CHAPTER X

AFTERMATH

There was, as the two mothers agreed, but one way out of it all—a speedy marriage. No time to invite the blessing of the bride’s stepfather, no time for signing of deeds, or for collecting bride-gear, or for endowing boy and girl with house and lands. These things would as well be done afterwards as now, and a pompous family wedding in the Shrewsbury household would just now have been attended with all sorts of difficulties. Without more ado the matter was settled, and the actual wedding seems to have taken place at Rufford in the presence of only a very few persons. Indeed, in the words of one historian, the pair “married almost as soon as Lady Lennox was able to leave her bedroom.” It has been suggested by the same writer that the two dowagers, in aiding and abetting the marriage, were at cross purposes. It is certain that Lady Shrewsbury had met her match in character, purpose, and ability in intrigue. She could not have been able to persuade Margaret Lennox in the affair against her will and conscience. Henderson elaborates the suggestion thus: “The motive of Lady Lennox was probably reconciliation with the Queen of Scots, through the new connection formed with the Shrewsburys. If Elizabeth died—and there was a general impression that she would not live long—Mary might very possibly succeed her; and though Lady Lennox thought it prudent to assert to Elizabeth that she never could have dealings with the Queen of Scots, since, being flesh and blood, she could not forget the murder of her child, yet she did not wish to debar herself from all further favour from the possible Queen of England, who was also the mother of her grandchild (i.e. James of Scotland). As for Mary, nothing could suit her better than a reconciliation with Lady Lennox, since it would mean the renewal of support from many Catholics who had been estranged from her by the circumstances attending the death of Darnley. In any case, whatever Mary’s part in the accomplishment of the marriage, and whether any understanding was then arrived at by her with Lady Lennox or not, Mary, after the death of Lady Lennox in 1578, affirmed that she had been reconciled to her for five or six years, and that Lady Lennox sent her letters expressing regret at the wrong she had done her in the accusations she had been induced to make against her, at the instance of Elizabeth and her Council.”[28]

This is, however, a part of future history. The facts show that Mary seems to have had no hand in the marriage, and we cannot imagine that after carefully balancing all possibilities Lady Shrewsbury would have invited her interest. The whole thing would have been revealed and exaggerated by spies, and thus assume the form of a very serious plot. Lady Lennox certainly trusted to Elizabeth’s credence in her old enmity against her daughter-in-law to clear her from blame. Lady Shrewsbury doubtless pretended to herself that she could not be justly accused of a grab at royal rights, on behalf of her family, since Scotland had already its King and it was open to England to name a successor. La Mothe Fénélon, the French Ambassador, feared that the Lennox intimacy would estrange the Shrewsburys from Mary, and so make her case harder. The very contrary happened, as the correspondence reveals.

For the moment we are concerned with the days immediately following that sudden ceremony at Rufford. Details of the itinerary of the bridal pair are not forthcoming, neither does it appear where the older Lady Lennox went after her momentous visit, nor whether young Elizabeth and her husband took shelter with her mother or his. News of the event did not reach the Queen till fully a month later. Instantly she scented treason. Here was a chance for her to behave once more after the pattern of her autocratic father. She belaboured the Earl of Shrewsbury, and despatched to both dowagers and the bride and bridegroom a summons to Court.

Lord Shrewsbury, who in these days scarcely ever put pen to paper except to expostulate, explain, and apologise, wrote three separate letters on the subject—to the Queen, to Burghley, and to Lord Leicester. It will suffice to quote the two first:—

“May it please your excellent Majesty,

“The commandment your Majesty once gave me, that I should sometimes write to you, although I had little to write of, boldeneth me thus to presume, rather to avoid blame of negligence than dare tarry long for any matter worthy your Majesty’s hearing; only this I may write; it is greatly to my comfort to hear your Majesty passed your progress in perfect health and so do continue. I pray to Almighty God to hold it many years, and long after my days ended; so shall your people find themselves most happy.

“This Lady, my charge, is safe at your Majesty’s commandment.

“And, may it further please your Majesty, I understood of late your Majesty’s displeasure is sought against my wife, for marriage of her daughter to my Lady Lennox’s son. I must confess to your Majesty, as true it is, it was dealt in suddenly, and without my knowledge; but as I dare undertake and ensure to your Majesty, for my wife, she, finding her daughter disappointed of young Barté, where she hoped that the other young gentleman was inclined to love with a few days’ acquaintance, did her best to further her daughter in this match; without having therein any other intent or respect than with reverend duty towards your Majesty she ought. I wrote of this matter to my Lord Leicester a good while ago at great length. I hid nothing from him that I knew was done about the same, and thought not meet to trouble your Majesty therewith, because I took it to be of no such importance as to write of, until now that I am urged by such as I see will not forbear to devise and speak what may procure any suspicion, or doubtfulness of my service here. But as I have always found your Majesty my good and gracious Sovereign, so do I comfort myself that your wisdom can find out right well what causes move them thereunto, and therefore am not afraid of any doubtful opinion, or displeasure to remain with your Majesty of me, or of my wife, whom your highness and your council have many ways tried in times of most danger. We never had any thought or respect but as your Majesty’s most true and faithful servants; and so do truly serve and faithfully love and honour your Majesty, ever praying to Almighty God for your Majesty, as we are in duty bounden.

“SHEFFIELD, _2nd of December, 1574_.”

The other letter is headed:—

“To My Lord Tre....,

“My very good Lord, for that I am advertised the late marriage of my wife’s daughter is not well taken in the Court, and thereupon are some conjectures more than well, brought to her Majesty’s ears, in ill part against my wife; I have a little touched the same in my letters now to her Majesty, referring further knowledge thereof to letters I sent my Lord of Leicester a good while since, wherein I made a long discourse of that matter; and if your Lordship meet with anything thereof that concerns my wife or me, and sounds in ill part against us, let me crave of your Lordship so much favour as to speak your knowledge and opinion of us both. No man is able to say so much as your Lordship of our service because you have so carefully searched it, with great respect to the safe keeping of my charge. So I take leave of your Lordship.

“SHEFFIELD, _2nd December, 1574_.”

These letters did not help matters in the slightest. The two Countesses were obliged to go to Court for chastisement, and apparently Bess Shrewsbury repaired thither before any interview could be secured with her husband. Nor have any letters from her been found to show whether she was awestruck or defiant, though correspondence must have passed between wife and husband upon a matter so urgent.

The fateful northern journey took place about October 9th. Queen Elizabeth’s summons was dated November 17th, and reached the delinquents within a few days. Lady Lennox, who, in her royal capacity and as mother of the bridegroom, may legally be regarded as the prime offender, followed Lord Shrewsbury’s example of explanation and expostulation. She, too, wrote promptly to Lords Burghley and Leicester:—[29]

“My very good Lord,

“Assuring myself of your friendship I will use but few words at this present, other than to let you understand of my wearisome journey and the heavy burden of the Queen’s Majesty’s displeasure, which I know well I have not deserved, together with a letter of small comfort that I received from my Lord of Leicester, which being of your Lordship read, I shall desire to be returned to me again. I also send unto your Lordship, here enclosed, the copy of my letter now sent to my Lord of Leicester; and I beseech you to use your friendship towards me as you see time. Thus with my hearty commendations, I commit you to Almighty God, whom I beseech to send you long life to your heart’s desire. Huntingdon this 3 of December.

“Your Lordship’s assured loving friend, “MARGARET LENNOX.

“To the Right Honourable my very good Lord and friend, the Lord-Treasurer of England.”

It is unfortunate that one of the enclosures, the letter from Leicester, is not to be found, for it would have been interesting to read that gentleman for once in a mood that was not suave and reassuring.

The letter to Leicester gives a graphic description of her uncomfortable journey across flooded country:—[30]

“HUNTINGDON, _December 3, 1574_.

“My very good Lord,—The great unquietness and trouble that I have had with passing these dangerous waters, which hath many times enforced me to leave my way, which hath been some hindrance to me that hitherto I have not answered your Lordship’s letters chiefly on that point wherein your Lordship, with other my friends (as your Lordship says) seems ignorant how to answer for me. And being forced to stay this present Friday in Huntingdon, somewhat to refresh myself, and my overlaboured mules, that are both crooked and lame with their extreme labour by the way, I thought good to lay open to your Lordship, in these few lines, what I have to say for me, touching my going to Rufford to my Lady of Shrewsbury, both being thereunto very earnestly requested, and the place not one mile distant out of my way. Yea, and a much fairer way, as is well to be proved; and my Lady meeting me herself upon the way, I could not refuse, it being near XXX miles from Sheffield. And as it was well known to all the country thereabouts that great provision was there made both for my Lady of Suffolk and me—who friendly brought me on the way to Grantham, and so departed home again, neither she nor I knowing any such thing till the morning after I came to Newark. And so I meant simply and well, so did I least mistrust that my doings should be taken in evil part, for, at my coming from her Majesty, I perceived she misliked of my Lady of Suffolk being at Chatsworth, I asked her Majesty if I were bidden thither, for that had been my wonted way before if I might go. She prayed me not, lest it should be thought I should agree with the Queen of Scots. And I asked her Majesty, if she could think so, for I was made of flesh and blood, and could never forget the murder of my child. And she said, ‘Marry, by her faith she could not think so that ever I could forget it, for if I would I were a devil.’ Now, my Lord, for that hasty marriage of my son, Charles, after that he had entangled himself so that he could have none other, I refer the same to your Lordship’s good consideration, whether it was not most fitly for me to marry them, he being mine only son and comfort that is left me. And your Lordship can bear me witness how desirous I have been to have had a match for him other than this. And the Queen’s Majesty, much to my comfort, to that end gave me good words at my departure.”

There were other letters from her repeating the statements about her careful avoidance of Chatsworth and Sheffield, the helpless position in which she was placed by “the sudden affection” of her son, and begging for the Queen’s compassion “on my widowed estate, being aged and of many cares.”

She reached Court on December 12th, and was accorded such a reception that La Mothe Fénélon thought it worth while to include, in his despatches to France, her fears and apprehensions. He records her dread of her old prison, the Tower, and her hope that she may escape at least that indignity through the influence of good friends. She went meekly to her house at Hackney, with Charles and Elizabeth Lennox, who had scarcely learnt the meaning of the word honeymoon. There the three, forbidden to leave the precincts of the house, spent a joyless Christmas, while, in lieu of a royal festival greeting, Christmas Eve brought them Elizabeth’s orders that they were to have intercourse only with such persons as were named by the Privy Council. Immediately after Christmas the door of the Tower gaped and swallowed the Lennox dowager. To the Tower also, it seems, was sent her confederate. The comments of Bess of Shrewsbury have not been chronicled. But she probably remembered keenly enough the days when as “Sentlow” she had the sense to keep out of any active participation in the marriage of Lady Catherine Grey. Her thoughts in retrospect could not have been very pleasant, and genuine fears for the fate of her young and easily-led daughter must have jostled fears for her own skin.

As for Lady Lennox, her sensations were still more poignant. “Thrice have I been cast into prison,” said she, “not for matters of treason, but for love matters. First, when Thomas Howard, son to Thomas first Duke of Norfolk, was in love with myself; then for the love of Henry Darnley, my son, to Queen Mary of Scotland; and lastly for the love of Charles, my younger son, to Elizabeth Cavendish.”

It was just after Christmas that Lord Shrewsbury again bestirred himself and applied to Burghley, though he ostensibly does it less on behalf of his wife than of Lady Lennox.

“My very good Lord,

“Upon my Lady Lennox’s earnest request, as to your Lordship I am sure shall appear, I have written to my Lords of the Council all I can find out of her behaviour towards this Queen and dealing when she was in these north parts; and if some disallowed of my writing (as I look they will, because they would have it thought that I should have enough to do to answer for myself) let such ...[31] reprove, or find any ...[31] respect to her Majesty in me or my wife is sought for, and then there is some cause to reprehend me, and for them to call out against me as they do. I take that Lady Lennox be a subject in all respects worthy the Queen’s Majesty’s favour, and for the duty I bear to her Majesty I am bound, methinks, to commend her so as I find her; yea, and to intreat you, and all of my Lords of the Council for her, to save her from blemish, if no offence can be found in her towards her Majesty. I do not nor can find the marriage of that Lady’s son to my wife’s daughter can any way be taken with indifferent judgment, be any offence or contemptuous to her Majesty; and then, methinks, that benefit any subject may by law claim might be permitted to any of mine as well. But I must be plain with your Lordship. It is not the marriage matter nor the hatred some bear to my Lady Lennox, my wife, or to me, that makes this great ado and occupies heads with so many devices. It is a greater matter; which I leave to conjecture, not doubting but your Lordship’s wisdom hath foreseen it, and thereof had due consideration, as always you have been most careful for it.

“I have no more to trouble your Lordship withal, but that I would not have her Majesty think, if I could see any cause to imagine any intent of liking or insinuation with this Queen the rather to grow by this marriage, or any other inconvenience might come thereby to her Majesty, that I could or would bear with it, or hide it from her Majesty, for that Lady’s sake, or for my wife, or any other cause else; for besides the faith I bear her Majesty, with a singular love I look not by any means but by her Majesty only to be made better than I am; nor by any change to hold that I have—so take my leave of your Lordship.

“Sheffield Castle (where my charge is safe), the 27th of December, 1574.

“Your Lordship’s assured friend to my power,

“G. SHREWSBURY.”

This letter is dignified, slightly defiant—claiming common justice for his people, as “any subject” may do—and doggedly loyal. He is no opportunist, and for any improvement in his fortunes he looks to Elizabeth only. He has acted whole-heartedly and with a single mind. He has tendered to the Lords of the Council all possible details which would assist in clearing Lady Lennox from imputations in regard to co-operation with Mary of Scotland. He fully recognises that this is the “greater matter” which “occupies heads with so many devices” and wherein lies the crux of the affair. He knew that a long official enquiry was inevitable. This took the form of a special Court under the Earl of Huntingdon, whom Mary of Scots and the Earl alike detested. The choice of him as grand inquisitor must have been the more galling just now, because reports were rife that this rash marriage had finally decided the Queen to supersede Lord Shrewsbury as incapable and unworthy of her reliance. Such rumours were always a part of her policy. She knew perfectly well who was most useful to her, and she was not going to relax her grip upon Shrewsbury, his endurance, his loyalty, his houses, and his income.

Lord Huntingdon’s enquiry went forward, and both ladies were ultimately acquitted of “large treasons.” If the gaoler-soldier Earl did not give his wife a sound verbal drubbing for endangering the peace of his whole house in so gratuitous a fashion it would be strange. From the very first, in spite of his assurances to the Queen, he must have scented his lady’s ambition with regard to any possible semi-royal offspring of the Rufford marriage. The matter weighed on him greatly in after life. One can only assume that his Bess at this period lost her sense of perspective, and that in one sense her noted long-headedness deserted her. The enquiry over, the principal offenders, crushed and humble (Lady Lennox at all events seemed so), retired to their homes. It is mentioned that the royal order giving Lady Shrewsbury her freedom included permission for her to repair to the baths at Buxton, a change of air which must have been extremely salutary after the poor ventilation of the Tower of London, even under the less rigorous conditions accorded to prisoners of quality.

By the middle of May, Lady Lennox was once more at her Hackney house. A visit to Buxton waters for her was out of the question, both as regards policy and expense. At Hackney she rested, very much out of the world and very poor, with her gentle little daughter-in-law and son, who spent the first year of their married life in a tolerably morose atmosphere of suspicion and unpopularity. They had, of course, a few visitors. Gilbert Talbot, who seems always to have been the spokesman of the family, and to have kept in touch with its various members, records the impression made by the Lennoxes on a certain “Mr. Tyndall,” who subsequently carried letters down to Derbyshire to the mother of Elizabeth Lennox:—

“This bearer, Mr. Tyndall, was at Hackney, where he found them there well. And I trust very shortly that the dregs of all misconstruction will be wiped away, that their abode there after this sort will be altered.”

This means that the inmates were socially taboo and were still kept “within bounds.”

In July of the same year there is a most pathetic little letter from the girl-wife Elizabeth, by this time in a fair way to produce an heir for the perishing house of Lennox. She makes no allusion to the fact in this piteous and formal little note to the mother who used her for family purposes much in the same way as she used a stone for the building of her other “workes.” The cause of the displeasure which the writer seeks to disarm is inexplainable. Elizabeth Cavendish was exactly the opposite in character to her mother, or her mother’s eldest daughter Mary, wife of Gilbert Talbot. The latter—of whom more presently—was a hot-tempered, vindictive, energetic creature, with plenty of intelligence. Elizabeth Cavendish was gentle, unassuming, tender-hearted. She would certainly take the line of least resistance. This is the letter:—[32]

“My humble duty remembered: beseeching your L. of your daily blessings: presuming of your motherlike affection towards me your child that trust I have not so evilly deserved as your La. hath made show, by your letters to others, which maketh me doubtful that your La. hath been informed some great untruth of me or else I had well hoped that for some small trifle I should not have continued in your displeasure so long a time. And I might be so bold as to crave at your La. hands that it would please you to extreme[33] such false bruits as your La. hath heard reported of me as lightly as you have done when othere were in the like case, I should think myself much the more bound to your La. I beseech you make my hearty commendations to my aunt. I take my leave in humble wise.

“Hackney, 25th of July.

“Your La. humble and Obedient daughter, “E. LENOX.

“To the right honourable the Countess of Shrewsbury my very good mother.”

At all events, the mother’s displeasure must have melted upon the birth of her Lennox grandchild. Unhappily for the ambitious Bess, this was not a son but a girl, christened Arabella, who was afterwards to play her part in just such a tragi-comedy of ambition, Court pageant, and luckless marriage as befell her grandmother Margaret Lennox, and the Ladies Catherine and Mary Grey. Had the child been a boy Queen Elizabeth might have been less inclined to clemency. Her sex, her helplessness, the poverty of her father’s house, and the dangerous and delicate condition of his health were all inducements to the Queen’s compassion, and also rendered the babe a useful item in the plans of the “Mistress Builder.” Her birth, of course, brought the Shrewsburys into an oddly contradictory relationship towards Mary of Scotland, who always showed the tenderest interest in the child. It must also have assisted to complete the better understanding between Darnley’s mother and widow. Already they had drawn closer in a mutual dread lest, since the assassination of the old Earl of Lennox, the evil practices of the present Regent, Lord Morton, should injure the young James of Scotland. Lady Lennox’s letter to Mary from Hackney, dated November 10th, 1575, makes their reconciliation very clear:—

“It may please your Majesty, I have received your letters and mind both by your letters and otherwise, much to my comfort specially perceiving what jealous natural care your Majesty hath of our sweet and peerless jewel in Scotland. I have been as fearful and as careful as your Majesty of him, so that the wicked governor should not have power to do harm to his person, whom God preserve from his enemies. I beseech your Majesty fear not, but trust in God all shall be well. The treachery of your traitors is evidently no better than before. I shall always play my part to your Majesty’s content so as may tend to both our comforts. And now I must yield your Majesty my most humble thanks for your good remembrance and bounty to our little daughter, her who some day may serve your highness. Almighty God grant unto your Majesty a long and happy life.

“Your Majesty’s most humble and loving mother and aunt, “MARGARET LENNOX.”

The “little daughter” is surely the young Elizabeth Lennox (_née_ Cavendish), who adds this postscript to the letter:—

“I most humbly thank your Majesty that it pleased you to remember me, your poor servant, both with a token and in my La. Gr.’s letter,[34] which is not little to my comfort. I can but wish and pray God for your Majesty’s long and happy estate.... I may do your Majesty better service, which I think long to do, and shall always be as ready thereto as any servant your Majesty hath, according as by duty I am bound. I beseech your highness to pardon these rude lines, and accept the good heart of the writer, who loves and honours your Majesty unfeignedly.

“Your Majesty’s most humble and lowly servant through life,

“E. LENNOX.”

Now the above convincing and pathetic letter of the dowager Lady Lennox, it seems, never reached Mary; but fortunately for Mary’s reputation and as proof of the accord between her and her mother-in-law with regard to the marriage and other matters, has been preserved.

Two years later, 1577, Queen and mother-in-law were toiling to get the Scottish prince away from the “wicked governor,” and Mary says of Lady Lennox, “I praise God that she becomes daily more sensible of the faithlessness and evil intentions of those whom she previously assisted with her name against me.”