Chapter 14

INVESTMENT BANKING

In the economy of nations the encouragement and promotion of saving and the accumulation, distribution, and investment of capital are as essential as the conduct of exchanges, but the performance of these functions has not been segregated and institutionalized to the same extent as has commercial banking. Vast amounts of capital are invested directly by the people to whom it belongs without the aid of middlemen and large amounts are also invested through brokers of one kind and another who can hardly be classed as bankers. The most important types of institutions which have been developed in connection with these functions are savings banks, trust companies, bond houses and investment companies, land banks, and stock exchanges.

_1. Saving and Savings Institutions_

Saving is an individual matter for which the essential conditions are the development of the instinct to make provision against uncertainties of future income and to better the material condition of one's self and family, and a surplus of income above necessary daily expenditures. In order to secure the realization of these conditions to as great an extent as possible, many agencies cooperate in all modern nations, among them savings institutions. Included among these are various forms of provident associations, sometimes independently organized and sometimes connected with other organizations, insurance associations of many kinds, building and loan societies, and savings banks.

The need for savings institutions varies greatly among the different nations and among different classes of people in the same nation. Among people of great wealth the surplus of income above expenditures is so great that large savings can hardly be avoided, and among all the well-to-do classes the margin from which savings are possible is sufficiently large and the desire to save sufficiently great to insure large accumulations of capital. Among these classes there is little or no need for institutions designed primarily for the development of the saving instinct. What they need are institutions for the safe keeping, accumulation, and investment of the savings which they are constantly making. The principal work of savings institutions, therefore, pertains to the classes of people who are not well-to-do and who need encouragement and help in their efforts to improve their material condition, if they are so inclined, and stimulus to make such efforts, if they are not so inclined.

The means available to savings institutions for the accomplishment of these ends are the urging of the importance of saving upon the attention of people who do not adequately appreciate it, the placing at their easy disposal of facilities for making savings when they have the ability and inclination to save, and the application of pressure of various kinds to compel or induce saving.

In the application of these means the methods employed by the various groups of institutions mentioned differ widely and they are efficient in different degrees, partly because they have other objects in view besides the promotion of saving and partly because they deal with different classes of people. Savings banks constitute the only group to which the term bank can properly be applied and consequently the only one to which attention will here be given.

In a book entitled, _Savings and Savings Institutions_, written by Professor Hamilton of Syracuse University, the following definition is given:[Pages 161 and 162.]

Savings banks are institutions established by public authority, or by private persons, in order to encourage habits of saving by affording special security to owners of deposits, and by the payment of interest to the full extent of the net earnings, less whatever reserve the management may deem expedient for a safety fund; and in furtherance of this purpose bank offices are located at places where they are calculated to encourage savings among those persons who most need such encouragement.

Professor Hamilton classifies these institutions as trustee, cooperative, municipal, and postal savings banks. In the first group he places institutions managed by boards of philanthropically inclined persons who serve without pay; in the second, those managed cooperatively by the people who make use of them; in the third, those established and administered by municipalities; and in the fourth, those connected with the post-office departments of governments. The strength of trustee savings banks lies in the comparatively low costs of their administration and in the fact that in their investments they are likely to enjoy the advantages of the judgment and enthusiasm of people skilled in the investment business; that of cooperative savings banks, in their adaptability to the special needs of their constituents and in the education which cooperative administration involves; and that of municipal, and especially of postal savings banks, in their capacity to place their services within the easy reach of all who need them and in the confidence which their public character inspires.

In the investment of the funds intrusted to savings banks, safety and as large returns as are consistent with it, rather than ease of liquidation, are the prime considerations, and hence they usually take the form of high grade investment securities rather than of commercial paper. Their deposits are usually subject to withdrawal only after due notice, and, being savings deposits, their withdrawal usually follows only after the lapse of a considerable period of time.

The purpose of their withdrawal is frequently investment and this is sometimes made through the agency of the bank which held the deposit and may involve merely a transfer of securities.

Outside of the New England and middle states, savings banks were rare in this country previous to the inauguration of our postal savings bank system in 1911. The explanation of this condition is doubtless to be found chiefly in the wide extension of private, state, and national banks, and trust companies, practically all of which conduct savings departments and solicit the patronage of savers. These institutions have coveted this field and have not encouraged the establishment of savings banks. There is reason to believe, however, that they have not worked the field as thoroughly as savings banks would have done and that, on account of the dominance of their other interests, they are not as well fitted as savings banks to work the field thoroughly. Moreover it is probable that they are not able to pay as high a rate on deposits as well conducted savings banks would be able to pay. There seems, therefore, to be room, and probably need, here for the development of savings banks of some at least, if not all, of the types above described.

_2. Trust Companies_

Within a comparatively short period of time the trust company has developed into an institution of prime importance in the United States. In the beginning of its history it was, as its name implies, simply an institution for the administration of trusts of various kinds, such as the execution of wills, the guardianship of minors and other dependent persons, the administration of the estates of persons either unable or unwilling to administer them for themselves, and trusteeship under corporate mortgages, especially those of railroads. In the latter capacity they became mortgagees in trust for bondholders, registering the bonds, collecting the interest as it became due, paying the bonds at maturity, and in case of default taking the legal steps which were necessary for the protection of the bondholders.

The execution of these trusts involved in most cases the custody and investment of funds, so that investment banking became a part of their business almost from the beginning, and, in time, in states in which the laws passed for their regulation did not prevent, they added commercial banking to their other functions. In some cases they have also become promoters of enterprises, taking the initiative in the organization of corporations for various industrial and commercial purposes. In New York City, and in individual cases in some other large cities, the commercial end of the business has become the dominant one; in the former case on account of the ability of these companies, unrestricted by certain laws applying to state and national banks, to offer to commercial customers better terms than their competitors. In most states, however, especially in the large cities in which they chiefly flourish, trust companies have become primarily investment banking institutions, their other functions being carried on as side lines and assuming, of course, in some cases greater importance than in others.

Since they are still in the early stages of their development, the status of trust companies in the banking system of the United States is not yet definitely determined. Legislation concerning them varies considerably in different states, as do also their relations with other banking institutions. The competitive character of these relations has resulted in some cases in legislation which has aimed to differentiate and define the various functions which all these institutions perform, and to prescribe the conditions under which each one or each group must be performed, regardless of the way in which they are combined, and in others, in their practical consolidation with national or state banks, or both, through community of stock ownership, interlocking directorates, etc.

From the point of view of the convenience of the public there are advantages in the combination of all the banking functions in a single institution, and the success of trust companies to some extent has been due to this cause, but they have also profited from the unequal competition which exemption from certain limitations imposed on state and national banks has enabled them to enjoy. The removal of the conditions which result in this unequal competition, a process already in progress and likely to continue to completion, will reveal the strength of the advantages of combination versus specialization of functions. Previous to such a revelation it will be impossible to determine whether or not the trust company form of organization is destined to become the dominant one.

_3. Bond Houses and Investment Companies_

A large part of the business of investment banking in the United States is conducted by corporations and firms organized for the purpose of buying and selling investment securities, especially bonds and mortgages. Rarely, if ever, do these concerns conduct savings accounts. Ordinarily they confine their attention exclusively to the investment end of the business and act in the capacity of jobbers, or brokers, or both.

Within the investment field some of them specialize closely and others deal in a wide range of securities. The specialties most frequently followed are government, state, and municipal bonds, railroad bonds, public service securities, timber bonds, irrigation bonds, and real estate mortgages. Specialization involves the development of expert knowledge of the class of securities dealt in and thus of special serviceableness to both investors and the promoters of the enterprises or the public bodies which issue the securities. These specialists sometimes serve as middlemen between the issuers of securities and other investment banks, as well as between them and the real owners of the capital invested, their expert knowledge being of service to the former as well as the latter.

Until recently there have been few attempts to regulate the operation of these institutions by law, but the fraudulent practices of some of them, and the ignorance and weakness of perhaps the majority of investors, have recently created in some quarters a strong public sentiment in favor of such regulation. In several states legislation has resulted, of which the most noteworthy is the so-called "blue sky laws" of Kansas and some other states.

In details these laws differ widely from one another, but they are alike in that they impose upon some branch of the state government the obligation of supervising both companies which issue securities and those which offer securities for sale. The Kansas law, the first of this kind passed in the United States, has been considered too drastic by most of the companies that have attempted to operate under it, but the Wisconsin law, which went into effect October 1, 1913, is looked upon with more favor.

In formulating these and other laws for the proper regulation of these concerns, it has been found difficult to provide adequate protection to the investing public without unduly hampering the issue and negotiation of securities, but this difficulty should, and in time doubtless will, be overcome. A free and open market for bonds, stocks, and other evidences of indebtedness is essential to freedom of enterprise and mobility of capital, which are in turn essential to the economic prosperity of any country. On the other hand, investors undoubtedly need and deserve the protection of the state against misrepresentation and fraud. It is practically impossible for them in many, perhaps in most, cases to obtain the information necessary for self-protection. The matters and conditions to be dealt with in such legislation are so complex and subject to such frequent change that laws are apt to be imperfect, inefficient, or obstructive. It seems probable that those which do not attempt to be specific and detailed, but give wide powers and discretion to administrative boards or commissions, are most likely to be successful.

_4. Land Banks_

In Europe an important group of institutions has developed for the supplying of agriculture and the building industries with the capital needed in their operations. The greatest number and variety of these are in Germany, in which their development has been continuous since the days of Frederick the Great.

In order to assist in the recuperation of his kingdom from the devastation caused by the Seven Years' War, Frederick caused the land owners of certain provinces to be organized into associations called Landschaften, which were authorized to issue mortgage bonds on the joint security of the lands of all the members of the association in exchange for mortgages on the lands of individual members who needed funds for the improvement of their estates. These mortgages were made payable to the association in the form of small annuities, to which were added the interest paid on the bonds and an increment for the payment of the expenses of the association.

These associations were governed by the members through a general assembly, representative boards, and elected officers, and were supervised by the state and carefully regulated by law. Regulations were carefully worked out pertaining to the ratio that the loan should bear to the value of the estate mortgaged, methods of valuation, ways and means of maintaining an equilibrium between the bonds issued and the mortgages held, the treatment of defaulting members, etc., etc. Machinery for the sale of the mortgage bonds delivered to members was also created, and in some cases later on these sales were made directly by the associations themselves, and cash paid to the maker of the mortgages.

Five of these original Landschaften have continued to the present day, and others modeled after them were subsequently established. In 1909 in all Germany twenty-five were in operation, of which eighteen were in Prussia. The newer ones have not in all respects followed their models. Unlike the original five, membership in them is not limited to the nobility and is not compulsory; the liability of the members for the payment of the bonds issued has in some cases been limited to a percentage of the total; the loans are usually paid in cash; and the bonds are sold directly by the associations; but the principles of mutual liability and mutual control which were basic in the old organizations have not been violated in any case. Both old and new are organized in the interests of borrowers on real estate mortgage security, and aim to secure funds for these on the lowest possible terms and for long periods of time, by making the security offered the lenders greater than any single borrower could supply.

The degree of their success is indicated by the fact that in 1909 the amount of their outstanding mortgage loans amounted to nearly a billion dollars, and that their mortgage bonds rank on the exchanges with Prussian state bonds and have at times outranked them.

Another type of land bank appeared in the early part of the nineteenth century as a result of the movement for the freeing of the serfs and their transformation into freehold peasants. The lands of these cultivators were burdened with a variety of feudal dues and charges which had to be commuted before they could become freeholds. In order to facilitate this process banks were established which assumed the obligations of a peasant towards his feudal superior in return for a mortgage on his holding, repayable with interest in the form of an annuity, and in amount equal to the sum to be paid to the feudal superior for the total extinguishment of all feudal obligations.

Some of these banks were established and administered by states, provinces, and communes, and some by private parties. The public ones obtained the funds they needed partly from subsidies and partly from the sale of guaranteed mortgage bonds and the private ones wholly from the sale of mortgage bonds.

The completion of the work for which these banks were originally established put an end to their development about 1883, but similar institutions have since been established in Prussia to assist colonists in the purchase and equipment of their farms, and in central and western Germany to promote general agricultural and urban real estate operations. The colonists sent into Poland for the Germanization of that province were in this way assisted by the Prussian government, and in some parts of Germany the same means have been employed for the purpose of aiding in the process of breaking up large estates into small holdings, in the construction of dikes, roads, and reservoirs, and in changing the courses of streams.

Next to the Landschaften the most important intermediaries between capitalists and investors in real estate in Germany are the so-called Hypothekenaktienbanken, or joint-stock mortgage banks. These are private corporations, capitalized by the sale of stock shares to the general public, and controlled by their stockholders through directorates, like industrial corporations the world over. Their business is the making of long-period loans on real estate security, and the funds thus employed are obtained by the sale of mortgage bonds secured by the real estate mortgages in which the proceeds are invested and by their own capital, surplus, and other funds.

They differ from the Landschaften in that they are not cooperative or mutual institutions, but strictly business enterprises run in the interests of their stockholders. Their primary aim is to earn dividends rather than to secure the lowest possible loan rates and other favorable terms for borrowers. As a matter of fact they are forced by competition and by the principles of good business to make loans at reasonable rates and on favorable terms regarding repayment and other matters, and they successfully compete with the Landschaften and other cooperative credit institutions of Germany. Their mortgage loans are usually made repayable on the annuity plan, one-half per cent each year being the common rate of payment, and they loan about the same percentage of the value of the lands mortgaged, as do the Landschaften and other land banks, and the rate of interest charged is the market rate, into the determination of which, of course, the competition of all other institutions enter.

While these institutions loan in the aggregate enormous sums on farm property, their chief field of operations is urban real estate, and particularly the industry of residence, or as we would call it in this country, apartment-house construction. It is on this account that the period of their most rapid development coincides with that of the recent rapid industrial and commercial development of Germany, which dates back only to the establishment of the Empire in 1870. Most of them began operations in the decade 1862-1872, but the most rapid growth in the magnitude and scope of their business operations has come in recent years.

In 1899 there were forty institutions of this kind in operation in the German Empire. The number at the present time is probably considerably greater, since for obvious reasons combinations among them are not promoted by the same kind of economic pressure that in recent years has operated so efficiently in Germany in the field of commercial banking.

Two other groups of German institutions merit attention in this connection, namely, the so-called Schulze-Delitzsch and the Raiffeisen Credit Associations.

The Schulze-Delitzsch societies were the direct outcome of the period of dearth and famine through which Germany passed in the years immediately preceding the revolution of 1848. The first one was not a credit association, but a cooperative buying society, organized by a local judge named Schulze for the aid of his needy neighbors of the small trading class in the town of Delitzsch. In 1850 a credit association on the same plan was organized. Others followed, in rapid succession in and after the seventies, until at the present time they are numbered by the thousands and their members by millions, and they are scattered throughout the entire empire.

The principle of their organization is the association of a comparatively small group of neighbors, or of people who know one another well, or who may easily come to know one another well, by each making a contribution to a common fund to be loaned out to individuals on personal security chiefly, and which, together with the credit of the entire group, may be made the basis of security for larger funds to be borrowed on the open market. They are carefully organized on the cooperative principle, each member having an equal voice in a general assembly which chooses a board of directors and a small administrative board, to which is intrusted the actual management and administration of the affairs of the society.

Loans are made to members only, usually for short periods of time, on the personal security of the borrower and of others who are willing to vouch for him, and on the unusually favorable terms which the credit of the entire organization and very low costs of administration render possible. The knowledge which each member has of the character and business methods of his fellow members who borrow, and of the use to which borrowed funds are put, and the stake which each one has in the financial stability and success of the organization, bring the percentage of losses to a very low figure, and make it possible for these societies to grant their members maximum accommodations at minimum prices.

To the funds accumulated from initiation fees, membership dues and the sale of the associations' credit have been added, in constantly increasing amounts in recent years, the savings of the members themselves. Many societies have such an amount of funds intrusted to them in this way that they are not only entirely freed from the necessity of borrowing, but are obliged to seek opportunities for investment outside their own group.

This condition of affairs, in addition to many other common interests, led to the federation of the Schulze-Delitzsch societies into larger groups, and these in turn into state and national associations, through which surplus funds in one could be made to serve the needs of others inadequately supplied, and through which all the societies could be brought into efficient connection with the general money market of the country. For a number of years these federated societies conducted a large central institution, first in Frankfurt and afterwards in Berlin, known as the Deutsche Genossenschaftsbank. In 1904, however, this institution was absorbed by the Dresdener Bank, one of the eight great private banking corporations of Germany, which now serves as the central agency for all these societies.

The membership of these associations is not restricted to any class of persons, and they actually include a very large number of small farmers. An inquiry made in 1885 showed that in 545 of them, with a total membership of 270,808, there were 72,994 farmers, and that one-fifth of the total loans of these associations were made to this class of their members. They must, therefore, be numbered among the land banks of the Empire, or at least among the institutions which are helping to solve the credit problem for the agricultural classes.

The Raiffeisen societies resemble the Schulze-Delitzsch in many particulars and differ from them in others. Like them they are strictly cooperative in character, and, when organized for credit purposes, designed to supply members with loans on the most favorable possible terms. Their development was also due to the hard economic conditions of the period immediately succeeding the revolution in 1848.

They differ from the Schulze-Delitzsch societies chiefly in the following particulars: They charge no initiation fees and do not rely to the same extent on the proceeds of the sale of shares, the amount of which they place at a very low figure, often the lowest permitted by law; they make long-period as well as short-period loans, indeed the former chiefly; they do not pay dividends on their share capital, but instead put all profits into reserve funds or prevent their accumulation by keeping the loan rates low; they exercise more care than do the Schulze-Delitzsch associations to keep their societies small, laying great emphasis upon the importance of personal acquaintance between members and thus upon mutual watchfulness; and, in their origin, they were peasant organizations pure and simple, and hence more strictly land banks.

Their founder, F. W. Raiffeisen, Burgomeister of a small village in Westphalia, Prussia, wanted to rescue the poor peasants of his and other districts from the clutches of the usurers, into whose hands they had fallen and by whom they were being exploited in a most shameful manner. Since it was loans that these people needed and since their cash resources were always very low and in many cases nil, he felt that to require, as a condition of membership, entrance fees and the purchase of one or more shares of stock, however small, would be fatal to the success of his plans. He also firmly believed that in the integrity, industry, frugality, and agricultural skill of these people was the basis for sound credit and that cooperation was a means by which these elements of sound credit could be made available and attractive on the money market. At the beginning, therefore, no entrance fees or share subscriptions were required. Later Prussian law made share subscriptions compulsory and they were, of course, introduced, but they were made so low, and the acquisition of the money for their purchase so easy, that they have not been a serious obstacle.

From the beginning Raiffeisen invited to membership in his societies the well-to-do and substantial people as well as peasants. Of course these people did not require the society for the satisfaction of their own credit needs, but Raiffeisen saw that they would greatly strengthen the credit of the societies and he was able to appeal to them on philanthropic grounds. This class of people have a leading part in the administration of the societies of which they are members and have contributed greatly to their success.

At the outset the Raiffeisen societies had to rely chiefly on borrowing for the acquisition of the capital needed, but with time and success savings deposits, surplus funds accumulated out of profits, and lastly the proceeds of the sale of shares have played an increasing rôle. At the present time many societies are not obliged to borrow at all, and not a few have surplus funds which are placed at the disposition of other societies which are still obliged to borrow.

Like the Schulze-Delitzsch societies the Raiffeisen associations have federated. At present there are thirteen so-called unions, and at the head of all is a central bank with head office at Berlin and branches at Königsberg, Danzig, Breslau, Cassel, Frankfurt, Coblenz, Brunzwick, Strassburg, Nuremberg, Posen, and Ludwigshafen. The central bank is a joint-stock company, organized on the principle of limited liability, the stock of which is owned by the local societies. It formerly had close relations with the Imperial Bank, but is now associated with the so-called Centralgenossenschaftskassa, endowed by the state of Prussia, in such a way that advances and discounts are extended to it on favorable terms.

The Raiffeisen societies rival the Schulze-Delitzsch in the rapidity of their growth and in the rôle they play in the economic life of modern Germany. In 1908 they numbered 5,047, of which 4,340 were credit associations. The collective balance sheets of these societies in 1907 showed 490,734,834 marks assets, 489,234,357 marks liabilities, and a membership of 405,819.

While Germany was the pioneer in the establishment of land credit institutions, and while such institutions have attained a greater variety of form and a higher degree of perfection in that country than in any other, other countries have advanced along similar lines and now have institutions and a fund of experience well worthy of study. The institutions of Germany have in most cases served as models in these other countries, the mortgage banks and the Schulze-Delitzsch and Raiffeisen societies having been most frequently copied. These models have been adapted to foreign conditions and modified in interesting and instructive ways as well as copied without essential change.

Among the mortgage banks developed outside of Germany the Crédit Foncier of France is especially noteworthy. In its organization it was modeled after the Bank of France and is second only to that institution in the magnitude of its operations and the scope of its influence. Its head office is in Paris and it has at least one branch in each department. Its capital stock owned by private parties amounts to about $40,000,000, its surplus to over $4,000,000, its loans secured by mortgage to over $400,000,000, and its total resources to about $1,000,000,000.

Like the German mortgage banks, it secures the greater part of its loan funds through the issue of mortgage bonds and a large percentage of its loans are made on mortgage security for long periods of time and are repayable on the annuity plan. However, it transacts a greater variety of business than does the typical mortgage bank of Germany. It loans on city and farm real estate and to communes, and it transacts a large commercial banking business, though this is distinctly a side issue, incorporated with its other business in order to give profitable employment to funds, sometimes large in amount, which are temporarily on hand awaiting investment.

At various times it has absorbed competing institutions and at times it has established collateral institutions to transact lines of business for which its own constitution and legal limitations did not fit it. Among these the most important are the Crédit Agricole and the Foncier Algierienne. It was obliged ultimately to absorb and liquidate the former, but the latter still flourishes in the colony of Algiers.

Mortgage banks have also gained a footing in most of the other countries of continental Europe. In Italy they passed through a period of storm and stress, owing to their connection with the issue banks of that country and the consequent confusion between commercial and investment banking which resulted, but they have recently been established on an independent basis and are now developing along right lines and with apparent success.

The Schulze-Delitzsch and Raiffeisen societies have been imitated in Austria, Hungary, Belgium, Switzerland, and, to some extent, in France and India. The so-called "Banche Populari" and "Casse Rurali" of Italy are respectively modified forms of these two German types, and rank among the most important means employed in that country for the improvement of the condition of the peasants and small tradesmen. State, provincial, and communal aid for these institutions has been more frequently evoked and more extensively employed outside than inside of Germany, and other important modifications of the German prototypes have been made in Italy and elsewhere.

_5. Stock Exchanges_

An essential part of the machinery of investment banking is the stock exchange. This is a place where the buyers and sellers of securities or their agents regularly meet for the transaction of business. It may be a portion of a street or a market place or a room in a building. A fully equipped modern exchange contains a large room equipped with telegraphic and telephonic communication with the most important parts of the country in which it is located and of the world, with apparatus for registering prices and easily communicating information to its members, and with the offices needed for the accommodation of the clerks and other employees required. Either by posts or in some other manner the precise places in it in which each security or group of securities is to be dealt in is also usually indicated.

The purpose of the stock exchange is to facilitate and to regulate dealings in securities. It facilitates such dealings by providing as nearly perfect means as is possible for putting buyers and sellers into communication with each other, and for collecting and making available to them the information they need. To this end they provide for daily meetings at fixed hours; they make and publish lists of the securities dealt in; they speedily record and, through the telegraph and the telephone, communicate to all quarters of the globe the prices at which securities change hands; and through the meeting room equipped as before described they make it possible for buyers and sellers, no matter where located, to communicate with each other in a very short period to time. They regulate such dealings by establishing and rigidly enforcing rules and regulations for listing, transferring, clearing, and paying for securities and for other matters pertaining to the conduct of their members.

These institutions serve investment banks as well as private investors, constituting the machinery which connects them all. They thus enlarge the area and scope of the markets for securities, and greatly increase the mobility of capital. Without them the surplus savings of one locality would only very slowly and with difficulty find their way to other localities where they are needed, with the result that capital would lie idle or be very inefficiently employed in some places while in others natural and human resources would be undeveloped or very inefficiently developed.

Existing stock exchanges differ considerably in the manner in which they are organized and managed, in methods of doing business, and in the scope of their operations. Some of them are incorporated and others unincorporated; some restrict their membership to a prescribed number, others admit as many as are able and willing to comply with the conditions imposed; some are local in their scope, some national, and others international. In this country all the exchanges deal in local securities chiefly, except the one in New York City, which is national in its scope. The London exchange does a larger business in international securities than any other, but the Paris and Berlin exchanges, as well as those located at the other important European capitals, and the one at New York share in it to a greater or less degree.

Stock exchanges have suffered in reputation, and their real functions and merits have been obscured by the abuses to which they have been subjected. Connected with their legitimate business of facilitating the investment of capital, various forms of speculation have developed which in some cases have degenerated into gambling pure and simple. The better managed ones have striven to rid themselves of these abuses, and in some countries, notably in Germany, legislative bodies have taken a hand. The results, however, have proved only partially successful.

Some forms of speculation are not only legitimate but necessary in modern business life, and these shade into the illegitimate, unnecessary, and positively harmful forms by such short and easy steps as to render it difficult, and perhaps impossible, to draw a line between the two which can serve as a guide for regulations of an administrative or legislative kind.

_6. Some Defects in Our Investment Banking Machinery_

A comparison of our investment banking machinery with that of European countries, especially Germany, reveals important differences. Among these the most notable are the wide use there and the almost complete absence here of the following: (a) the resort to cooperation as a means of revealing and making available the basis for credit of large numbers of people who lack capital but could use it to the advantage of themselves and of the nation; (b) the long-period mortgage loan repayable on the annuity plan and the mortgage bond as a means of accumulating capital for such loans; and (c) the cooperation of the state and other public bodies and of capitalists and philanthropically disposed persons in developing the credit possibilities of the masses and in directing the flow of proper portions of the stream of capital in their direction.

In the development of investment banking institutions in this country, individual initiative prompted by self-interest has been the chief, and except in the case of savings banks, the sole motive force. The result is that most of them have been organized in the interests of lenders rather than borrowers and serve best the purposes of big business and of persons already possessed of large credit by virtue of their wealth or their business reputations. Under these conditions, while enormous amounts of capital in the aggregate have been invested in agriculture and urban real estate, the former has suffered relatively in comparison with transportation, manufacturing, and speculation.

Contributory causes in the development of this situation have been the great need for capital for the development of our transportation system, the stimulation of manufactures by high protective duties, and the enormous area of our public domain which was given or sold to settlers on very easy terms. Inasmuch as our transportation system and our manufacturing industries have now attained a high degree of development, our public domain has been nearly exhausted, and land values and the cost of living are rapidly rising, the needs of agriculture are pushing themselves into the foreground, and we are beginning to look to European experience for suggestions regarding the best methods of diverting to that industry a larger part of our rapidly accumulating capital resources.

There are obvious difficulties in the way of the application of cooperation to the solution of the problem of agricultural credit in this country. In spite of the fact that immigration is constantly bringing to us people from the very foreign countries in which cooperative credit associations flourish, our agricultural population is still dominated by the spirit of individualism which has been and is one of our dominant national traits. Our farmers are also more widely scattered than is the case in Europe, and consequently less closely knit together in social units. Their holdings are also larger, their capital needs greater, and their business instincts more highly developed.

There seems to be no good reason, however, why the joint-stock mortgage bank should not flourish here as well as in Europe. It is a purely private business enterprise of the kind with which we are perfectly familiar. The mortgage bond ought to appeal to our investors, many of whom have exhibited a strong predilection for mortgage security and real estate investments, and long-period mortgage loans, repayable on the annuity plan, would meet the needs of many land purchasers and of people who need to invest considerable sums in drainage, irrigation works, etc., better than our present methods. In most, if not all, of our states, trust companies could develop these new lines of finance without prejudice to the other branches of their business.

The use of state, county, and municipal subsidies or credit in enterprises of this kind is rendered difficult, if not impossible, in this country, by strong prejudice against the use of public funds in private enterprises, and in some states by constitutional prohibitions. This prejudice is based upon unfortunate experiences, and is at least partially justified by the laxness of our administrative methods and the prevalence of graft, which expose us to the danger of the improper use of public funds devoted to enterprises of this kind. There is no reason, however, why our states should not take the initiative in the improvement of our investment banking machinery and why private capitalists and philanthropists should not turn some of their energy into this channel.

Suggestion and leadership are needed in this field quite as much as legislation tending to restrict and regulate the operations of existing institutions.

REFERENCES

The following books are comprehensive in character, treating most of the subjects covered in the foregoing chapters:

MACLEOD, H. D., Theory and Practice of Banking. GILBART, J. W., History and Principles of Banking. BAGEHOT, WALTER, Lombard Street. DUNBAR, CHARLES F., History and Theory of Banking. SCOTT, WM. A., Money and Banking. Rev. Ed. WHITE, HORACE, Money and Banking. FISK, A. K., The Modern Bank.

The subject of clearings and the exchanges are discussed in the following books:

CANNON, J. G., Clearing Houses. CLARE, GEORGE, The A, B, C of the Exchanges. CLARE, GEORGE, A Money Market Primer and Key to the Foreign Exchanges. MARGRAFF, A. W., International Exchange. ESCHER, F., Foreign Exchange.

The following cover the history and present condition of banking in the leading countries:

CONANT, C. A., Modern Banks of Issue. KNOX, J. J., A History of Banking in the United States. SUMNER, WM. G., A History of Banking in the United States, being Vol. I of a History of Banking in all the leading nations. KIRKBRIDE & STERRETT, J. E., The Modern Trust Company, Its Functions and Organization. BRECKENRIDGE, R. M., The History of Banking in Canada. LAUGHLIN, J. L., Editor, Banking Reform. JOHNSON, J. F., The Canadian Banking System. WITHERS, HARTLEY, PALGRAVE, R. H., and others, The English Banking System. LIESSE, A., Evolution of Credit and Banks in France. NATIONAL MONETARY COMMISSION, The Reichsbank, 1876-1900. RIESSER, J., The German Great Banks and Their Concentration.

On investment banking see:

WOLFF, H., People's Banks. PETERS, E. E., Co-operative Credit Associations. HAMILTON, J. H., Saving and Savings Institutions. PRATT, S. S., The Work of Wall Street. CONANT, C. A., Wall Street and the Country.

INDEX

"Acceptance" credit and lines, 103

Accommodation loans, 12, 13

Accounts overdrawn, 16

Agriculture, capital for, 168; individualism in, 168

Assets, prior lien on, 56; special, 57

Balances, 16, 17, 23, 28

Banche Populari, 162

Bank of England, 104-111

Bank reserves, 35-40

Bank of France, 111-119

Banker's banks, 9; bills, 33, 34; most valuable assets, 61; making loans, 86

Banking, act, 54, 78; adequacy and economy of service, 62, 66; branch, 64, 65; business, 9; commercial, nature and operation of, 11-67; commercial in the United States, 68-100; commercial in other countries, 101-135; Canadian, 126-135; defects and reforms in banking systems, 97-100; English, 104-111; French, 111-119; functions in single institutions, 144; German, 119-126; incorporation, 66; investment, 136-170; Kansas "blue sky laws," 146; problems of commercial, 35; reserve, 78; services rendered by, 1-3; Wisconsin regulations, 146; local, 62, 63

Bank notes, see _notes_

Banks, bond houses, 6; Canadian, 126-135; central of Europe, 101; central reserve, 78; classified, 6; classification of national, 54; collections, 22; commercial, 6, 7; cooperative, 139; correspondent, 24, 25; England, bank of, 104-111; European land banks, 147-163; European central, 9; federal, 8; federal reserve, 98-100; France, bank of, 111-119; French land, 160-163; functions of, 4; German Imperial, 119-123; German land, 147-163; incorporated, 7; inspection of, 59; interest charges, 14; investment, 6, 7; Italian land, 160-163; joint stock, 7; land, 6; loan-making, 86; municipal, 139; national, 8, 70-75; note issue privileges, 37, 38; of issue, 20, 21; postal saving, 139; private, 7; protection against unsound practices of, 46-62; real estate, 6, 52; savings, 6, 136-141; services rendered by, 1-3; state, 9, 68-70; supply currency, 22; trustee, 139

Berlin stock exchange, 165

Bills of exchange, 12, 17; documented, 42

"Blue sky laws" of Kansas, 146

Bond houses, 144-147

Bonds, government, 96, 97; mortgage, 148, 150, 169

Bonds and stocks, not liquid securities, 53

Book accounts, 12

Branch banking, 62, 64, 65

Bullion, 81, 82; in Canada, 132; in England, 105; in France, 113; in Germany, 122

Buying and selling on time, 11, 12

Cables in foreign exchange, 33

Canadian banking system, 126-135

Capital and surplus requirements for banks, 46-48; stock, 47, 48

Cash, supply of, 35-40; demands on banks, 55; resources, 29

Casse Rurali, 162

Central banks of Europe, 8, 9, 65, 101; England, 104-111; France, 111-119; German, 119-123

Charters, 8; special, 66, 67

Checking accounts, 15, 20, 21, 24, 35

Checks, 15, 16, 21-24; abroad, 36

Chicago, clearing center, 24; central reserve banks, 78

Clearing house, 22-24; center in New York, 80

Coin, 21; and bank reserves, 38; in England, 109; in France, 117; in Germany, 121, 122; standard and subsidiary, 21; supply, 40

Collections, 22, 25

Commercial banking, collections, 22; currency, 21, 22; domestic exchange, 25; nature and operations of, 11-67; other countries, 101-135; problems of, 35; promissory notes, 19; protection against unsound practices of, 46-62; savings accounts, 44; in the United States, 68-100

Commercial paper, 11-14; discount of, 14, 15, 17; and investment paper, 41, 42; liquid security, 53; market for, 100

Competition in banking, 83

Comptoir d'Escompte de Paris, 115, 116

Conflict of functions and laws, 82

Cooperative banks, 139

Correspondent banks, 24, 25

Credit "acceptance" line, 103; balance, 16, 18-20, 23, 25; cooperation in, 166-168; department in banks, 43, 86; inflation of, 87; "line" of, 16, 85, 86; subsidies, state, county, and municipal, 169; system, 11-13

Credits, forced liquidation of, 49

Crédit Agricole, 162; Foncier, 113; Industrielle et Commercial, 115, 116; Lyonnais, 115, 116

Crisis, commercial, 19, 31, 88

Currency, 21, 22; lack of elasticity, 95-97

Debt paying, 13, 14

Debits, 15-18

Demand in foreign exchange, 33, 34

Deposits, 2-4

Depositors, mutual insurance of, 60-62

Discount, defined, 14; loans and discounts, selection of, 40-43; loans and rates, 44; operation of, 13; rate, Canadian, 128, 129; bank of England, 108; bank of France, 113; reserve system, 95, 97; stopped, 30

Discounted paper, 14, 15, 17-19, 55

Documented bill of exchange, 42

Domestic exchange, 25

Drafts, 16, 27, 28; foreign payments, 31

England, bank of, 9, 104-111; banking system, 104-111; foreign and colonial, 108; joint stock banks, 106; metropolitan, 107; private, 108; provincial, 107; reserve system, 108

Europe, commercial banking in, 101-126; central banks of, 101-126; land banks, 147-163

European investment banking machinery, 166

Exchange operations, 11-13; checks, 22-24; domestic, 25-31; foreign, 31-34

Federal Reserve Banks, 98-100; Federal Reserve Board, 99, 100

Foncier Algierienne, 162

Foreign exchange, 31-34; _par of_, 31, 32; classes of bills used, 33

France, bank of, 9, 111-115

French banking system, 111-119

German banking system, 119-126; hypothekenaktienbanken, 151, 152; investment banking machinery, 166; land and mortgage banks, 147-161; landschaften, 147-149; Schulze-Delitzsch, 153-162; Raiffeisen, 156-162

Germany, bank of, 9, 119-123

Gold element of currency, 5, 96; points, 32, 33; and silver coin in England, 105, 106; in France, 113; Canada, 133

Incorporation, 7; should be required, 66

Independent treasury system, 75-78

Inflation, 49-53, 56-59; of credit, 87

Inspection of banks, 59, 60

Insurance, mutual of depositors, 60, 62

Investment, banking, 136-170; commercial paper, 41, 42; confined to liquid securities, 52; defects in machinery, 166; improvement of machinery, 170; paper, 18, 35, 41, 55; of surplus funds, 3

Italy, land banks, 162, 163

Joint-stock mortgage banks, 169; English joint-stock banks, 106; German, 151-159

Kansas "blue sky laws," 146

Land banks, 147-163

Letters of credit, 21

"Line" of credit, 16, 85, 86

Liquidation, forced, 19, 88; of credits, 49, 50; protection against, 52

Liquid securities, 53

Loan operations, 85-88

Loans, 2, 3, 15, 86; and discounts, selection of, 40-43; Canadian system, 128, 129; fluctuations, 97; German land bank, 147-162; in the interest of big business, 167; limits to, 52, 55; long-term, 2; pernicious practice of national banks, 83; and reserve system, 95; short term, 2

Local banking, 62, 63

London stock exchange, 165

Mints, 5

Monetary commission, 97, 98

Money of the United States, 95

Mortgage banks, 169; France, 160-162; Germany, 148-163; Italy, 162; mortgage bonds, 169; mortgage loans, long period, 167

Municipal banks, 139

National banks, 8, 9, 54, 70-75, 80, 82; federal reserve, 98, 99; money in vaults, 91; notes, 96; pernicious loan practices, 83; subscribed to federal reserve banks, 98

National Reserve Association, 98

New York City, assay office, 81; central reserve bank, 78; clearing center, 24, 80, 81; stock exchange, 81, 82, 92, 165

Notes, bank, 19-21; central banks of Europe and supply of, 102; Canadian, 126-133; bank of England, 105; of France, 117, 118; of Germany, 121; issue of, 19-21; issue privileges, 37, 38; government, 39; limitation of issue, 58; promissory notes, 43; regulations regarding, 52; safeguarding issue, 56; volume of United States, 96

Oklahoma, mutual insurance plan, 60

Overdrafts, 16

"Panicky" conditions and feeling, 94, 95, 97

Par of exchange, 31, 32

Paris stock exchange, 165

Passbook, 15, 16

Postal savings banks, 139, 141

Promissory notes, 12, 14, 19-22, 43

Prior lien, on assets, 56, 58

Protection against unsound practices of banks, 46-52; 59-61

Publicity, a safeguard, 59

Rate of discount, law in France, 118; of exchange, 26, 27

Rates, 44-46; raising on loans and discounts, 29

Real estate and banks, 52

Reserve banks, Federal, 98-100; central reserve, 78; cities, 24, 78

Reserves, administration of funds, 100; bank, 35; English system, 108-110; in national banks, 73; operations of system, 91-94; regulations regarding, 52, 54; secondary, 35-40; in state banks, 69; in country banks, 73

Safety, in savings banks, 140; fund, 56, 57

Savings banks, 6, 9; defined, 139

Saving and saving institutions, 136-141

Secretary of the Treasury and surplus funds, 88-90

Securities, dealings in the stock exchange, 163, 164

Security, liquid, 53

Silver dollars, 96

Sixty-day bills in foreign exchange, 33, 34

Société Algerienne, 114

Société Generale, 115, 116

State banks, 9, 68-70, 79, 82; and Federal reserve, 99

St. Louis, central reserve bank, 78; clearing center, 24

Stock exchanges, 163-166

Stockholders, liability of, 46-48

Surplus, 17, 47

Trade or mercantile bills, 34

Treasury of the United States, 75-78; operations, 88-90

Trust companies, 9, 141-144

Trustee banks, 139

United States, notes, volume of, 96; subtreasury, 80, 81; treasury, 75-78

Units of value and foreign exchange, 31

Vouchers, 23

Wisconsin, regulation laws, 146

The National Social Science Series

_Edited by Frank L. McVey, Ph.D., LL.D.,_ _President of the_ _University of North Dakota_

Now Ready

MONEY. WILLIAM A. SCOTT, Director of the Course in Commerce, and Professor of Political Economy, University of Wisconsin

TAXATION. C. B. FILLEBROWN, President Massachusetts Single Tax League, Author of _A B C of Taxation_

THE FAMILY AND SOCIETY. JOHN M. GILLETTE, Professor of Sociology, University of North Dakota

BANKING. WILLIAM A. SCOTT

In Preparation

THE CITY. HENRY C. WRIGHT

TRUSTS AND COMPETITION. JOHN F. CROWELL

THE COST OF LIVING. WALTER E. CLARK

STATISTICS. W. B. BAILEY

BASIS OF COMMERCE. E. V. ROBINSON

PUBLIC FINANCE. CARL C. PLEHN

Each, Fifty Cents Net

A. C. McCLURG & CO., PUBLISHERS, CHICAGO