Part 7

[94] Paraphrased and amplified from the _Chronicle_.

[95] A tributary of the Nadder, which it joins near Wilton.

[96] Or, perhaps, ‘fewness,’ reading _paucitatem_ for _peraudacitatem_ (Stevenson).

[97] Mostly from the _Chronicle_.

[98] From the _Chronicle_.

[99] Chiefly from the _Chronicle_.

[100] In Derbyshire.

[101] Among the Germans there were Colonies (_Scholæ_) of the Frisians, Franks, and Lombards, as well as of the Saxons.

[102] Now Santo Spirito in Sassia, near the Vatican.

[103] From the _Chronicle_.

[104] The valley of the Clyde.

[105] Here spelled Gothrum.

[106] From the _Chronicle_.

[107] Chiefly from the _Chronicle_.

[108] In Dorsetshire.

[109] Dorchester.

[110] For the usual Dornsæte.

[111] Here the _Chronicle_ has ‘on the holy arm-ring,’ on which the Danes, it would seem, were accustomed to swear.

[112] Here the _Chronicle_ has: ‘They, the mounted army, stole away from the fierd [the English forces] in the night into Exeter.’ This, of course, is the true account, while the statement in Asser is incredible.

[113] Exe.

[114] From the _Chronicle_.

[115] See chap. 46.

[116] Largely from the _Chronicle_.

[117] At this point Archbishop Parker interpolated, from the _Annals of St. Neots_, the story of Alfred and the cakes. This story, however, cannot be proved to antedate the Norman Conquest.

[118] The first clause from the _Chronicle_; the rest original.

[119] Name unknown.

[120] Hingwar.

[121] Or South Wales. See chap. 80.

[122] Site unknown.

[123] Mostly from the _Chronicle_.

[124] In Somersetshire.

[125] Unknown.

[126] Or perhaps better, Iglea; see Stevenson’s note on the word, p. 270 of his edition. He says: ‘It is probably an older name of Southleigh Wood, or of part of it.’

[127] Based upon the _Chronicle_.

[128] In Wiltshire.

[129] Supplied by Stevenson from the _Chronicle_.

[130] Properly, as one of thirty, according to the _Chronicle_.

[131] Chrism is the term employed for the mixture of oil and balsam employed in the rite of confirmation, and sometimes for the ceremony of confirmation itself. In the early church, this ceremony immediately followed baptism, and was performed by the laying on of hands. In the Roman church it is obligatory on all Catholics, and no baptism is theoretically complete without it. It is performed by a bishop (only exceptionally by a priest). The ceremony begins with the bishop’s rising and facing the person or persons to be confirmed, his pastoral staff in his hand, and saying: ‘May the Holy Ghost come upon you, and the power of the Holy Ghost keep you from sins’ (_Handbook to Christian and Ecclesiastical Rome: Liturgy in Rome_, London, 1897, pp. 169–171). The rite is described in Egbert’s _Pontifical_, which may be taken as representing the custom in the church of Alfred’s time. Lingard says (_Anglo-Saxon Church_, London, 1858, 1. 297): ‘According to that pontifical, the bishop prayed thus: “Almighty and Everlasting God, who hast granted to this thy servant to be born again of water and the Holy Ghost, and hast given to him remission of his sins, send down upon him thy sevenfold Holy Spirit, the Paraclete from heaven, Amen. Give to him the spirit of wisdom and understanding, Amen--the spirit of counsel and fortitude, Amen--the spirit of knowledge and piety, Amen. Fill him with the spirit of the fear of God and our Lord Jesus Christ, and mercifully sign him with the sign of the holy cross for life eternal.” The bishop then marked his forehead with chrism, and proceeded thus: “Receive this sign of the holy cross with the chrism of salvation in Christ Jesus unto life eternal.” The head was then bound with a fillet of new linen to be worn seven days, and the bishop resumed: “O God, who didst give thy Holy Spirit to thine apostles, that by them and their successors he might be given to the rest of the faithful, look down on the ministry of our lowliness, and grant that into the heart of him whose forehead we have this day anointed, and confirmed with the sign of the cross, thy Holy Spirit may descend; and that, dwelling therein, he may make it the temple of his glory, through Christ our Lord.” The confirmed then received the episcopal blessing, and communicated during the mass.’

The chrism-loosing was the ceremony of unbinding the fillet, apparently.

[132] MS. _ædificia_; Stevenson, _beneficia_.

[133] Chiefly from the _Chronicle_.

[134] Gloucester, Worcester, etc.

[135] Mostly from the _Chronicle_.

[136] Mostly from the _Chronicle_.

[137] See Stevenson’s interesting note.

[138] From the _Chronicle_.

[139] _Ibid._

[140] _Ibid._

[141] _Ibid._

[142] Mostly from the _Chronicle_.

[143] Largely from the _Chronicle_.

[144] Mostly from the _Chronicle_.

[145] Cf. chap. 60.

[146] The MS. has _dormiret_, but perhaps for _domum iret_, since the _Chronicle_ has _hāmweard wendon_ (Stevenson); so perhaps we should read ‘was on its way home.’

[147] Chiefly from the _Chronicle_.

[148] Louis the Stammerer.

[149] Cf. chap. 59.

[150] Charles the Bald.

[151] Cf. chaps. 11 and 13.

[152] From the _Chronicle_.

[153] From Duisburg, about January, 884 (Stevenson).

[154] There was a battle in Frisia, about December, 884, and a later one in Saxony (Stevenson).

[155] Mainly from the _Chronicle_.

[156] The North Sea.

[157] Brittany.

[158] Louis the German.

[159] Louis the Pious.

[160] Mainly from the _Chronicle_.

[161] From the _Chronicle_.

[162] Based upon the preface to Eginhard’s _Life of Charlemagne_.

[163] See chap. 21.

[164] Original.

[165] Perhaps the hemorrhoids.

[166] Interpolated some time between 893 and 1000 A.D.

[167] In Alfred’s prayer at the end of his translation of Boethius, one of the petitions is: ‘Deliver me from foul lust and from all unrighteousness.’

[168] Original.

[169] This is the beginning of a corrupt sentence, of which nothing has been made.

[170] MS. _Eadredo_.

[171] See Appendix I, p. 70.

[172] See chaps. 24 and 88.

[173] Original.

[174] Cf. Alfred’s jewel, and the book upon it by Professor Earle.

[175] See chaps. 23 and 75.

[176] Our first accounts of Arctic exploration are from his pen. For his interest in geographical discovery see the narratives of Ohthere and Wulfstan, in his translation of Orosius. In 897, according to the _Chronicle_, he was experimenting with new war-galleys: ‘They were almost twice as long as the others. Some had sixty oars, some more. They were swifter, steadier, and higher than the others, and were built, not on a Frisian or Danish model, but according to his personal notions of their utility.’

[177] There were Frisians in his fleet in 897 (_Chronicle_).

[178] Northmen; such were Ohthere and Wulfstan (see note 1, above).

[179] Three such came to him in 891 (_Chronicle_).

[180] MS. _Armorici_. See chap. 102.

[181] Or, ‘degrees’; cf. p. 60.

[182] See chap. 101.

[183] Matt. 6. 33.

[184] Ps. 85. 8.

[185] Cf. chap. 88; Stevenson gives a number of parallels from ancient and mediæval authors, beginning with Lucretius (3. 9) and Seneca (_Epist._ 84.3).

[186] Cf. chap. 24.

[187] Original.

[188] See Appendix I, p. 69. In Alfred’s will he gives Werfrith (Wærferth) a hundred marks.

[189] See Appendix I, p. 71.

[190] Perhaps Bishop of Ramsbury (909 A.D.). The later MSS. of the _Chronicle_ say, under the year 883: ‘And in the same year Sighelm and Æthelstan took to Rome the alms that King Alfred sent, and also to India to St. Thomas’ and St. Bartholomew’s.’

[191] Or, ‘chaplains.’ See p. 61, note 6.

[192] Original.

[193] Probably from the monastery of St. Bertin, at St. Omer (Pas-de-Calais). See Appendix I, p. 71, and Appendix II, pp. 75 ff.

[194] Cf. chap. 94, and Appendix I, p. 71.

[195] Original.

[196] Perhaps Dean, near Eastbourne, in Sussex.

[197] Five miles southwest of Chepstow. ‘There was an abbey there, where a traveling ecclesiastic would be likely to stay, and it was on the great Roman road to South Wales, by which a traveler from Wessex to St. Davids would proceed’ (Stevenson).

[198] The MS. seems to be corrupt at this point, so that what I have given is a loose conjectural rendering of the Latin: ... _et illa adjuvaretur per rudimenta Sancti Dequi in omni causa, tamen pro viribus_.

[199] Original.

[200] Pembrokeshire and part of Carmarthenshire.

[201] ‘Rhodri Mawr (the Great), King of Gwyneth, who acquired the rule of the whole of North and Mid-Wales and Cardigan’ (Stevenson).

[202] Old name of Glamorgan and part of Monmouthshire.

[203] In Monmouthshire.

[204] Alfred.

[205] See chaps. 8 and 56.

[206] Original.

[207] Perhaps Landford in Wiltshire.

[208] In Alfred’s Preface to his translation of Boethius we are told: ‘[He made this translation as well as he could], considering the various and manifold worldly cares that oft troubled him both in mind and body.’ The similarity of phrase is striking.

[209] Both in Somersetshire; these monasteries are otherwise unknown.

[210] Largely from the _Chronicle_.

[211] Largely from the _Chronicle_.

[212] Namely, Alfred.

[213] A mistranslation from the _Chronicle_; it should read, ‘were not in captivity,’ etc.

[214] Here follows Camden’s famous (forged?) interpolation about Grimbald and Oxford.

[215] Much expanded from the _Chronicle_.

[216] From the _Chronicle_.

[217] Charles the Fat.

[218] Burgundy.

[219] Chiefly from the _Chronicle_.

[220] Cf. chap. 84.

[221] Original.

[222] Original.

[223] Cf. chap. 24.

[224] Author unknown.

[225] Cf. chap. 76.

[226] Original.

[227] Luke 23. 42.

[228] The following phrases, introduced at this point, seem to be corrupt: _Hic aut aliter, quamvis dissimili modo, in regia potestate._

[229] November 11.

[230] Alfred calls the passages which he translated from St. Augustine’s _Soliloquies_ by the name of ‘flowers’ or ‘blossoms’ (_blōstman_). See Hargrove’s edition (_Yale Studies in English_ XIII), and his version into modern English (_Yale Studies in English_ XXII).

[231] The application of the word to a work of St. Augustine’s gave it great currency in the Frankish Latin of the period.

[232] The Handbook seems to have been known to William of Malmesbury (d. 1143); cf. his _Gesta Pontificum_, pp. 333, 336.

[233] Original.

[234] Unknown.

[235] Cf. note 5, chap. 80.

[236] ... _unicuique ubicumque male habet_.

[237] Original.

[238] Cf. chap. 74.

[239] MS. corrupt: _De cotidiana nationum_.

[240] This makes no sense; yet the Latin is: _quæ in Tyrreno mari usque ultimum Hiberniæ finem habitant_.

[241] Cf. chap. 70.

[242] Perhaps Elias III, patriarch from about 879 to 907; the MS. reads _Abel_. Stevenson’s emendation is supported by the fact that certain medical recipes are related to have been sent to Alfred by the patriarch Elias (Cockayne, _Leechdoms_ 2. 290).

[243] Stevenson says: ‘Possibly he intended to refer to the use of the precious metals in sacred edifices. We are told, on the doubtful authority of William of Malmesbury, that King Ine built a chapel of gold and silver at Glastonbury. A ninth-century writer records that Ansegis, abbot of Fontenelle, 806–833, partly decorated a spire of the abbey with gilt metal, and another writer of that period mentions the golden doors of the “basilica” of St. Alban in his description of the imperial palace at Ingelheim. Giraldus Cambrensis ascribes the use of golden roofs or roof-crests to the Romans at Caerleon-on-Usk. The idea that a king’s palace ought to be decorated with the precious metals is probably an outcome of the late Roman rhetoric and Byzantine magnificence.’

[244] The early part of the sentence is corrupt in the MS.

[245] The figure is found as early as Sophocles and Aristophanes.

[246] Original.

[247] This corresponds to the OE. _sāwle þearf_.

[248] The Latin has: _inter cetera diuturna et nocturna bona_. Stevenson does not emend, but it seems as though we should read _diurna_. Compare, for example, in Stevenson’s edition, =78.= 14, 35, 39; =99.= 10; =100.= 11; =103.= 9.

[249] Cf. chap. 55. The second monastery was for nuns, and at Shaftesbury; see chap. 98.

[250] Original.

[251] Original.

[252] Cf. chap. 78.

[253] Cf. chap. 78.

[254] Original.

[255] Supplied by Stevenson.

[256] Original.

[257] Matt. 27. 64.

[258] Original.

[259] Original.

[260] Cf. chap. 92.

[261] Original.

[262] This passage is somewhat corrupt.

[263] Gen. 4. 7, in the old Latin version, following the Septuagint.

[264] Prov. 21. 1.

[265] Original.

[266] Cf. the _Chronicle_ under 894: ‘The King had divided his forces into two, so that one half was constantly at home, the other half in the field.’

[267] Original.

[268] Or, ‘rank’ (_dignitatem_), as in line 3 of the chapter.

[269] 2 Cor. 9. 7.

[270] Original.

[271] Incorrectly quoted from the _Pastoral Care_ 3. 20: ‘Ne quædam quibus nulla, ne nulla quibus quædam, ne multa quibus pauca, ne pauca præbeant quibus impendere multa debuerunt.’

[272] See chaps. 75 and 76.

[273] See chaps. 74 and 81.

[274] See chaps. 78 and 94.

[275] Original.

[276] Not from the Bible, but from St. Augustine’s _Enchiridion de Fide_, chap. 20: ‘Qui enim vult ordinate dare eleemosynam, a se ipso debet incipere.’

[277] Reading _divitiis_ for the _divinis_ of the text.

[278] Cf. chap. 99.

[279] Original.

[280] Or, ‘chaplains.’ See p. 41, note 5.

[281] ‘As these six candles weighed 72 pennyweights, each one was of the weight of 12d. The weight of the OE. penny was 22½ Troy grains, so that each candle would weigh roughly ⅝ oz. avoirdupois. As the candles were twelve inches long, they would be very thin in proportion to their length. A modern beeswax candle burns at a considerably quicker rate than is here assumed, but we do not think this condemns the figures given in this chapter as imaginary. The candle of Alfred’s time was probably not moulded, and the wick would not be made of cotton, as in the modern ones. Rushes, tow, and the hards of flax were used for wicks. Aldhelm refers to the use of linen or flax wicks, but also to those made of rushes. It is therefore hardly possible to reproduce the candles used by Alfred for the purpose of testing this chapter’ (Stevenson).

[282] Reading _fenestras_ for the _fenestrarum_ of the text.

[283] Meanings doubtful.

[284] ‘Ducange objected that horn lanterns were known to the Greeks and Romans long before Alfred’s time. But the passages adduced by Salmasius, to whom he refers, and such others as we have been able to gather, do not clearly describe a horn lantern lit by a candle, but rather screens formed of horn to place round oil lamps. It is possible, therefore, that Alfred may really be the inventor of the horn lantern as we know it. The door in the side, which would be rendered necessary by the change of the candles every four hours, is here described, and seems to be a new feature’ (Stevenson).

[285] Original.

[286] The name of the diocese and of the bishop of course varied in the different copies.

[287] Cf. p. 11, note 2.

[288] The books.

[289] From Rev. Joseph Stevenson’s translation of _The Book of Hyde_, in _Church Historians of England_ (London, 1854), Vol. 2, Part 2, pp. 499–503. The translator states that the text of the letter printed by Wise in his edition of Asser (see Stevenson’s edition of Asser, p. 308) ‘has been employed in correcting the many obscurities and errors of the copy inserted in the _Liber de Hida_.’ Of the letter our editor says: ‘It ... seems to be genuine. There is no conceivable motive for forging such a letter. We can discover no grounds for Pauli’s condemnation of it.... As Malmesbury, _Gesta Regum_, c. 122 (p. 130), states that Grimbald was sent to Alfred at his request by the Archbishop of Rheims, he would seem to have been acquainted with this letter.’

INDEX

[The numbers refer to pages.]

Aclea, 4

Adam, 2

Æglea, 78

Ælfthryth, 37, 38

Ælla, 16

Æthelbald, 4, 6, 7, 11, 12

Æthelbert, 12, 13

Æthelflæd, 37

Æthelgivu, 37, 58

Æthelhelm, 48

Æthelred (King of Wessex), 13, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22

Æthelred (Alfred’s father-in-law), 17

Æthelred (Alfred’s son-in-law), 37, 44, 45, 47

Æthelstan (under-king of Kent), 4

Æthelstan (priest), 41

Æthelward, 37

Æthelwulf (King of Wessex), 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 33

Æthelwulf (Ealdorman of Berkshire), 12, 19

Alemanni, 34

Alfred, 1, _and passim_

Aller, 29

Anarawd, 45

Angles, 19, 47, 72. _See also_ East Angles

Anglo-Saxons, 1, 8, 13, 31, 32, 34, 35, 47, 48. _See also_ East Saxons, Saxons, South Saxons, West Saxons

Anwind, 25

Armorica, 34. _See also_ Brittany

Arnolf, 47, 48

Ashdown, 20, 22

Ash’s Hill, 20

Asser, 1, [8, 10, 13–15, 17, 20, 21, 27, 34, 35, 42–46, 48, 49, 51, 52], 71

Athelney, 28, 29, 54

Augustine, 73

Avon, 26

Bagsecg, 22

Banwell, 46

Barnabas, 73

Basing, 22

Beaw, 2

Bedwig, 2

Beldeag, 2

Beorhtric, 8, 9

Beorhtwulf, 3

Berengar, 48

Berkshire, 1, 12, 19

Berroc Wood, 1

Brecknock, 44

Bretons, 39

Britain, 1, 13, 26, 31, 32

British, 3

Brittany, 60. _See also_ Armorica

Brockmail, 44

Brond, 2

Burgred, 4, 5, 18, 24

Cærwent, 43

Cairceri, 30

Cairwisc, 26

Cambridge, 25

Canterbury, 3, 18, 41

Carloman, 33

Ceawlin, 1

Ceolnoth, 18

Ceolwald, 1

Ceolwulf, 25, 26

Ceorl, 3

Cerdic, 1, 3

Charlemagne, Charles (the Great), 9, 34

Charles (the Bald), 6, 11, 33, 34, 67

Charles (the Fat), 47, 48

Charles (son of Louis the German), 34

Chézy, 47, 48

Chippenham, 5, 26, 30

Cirencester, 30, 31

Cœnred, 1

Coit Maur, 28

Condé, 32

Congresbury, 46

Cornwall, 35, 46, 60

Creoda, 1

Cutha, 1

Cuthwine, 1

Cynric, 1, 3

Cynwit, 27

Danes, [3–5, 12, 13, 15–34, 39, 46, 47, 55]

Danube, 13

David, 2

Dene, 42, 62

Devon, 3, 27

Dorubernia, 3

Durugueir, 25

Dyfed, 27, 44

Eadburh, 8, 9, 17

Eafa, 1

Eald-Seaxum, 33

Ealhere, 4, 5

Ealhmund, 1

Ealhstan, 6, 17

Eanwulf, 6

East Angles, 18

East Anglia, 13, 16, 18, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34

East Frankland, 31, 32. _See also_ Frankland

East Saxons, 13. _See also_ Anglo-Saxons, Saxons, South Saxons, West Saxons

Edington, 28

Edmund, 18

Edward, 37, 38

Egbert, 1

Egbert’s Stone, 28

Elesa, 1

Elias, 52

England, 69, 70

Englefield, 19

English, 19, 69, 70, 71

Enoch, 2

Enosh, 2

Eoppa, 1

Esla, 1

Essex, 3

Exanceastre, 26

Exeter, 26, 46

Fernmail, 44

Finn, 2

Fræna, 22

Frankland, 31, 32, 60. _See also_ East Frankland

Franks, 6, 7, 9, 11, 31, 33, 34, 39, 47, 68, 72, 73, 77. _See also_ West Franks

Frealaf, 2

Freawine, 1

Freothegar, 1

Frisians, 33, 39

Frithowald, 2

Frithuwulf, 2

Froom, 25

Fulco, 72

Fulham, 31

Gaini, 17

Gallic, 55, 56

Gaul, 26, 28, 42, 60, 74

Gauls, 34, 39, 56

Geata, 2

Germanic, 8

Germany, 33

Geta, 2

Gewis, 1

Ghent, 31

Glywyssing, 44

Godwulf, 2

Goths, 3

Great Forest, 28

Greeks, 70

Gregory (the Great), 41, 60, 73

Grimbald, 42, 71, 75

Gueriir, 35

Guthrum, 25

Gwent, 44

Halfdene, 25, 26, 27

Hampshire, 12, 28

Harold, 22

Hathra, 2

Hebrew, 70

Hebrews, 40

Helised, 44

Hemeid, 44

Heremod, 2

Hingwar. _See_ Inwar

Howel, 44

Huda, 5

Humber, 16, 69

Hwala, 2

Hwicce, 31

Ine, 1

Ingild, 1

Inwar, 27

Ireland, 52, 61

Irish, 39

Itermod, 2

James (the apostle), 73

Jared, 2

Jerusalem, 52

Jews, 56, 57

John (the Old Saxon), 42, 55, 56, 57, 71

Judith, 6, 7, 11, 33, 34, 35

Jutes, 3

Kenan, 2

Kennet, 19

Kent, 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 32

Lamech, 2

Latin, 17, 19, 26, 28, 37, 69, 70, 71

Leo (IV), 5

Leonaford, 45

Lindsey, 24

Lombardy, 48

London, 3, 24, 47

Louis (the Pious), 34

Louis (the German), 34

Louis (the Stammerer), 33

Louis (III), 33

Mahalalel, 2

Marinus, 34

Marne, 47

Martin, 50

Medway, 32

Mercia, 3, 4, 8, 17, 18, 24, 26, 35, 37, 41, 47, 60

Mercian, 17, 35, 41

Mercians, 4, 5, 18, 24, 26, 41, 44, 45

Methuselah, 2

Meuse, 31

Middlesex, 3

Mid-Wales, 4

Mouric, 44

Mucill, 17

Neot, 35

Noah, 2

Nobis, 44

Northumbria, 17, 18, 24, 25, 26, 61

Northumbrian, 16

Northumbrians, 16, 45

Nottingham, 17, 18

Odo, 48

Offa, 8

Old Saxon, 55

Old Saxons, 33, 34

Osbern, 22

Osbert, 16

Osburh, 2

Oscytel, 25

Oslac, 2

Osric, 12

Paris, 46, 47, 48

Paul, 11, 73

Pavia, 10

Pepin, 34

Peter, 11, 41, 73

Picts, 25

Plegmund, 41, 71

Reading, 19

Remigius, 73, 74, 76

Repton, 24, 25

Rheims, 72

Rhine, 48

Rhodri, 44, 45

Ris, 44

Rochester, 32

Romans, 70

Rome, 1, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 24, 48, 76

Rudolf, 48

Ruim, 5

St. Davids, 44

Sandwich, 4

Saxon, 5, 7, 13, 14, 25, 26, 32, 33, 37, 38, 41, 42, 46

Saxon Colony, 24, 34

Saxons, 4, 9, 23, 24, 32, 33, 47, 48. _See also_ Anglo-Saxons, East Saxons, Old Saxons, South Saxons, West Saxons

Sceaf, 2

Sceldwea, 2

Scheldt, 32

Sedulius, 2

Seine, 46, 47

Selwood (Forest), 6, 28

Seth, 2

Severn, 42

Shaftesbury, 58

Sheppey, 3, 6

Sherborne, 6, 12, 17

Sidroc the Elder, 22

Sidroc the Younger, 22

Solomon, 40, 59

Somerset(shire), 6, 27, 28

South Saxons, 42. _See also_ Anglo-Saxons, East Saxons, Saxons, West Saxons

South Wales, 44

Stour, 33

Strathclyde, 25

Stuf, 3

Surrey, 4, 5, 12

Sussex, 12, 42

Tætwa, 2

Tarrant, 25

Tenet, 5. _See also_ Thanet

Teudubr, 44

Thames, 3, 4, 19, 31, 69

Thanet, 12. _See also_ Tenet

Thetford, 18

Thornsæta, 25

Tigguocobauc, 17

Tyne, 25

Tyrrhene Sea, 34, 52

Wærferth, 69. _See also_ Werfrith

Wales, 4, 8, 43, 44, 60. _See also_ Mid-Wales, South Wales, Western Wales

Wantage, 1

Wareham, 25

Wedmore, 29

Welsh, 1, 5, 17, 25, 26, 28, 30, 39

Werfrith, 41. _See also_ Wærferth

Werwulf, 41

Wessex, 7, 8, 42, 44, 46, 60. _See also_ West Saxon(s)

Western Wales, 42

West Franks, 33, 34, 46

West Saxon, 13

West Saxons, 1, 4, 5, 8, 12, 13, 15, 18, 19, 33, 41. _See also_ Anglo-Saxons, East Saxons, Saxons, South Saxons, Wessex

Wicganbeorg, 3

Wido, 48

Wig, 1

Wight, Isle of, 3

Wihtgar, 3

Wihtgaraburg, 3

Wiley, 23

Wilton, 23

Wiltshire, 26, 28, 48

Wimborne Minster, 22

Winchester, 11, 12

Wisc, 26

Woden, 2

Worcester, 41

Yonne, 47

York, 16, 18

Transcriber’s Notes

Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they were not changed.

Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced quotation marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.

Footnotes, originally at the bottoms of pages, have been collected, renumbered, and moved to precede the Index.

The index was not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.