and Prince of Orange touching our merchants’ ships and goods; for other matters of France. I know Mr. Secretary Walsingham’s wonted manner is to send your Lordship’s occurrents that come thence. Mr. Secretary Smith lieth still in hard case at his house in Essex, and, as I hear, this day or to-morrow setteth towards the baths in Somersetshire; the use of his tongue is clean taken from him that he cannot be understood, such is the continuance of the rheum that distilleth from his head downwards.

“Thus, not knowing wherewith else to trouble your Lordship, I most humbly beseech your blessing, with my wonted prayer for your Lordship’s long continuance in all honour, and most perfect health.

“From the Court this Friday at night, the 6th of July, 1576.

“Your Lordship’s most humble and obedient loving son, “GILBERT TALBOT.”

Otherwise the family affairs of the Shrewsburys were engrossing enough. The Lennox baby, born at Chatsworth, had, as stated, altered their domestic and social world considerably. My Lady was now the grandmother of a possible queen, a creature having equal right on her father’s side to the crowns of Scotland and England. It was very important that while Lady Shrewsbury still kept up towards the child’s aunt, Mary, a show of friendliness, she should curry favour on every occasion with the English Queen, who supported the rule of young James of Scotland. It was a nice and delicate game to play, and must have pleased her well. It was not likely now that Mary would ever come into power. Still, strange things happened. If Elizabeth died suddenly Mary might have her day at last, and every act of the Shrewsburys towards her in her captivity would be weighed in her judgment and awards as soon as she was in the seat of government. The two women had hitherto grown very friendly. All manner of confidences must have passed between them, and my Lady’s alert ears had supplied her quick tongue with many a bit of scandal which she could retail for the amusement of the royal “guest.”

From this period, however, she would practise greater caution. She had recently steered clear of great danger, and was toiling hard for the Queen’s smiles. It was well known that those who favoured and fêted Lord Leicester fêted the Queen in proxy. The visit of Leicester to Buxton in 1576 presented itself therefore as a great social chance.