Part 24

No man living has ever been able to take a talking-machine record and by examining it microscopically or otherwise state what said record contains. In this sense it stands preeminently in a class by itself, being unlike perforated rolls, cylinders containing pins, metal sheets, and other devices used in mechanical production of sound, and is not to be likened in any manner to the raised characters used in methods of printing for the blind, where by the sense of touch the meaning is intended to be conveyed. The sense of touch is a mere incident due to the disability of the blind, but it is perfectly feasible and easy to read the characters with the eye, and they are very properly the subject of copyright. I repeat, that to attempt to decipher a phonograph disk is in the very nature of the proceeding "reaching for the impossible." How utterly preposterous and ridiculous it would be to pass this act in its present shape, which would make a telegraphonic sound record, which is something that can not even be seen--the record itself being caused by the magnetization and demagnetization of an electric current of an ordinary piece of wire or a cylinder or disk of steel--a violation of the copyright laws.

You have seen several examples, gentlemen, of methods of reproducing sound. Mr. Cameron showed you yesterday the disk form of talking-machine record. [Exhibiting disk.] That record, if you were to examine it under a microscope, is an engraving of the sound, which is produced by a method wherein the sound waves are engraved laterally at a uniform depth.

Another form is the cylindrical record. Mark you, gentlemen, our company is the only one on earth that manufactures both forms. We are vitally interested in this legislation. In the cylindrical record the cut is of uneven depth. It is an up-and-down cut.

There are other methods, and one or the most important discoveries of the age--a discovery which was considered of so much importance that at the St. Louis Exposition of 1904 it was given great prominence in the Government exhibits--is the telegraphone.

I have here a record [exhibiting record] and I would like to ask Mr. John Philip Sousa if he can recognize "The Stars and Stripes forever" upon it. I would like Mr. Bowker, who stood up yesterday and said that he could read the music roll--which I emphatically deny--whether he recognizes an address of Mr. Victor Herbert upon this form of record [exhibiting record]?

I doubt very much whether these persons who have come down here for the purpose of putting through this legislation have ever seen this thing. They do not know what it is, even. That is the sound record. I do not know what it is. Nobody knows what it is until you put it on the machine. Yet it can be reproduced indefinitely, and it can be destroyed by that peculiar power which we know not, because no one knows at the present time what electricity is. I want to tell you what you are doing: When you pass this bill and make it a law, you make that piece of steel copyrightable [indicating]. You make this record spring copyrightable. You do not see anything on it. Look at it closely. There is nothing but a magnetic current--an electric current--by which the sound is actually recorded and can be reproduced indefinitely. I regret, gentlemen, that I am not able to show you; and I hope at the sessions of Congress, or during the recess, to personally demonstrate what I am bringing to your notice this morning.

There is one other point I would like to bring to the attention of you gentlemen, and that is this: That in the cylindrical form of talking machine it is not necessary for the manufacturer to make the roll. In every other mechanical instrument which has been referred to here the process is a factory process; but, as I am speaking, the very words that I am uttering are being taken down by Mr. Hanna, and in less time than an hour these words will be transferred to a graphophonic record; and by that means to-morrow morning you will get your printed record. For fifteen years the reports of the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States have been prepared in this manner. And now, when you make this bill a law I can not, notwithstanding the fact that I have purchased a piece of music of Mr. Herbert, take that which I have purchased and sing it into my machine at all. It is impossible to do so. I wish to draw this fine distinction, and show you that in the cylindrical form of talking machine it is not a mechanical operation which is done in a factory, but that it is an instantaneous form of photographing the voice. I would like to have a notation made of that.

You have limited me as to time, but before closing I want to show you what the practical operation of this bill would mean.

The CHAIRMAN. Your time has expired.

Mr. CROMELIN. May I have just one moment?

The CHAIRMAN. You may have one minute more.

Mr. CROMELIN. I would like to show you the point of the multiplicity of royalties. Under this law I go down to John F. Ellis's and buy a sheet of music composed by Mr. Victor Herbert. I pay the royalty at the time that I buy that music. I am a singer and I want to sing it. I go to a talking-machine company; but no, I do not dare. I must seek Mr. Herbert. And he says: "You are going to make a big sum on it, and you must pay me $25." I pay him $25, and I go to the talking-machine company and the company does not dare to proceed. They must first seek Mr. Herbert. Mr. Herbert says: "You are going to make a lot of money out of this; I want $100 before you can make the record." We pay that for the record.

I do not know when I get the record whether I am going to get a thing. It goes through a factory process, which costs me another hundred dollars, and then the record is made. I am about to announce the record to the people of the United States, and to give them the privilege of hearing it. What happens? No; I do not dare to do it. Every American has to pay tribute to Mr. Herbert. Before I can sell those records Mr. Herbert must get a royalty of 10 per cent on every one of them. I do not believe it is the meaning of the Constitution to do this.

Let us go one step further. At a recent banquet in Portland, Oreg., of the "Ad. Men's Association," by arrangement with the telephone company, over the seat of every person who participated in that banquet there was a little horn attached to the telephone, and there was a Columbia graphophone at the central office. But if this bill becomes a law the telephone company would not dare do that. They would not dare give the people in the country the privilege of an evening's entertainment, where they can not get to the big cities, without first arranging with Mr. Herbert. Mr. Herbert would say: "No; you can not do this. I want a hundred dollars' profit before you do that." After you have done it, everybody who pays a toll of 5 cents for an evening's entertainment to the telephone company pays its tribute to Mr. Herbert. I do not believe that that is the intention of you gentlemen.

I regret that I am so much limited as to time, and I hope to appear before you during the summer session, as I believe that I can throw some new light on the situation.

Mr. CURRIER. You gentlemen speak of the committee holding sessions during the summer season. The House has no such authority. The members of the House are likely to have a very busy season, and it will be impossible to get the House committee here during the summer. But the House committee will be here on the first Monday in December, ready to hear you gentlemen.

Mr. CROMELIN. I thank you very much for your attention.

Mr. CHANEY. In the statement that you submit I would like to have you make it specific as to which sections you object to, and make your argument apply to those sections.

Mr. CROMELIN. I shall be glad to do that.

Senator SMOOT. And let it follow your remarks in the record?

Mr. CROMELIN. Yes, sir.

STATEMENT OF ALBERT H. WALKER, ESQ., OF NEW YORK.

Mr. WALKER. Gentlemen of the committee, I sincerely thank you for the compliment implied in giving me an hour in which to express my views upon this bill. The allowance is liberal, and it will not be extended except at the request of the committee. My hour will be an hour of sixty minutes, and my remarks will end at twenty minutes before 12, if they end in the middle of a sentence.

I do not appear in behalf of any particular interest, although I have one client which is interested in one section of the bill. I do not propose, however, to address myself particularly to the interests of that client. I do propose to address myself to the bill as a whole.

I think that the gentlemen who prepared this bill are to be thanked by the committee, and by the people of the United States, and by everybody else, for the large amount of labor which they have devoted to the preparation of that proposition for legislation. I particularly desire to express my personal appreciation of the labors of Mr. Putnam--his entirely disinterested and very skillful labors in the preparation of the bill.

We have had copyright laws in this country now for exactly one hundred and sixteen years, and none of them have been scientific; none of them have been systematic; none of them have been well developed. It is high time that the whole system of legislation upon the subject should be put upon a scientific basis and should be developed in a scientific form. This bill is a sincere attempt to accomplish that result. It contains a number of provisions which I heartily approve. It contains much that I think ought to be amended. I trust that out of this bill, and before the end of the present Congress, a bill will be evolved which will be enacted into law, and which will be just as to all parties and of very much benefit to the American people, and of benefit to the composers and the authors, who are the particular subjects of the bill. I believe, however, that before that result is accomplished extensive amendments must be made in this bill.

I am going to devote the first ten minutes of my time to stating the principles upon which I think those amendments ought to be framed, and after that I am going to apply those principles to portions of the bill, to show what changes would result from the application of those principles to the bill. In order to say what I intend to say on the subject of principles, it will be necessary for me to indulge in a few moments of historical statement.

When the scholar looks over the civilizations of history, he finds only one principle that pervades them all, and that principle is the principle and idea of the continuity of private property. China, Greece, Rome, Babylon, Nineveh, Judea, Egypt, England, Germany, Russia, the United States are all pervaded, as Japan is, by the notion of the continuity of private property. And when I speak of the continuity of private property I mean its continuous continuity, its hereditable character, its passing down from father to son, from age to age, and from generation to generation.

My good friends Victor Herbert and John Philip Sousa, men whom I respect personally as well as professionally, are basing their desire for the passage of this bill upon the notion which they have that that idea of the continuity of private property inheres in their intellectual productions; and there is exactly where my brothers are mistaken.

I am myself an author. I am an author of books and writings. A hundred of them probably have been published. I am the author of a very large number of addresses, which have been delivered without writing, on religious, historical, economic, legal, scientific, and miscellaneous subjects; but I know, as well as I know any proposition in history or in law, that I have not any element of private property in any of those intellectual productions, in the sense in which I am defining private property, namely, with the idea of continuity.

Why is that so? It is so because from the foundation of the world until now there never was a nation and there never was a day when the idea of the continuity of private property was connected in the minds of men with intellectual productions. England has developed the idea of private property more fully than has any other nation; and England never ascribed the idea of the continuity of private property to any intellectual production, either for an invention or for a writing. To this day no man has a right in England to a patent on an invention, and never has had. The granting of any patent on an invention in England is dependent entirely upon the pleasure of Edward the Seventh; and the patents themselves, when granted, each one of them sets forth that fact, and states that Edward the Seventh thinks on the whole that it will benefit the realm to grant this patent, and proceeds to grant it. But if Edward the Seventh and those who represent him choose to decline to issue a patent in pursuance of any particular application they can do so in entire conformity with the laws of England.

In respect to the protection of private property relevant to intellectual productions in the domain of books or musical compositions, this is the history in England: Prior to the time of Milton nobody had a right to publish anything in England without the permission of the Crown, and that permission was granted or refused, not with reference to the deserts or the merits of the author or the composer, but with reference to the opinion of the Crown as to whether or not the published thing would be beneficial or not beneficial to the public interests. And the Crown usually identified the public interests with the interests of the Crown, so that it suppressed what it desired to suppress and permitted to fly what it desired to be published.

At the time of the Commonwealth publication became free and was free, but there was still no notion of any exclusive right to publish a particular literary or musical composition inhering in the author of that composition; and that right never did begin and never was heard of in England until the reign of Anne, when Parliament passed a statute establishing such a right for a limited time.

In 1769 a copyright which had been issued under the statute of Anne had expired, and the owner of that copyright determined to test the question in the English courts as to whether or not there was a perpetual right of copyright under the common law of England, regardless of the statute of Anne, and the owners of that copyright brought suit for its infringement after the term established by the statute of Anne had expired; and the question whether such a common-law right existed or not came before the court of king's bench when Lord Mansfield was chief justice of that court. The court of king's bench decided, as an academic proposition, that there had been anciently an exclusive right to an intellectual production under the laws of England. That was, however, a purely speculative statement. They could not point to the time when anybody asserted any such right or to an instance when anybody had acquiesced in it. They simply took the ground, as an academic proposition, that anciently there had been such a right. They also decided, however, that whether that right existed or not, it had been ended by the statute of Anne, and that the statute of Anne circumscribed the right to the limited time provided for by that statute.

From that decision or the court of king's bench the plaintiff appealed to the House of Lords, sitting in its judicial capacity. We sometimes have the notion that when the House of Lords sits in its judicial capacity all the peers of the Realm--500 in number--assemble together and hear the arguments and render a final decision, but it is not so. Only the law lords participate; and if an ordinary nobleman should venture to sit when the House of Lords was sitting in its judicial capacity he would be hooted out of the room, and his presence would be made to appear to him to be extremely unwelcome. The number of law lords that sat at the time of the hearing of that argument was 11, and 6 of them rendered the opinion that the statute of Anne was the only foundation known to the law of England for exclusive right to an intellectual production, and that therefore the plaintiff was not entitled to recover.

That was the situation of the laws of England at the time of the foundation of our Union, at the time of the Declaration of Independence, and at the time of the framing of our Constitution. In 1787 our Constitution was framed, and the fathers inserted in that Constitution this provision:

The Congress shall have power to promote the progress of science and the useful arts by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.

That is the only foundation that exists for the patent laws of the United States, and it is the only foundation that exists for the copyright laws of the United States. It is true that a copyright when it is issued in accordance with the statute made in pursuance of that Constitution is property, but it is not property in the historic sense of property. It entirely lacks the notion of continuity. It entirely lacks the notion of permanency. It is a species of property created, and not arising out of the circumstances of civilization and human life, as property in general has always done, long preceding governments. It is a species of property created by the law-making power, and a species of property created by the law-making power in a matter not inherently subject to property right.

In creating that particular property the constitutional convention was influenced by this consideration: We will not grant a permanent property right in any intellectual production, because in our judgment that would be inconsistent with the progress of civilization as a whole, but we can consistently, with the progress of civilization as a whole, grant a limited property right in an intellectual production. Therefore they did provide in the Constitution that though Congress might give to authors an exclusive right, the right must be limited in point of duration, and therefore Congress has not the slightest power to grant a permanent right in any intellectual production.

Victor Herbert may hereafter, as I hope he may, rival some of the great composers of the past and produce music far better than the splendid music that he has thus far produced, but if he does it will be impossible for Congress to reward him and his heirs with a permanent absolute property right in any such intellectual production. The best we can do, Mr. Herbert, is to give you a limited right to your intellectual production. That limited right is limited not only in respect of duration, but it is limited in respect of quality, in respect of formal expression, and it is limited thus: There shall be, according to the constitutional provision, an exclusive right for a limited time and for a limited form of expression, and that limited form of expression is defined by the word "writings."

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I have spent my laborious life as a lawyer, a scholar, an inventor, an author, and a lecturer. I have delivered hundreds of addresses that never were reduced to writing. I have delivered but few that were. In so far as I delivered those lectures that were never reduced to writing, I am not entitled, either by law or by ethical principles, to any exclusive right. I am entitled to an exclusive right to my intellectual productions only when I reduce them to writing and file them in the office of the Librarian of Congress, where they will remain a permanent monument, and can be handed down to future times and can be read and availed of by my contemporaries.

The Constitutional Convention wisely provided that if the American people are to grant a monopoly in an intellectual production the man who makes that intellectual production shall give it to the American people; and he gives it to the American people by first furnishing them the fullest information of its character, in the case of a patent, or in the case of a copyright he gives it to the American people by consenting to the terms upon which it was issued, namely, that it shall be free after the expiration of the limited time for which it was granted. Further than that, in taking out a copyright, or in taking out a patent, the man consents that the copyright shall be confined to his writing, and shall not extend to any other form of expression of his intellectual idea.

I am not alone in this. The Supreme Court of the United States is with me.

Mr. CHANEY. Just a moment: It has not occurred to me that this is not either a question of continuity of property or a question of the quality of the property. It is simply a question of just to what extent people are to be given the control of their own writings, and as to just through what different forms they will be able to trace their property.

Mr. WALKER. That is the question, and that is the exact question which I am going to address myself to now.

Mr. CHANEY. Very well.

Mr. WALKER. The case of the "Trade-Mark Cases" was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1880, and it is reported in 100 United States Reports, at page 94. In that case the owners of certain collocations of words which they were using as trade-marks sought to sustain the validity of their trade-mark under the copyright law, holding that those words constituted writings which were copyrightable and which had been copyrighted.

The Supreme Court unanimously decided that the statute which they invoked, which statute was abundantly broad enough to cover that provision, was unconstitutional, because although these collocations of words were writings in the literal sense they were not writings within the sense of the Constitution. In so deciding, the Supreme Court narrowed down the meaning of the word "writings" instead of extending it, by holding that the Constitution gives a monopoly not to writings in general but only to such writings as have some literary character and permanent value in themselves. This is the language of Justice Miller:

And while the word writings may be liberally construed, as it has been, to include original designs for engravings, prints, etc., it is only such as are original and are founded in the creative powers of the mind. The writings which are to be protected are the fruits of intellectual labor, embodied in the form of books, prints, engravings, and the like.

The case which the Supreme Court had before it on this subject next is the Sarony case, decided in 1883, and reported in 111 U.S., page 58.

Mr. CHANEY. We had that yesterday.

Mr. WALKER. In that case Mr. Sarony sought to sustain the validity of a copyright upon a photograph of that then very ornamental gentleman, Oscar Wilde. It turned out that in this picture which Mr. Sarony personally took of Oscar Wilde, in his esthetic costume at the time he captured the hearts of the American women by his highly ornamental appearance [laughter], Mr. Sarony had personally posed Oscar Wilde, so as to give him a peculiar beauty, which might not have been developed by the ordinary photographer; and the Supreme Court of the United States sustained the validity of that particular copyright upon the particular ground that Mr. Sarony put particular skill in the posing of the man so as to produce a particularly artistic effect.