Chapter II, Division VI.

[58] Compare Plate XXXIII, where the yam houses of a headman are filled by his wife's brothers.

[59] This advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays, when the fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving for pearls than by performing their share of the wasi, the exchange is as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most conspicuous examples of the tenacity of native custom that in spite of all the temptation which pearling offers them and in spite of the great pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never try to evade a wasi, and when they have received the inaugurating gift, the first calm day is always given to fishing, and not to pearling.

[60] Compare the linguistic analysis of the original text of this spell, given in Chapter XVIII.

[61] Koyatabu--the mountain on the North shore of Fergusson; Kamsareta,--the highest hill on Domdom,--in the Amphletts; Koyava'u--the mountain opposite Dobu island, on the North shore of Dawson Straits; Gorebubu--the volcano on Dobu island.

[62] The prefix bo- has three different etymological derivations, each carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part of the word bomala, in which case, its meaning will be "ritual" or "sacred." Secondly, it may be derived from the word bu'a, areca-nut, a substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it is a narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix may be a derivation from butia, the sweet scented flower made into wreaths, in which case it would usually be bway, but sometimes might become bo-, and would carry the meaning of "festive," "decorated." To a native, who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document, but as an instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys all three meanings at once, and the word "ritual" covers best all these three meanings.

[63] See Division II of Chapter V.

[64] The word tabu, in the meaning of taboo--prohibition--is used in its verbal form in the language of the Trobriands, but not very often. The noun "prohibition," "sacred thing," is always bomala, used with suffixed personal pronouns.

[65] At a later date, I hope to work out certain historical hypotheses with regard to migrations and cultural strata in Eastern New Guinea. A considerable number of independent indices seem to corroborate certain simple hypotheses as to the stratification of the various cultural elements.

[66] The word vineylida suggests the former belief, as vine--female, lida--coral stone.

[67] Professor Seligman has described the belief in similar beings on the North-East Coast of New Guinea. At Gelaria, inland of Bartle Bay, the flying witches can produce a double, or "sending," which they call labuni. "Labuni exists within women, and can be commanded by any woman who has had children.... It was said that the labuni existed in, or was derived from, an organ called ipona, situated in the flank, and literally meaning egg or eggs." op. cit., p. 640. The equivalence of beliefs here is evident.

[68] Not all the spells which I have obtained have been equally well translated and commented upon. This one, although very valuable, for it is one of the spells of the old chief Maniyuwa, and one which had been recited when his corpse was brought over from Dobu by his son Maradiana, was obtained early in my ethnographic career, and Gomaya, Maradiana's son, from whom I got it, is a bad commentator. Nor could I find any other competent informant later on, who could completely elucidate it for me.

[69] Such reconstructions are legitimate for an Ethnographer, as well as for a historian. But it is a duty of the former as well as of the latter to show his sources as well as to explain how he has manipulated them. In one of the next chapters, Chapter XVIII, Divisions XIV-XVII, a sample of this methodological aspect of the work will be given, although the full elaboration of sources and methods must be postponed to another publication.

[70] See Chapter II, Division VII.

[71] I cannot tell what sort of influence this would be, exercised by a sister over her brother in Dobu. I do not even know whether, in that district, there obtains the same taboo between brother and sister as in the Trobriands.

[72] This is the information which I obtained during my short visit to Murua (Woodlark Island), and which was confirmed by the Trobriand Islanders. Professor Seligman states, also, that the sepulchral pots, found in this island come from the Amphletts. op. cit., p. 731. Compare also pp. 15 and 535.

[73] See Chapter VI, Division VI.

[74] The reader will note that this is the same name, which another mythical dog bore, also of the Lukuba clan as all dogs are, the one namely from whom the kayga'u magic is traced. Cf. Chapter X, Division V.

[75] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, "The Melanesians," Chapter LIV, "Burial and Mourning Ceremonies" (among the natives of the Trobriand Islands, of Woodlark and the Marshall Bennetts).

[76] Compare also No. VI (A), in the Synoptic Table of Kula magic, in Chapter XVII, p. 418.

[77] There can be no better expression to denote the mutual relation of all these ideas than that used by Frazer to describe one of the typical forms of magic thought, the 'contagion of ideas.' The subjective, psychological process leads the natives to the belief in magical contagion of things.

[78] It will be noted, that this is the third meaning in which the term pokala is used by the natives. (Cf. Chapter VI, Division VI.)

[79] See the Author's Memoir, "The Natives of Mailu" in Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p. 598.

[80] These views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article on "Primitive Economics" in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.

[81] The association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated by the case of pearling. Here, through the advent of white men, a new and very lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for the natives. A form of magic is now in existence, associated with this fishing. This of course apparently contradicts the native dogma that magic cannot be invented. The natives, if faced with this contradiction, explain that it is really an old magic of shell fishing which refers to all the shells found at the bottom of the Lagoon, but which so far had only been used with regard to fishing for the Conus. In fact, this magic is nothing but the adaptation of the mwali (armshell) magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less, whether even such a transference or adaptation would have taken place before the foundations of native belief and custom had been shaken by the well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings and rulings of the white man and by the introduction of trade.

[82] See article by the Author on the "Baloma, spirits of the dead in the Trobriand islands." J. A. I., 1917.

[83] An example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be found even in a book written by an exceptionally well-informed and enlightened missionary, "In Far New Guinea," by Henry Newton. In describing the feasts and dancing of the natives, he admits these to be a necessity of tribal life: "On the whole the feasting and dancing are good; they give excitement and relaxation to the young men, and tone the drab colours of life." He himself tells us that, "the time comes when the old men stop the dancing. They begin to growl because the gardens are neglected, and they want to know if dancing will give the people food, so the order is given that the drums are to be hung up, and the people settle down to work." But in spite of Mr. Newton's recognition of this natural, tribal authority, in spite of the fact that he really admits the views given in our text, he cannot refrain from saying: "Seriously, however, for the benefit of the people themselves, it would be a good thing if there could be some regulations--if dancing were not allowed after midnight, for while it lasts nothing else is done.--The gardens suffer and it would help the people to learn self-restraint and so strengthen their characters if the dancing could be regulated." He goes on to admit quite candidly that it would be difficult to enforce such a regulation because "to the native mind, it would seem that it was the comfort of the white man, not the benefit of the native which was the reason for the regulation." And to my mind also, I am afraid!

The following quotations from a recent scientific work published by the Oxford Press--"The Northern d'Entrecasteaux," by D. Jenness, and the Rev. A. Ballantyne, 1920--are also examples of the dangerous and heedless tampering with the one authority that now binds the natives, the one discipline they can be relied upon to observe--that of their own tribal tradition. The relations of a church member who died, were "counselled to drop the harsher elements in their mourning," and instead of the people being bidden "to observe each jot and tittle of their old, time-honoured rites," they were advised from that day forth to leave off "those which had no meaning." It is strange to find a trained ethnologist, confessing that old, time-honoured rites have no meaning! And one might feel tempted to ask: for whom it is that these customs have no meaning, for the natives or for the writers of the passage quoted?

The following incident is even more telling. A native headman of an inland village was supposed to keep concealed in his hut a magic pot, the "greatest ruler of winds, rain, and sunshine," a pot which had "come down from times immemorial," which according to some of the natives "in the beginning simply was." According to the Authors, the owner of the pot used to descend on the coastal natives and "levy tribute," threatening them with the magical powers of the pot if they refused. Some of the coastal natives went to the Missionary and asked him to interfere or get the magistrate to do so. It was arranged they should all go with the Missionary and seize the pot. But on the day "only one man turned up." When the Missionary went, however, the natives blocked his path, and only through threats of punishments by the magistrate, were they induced to temporarily leave the village and thus to allow him to seize the pot! A few days later the Missionary accordingly took possession of the pot, which he broke. The Authors go on to say that after this incident "everyone was contented and happy;" except, one might add, the natives and those who would see in such occurrences the speedy destruction of native culture, and the final disintegration of the race.

[84] I have not seen the site of Suloga myself. Interesting details are to be found in "The Melanesians" of Professor Seligman, who visited the spot himself, and who has collected a number of specimens in the locality, as well as many data about the production of the blades. Op. cit., pp. 530-533.

[85] Cf. Op. cit., pp. 670-672.

[86] Op. cit., description of the Walaga feast, pp. 594-603.

[87] See the Author's Memoir in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia. "The Natives of Mailu," pp. 580-588.

[88] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., Chapter XLIV.

[89] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., p. 584.

[90] The ethnographic researches at present carried on in Su'a'u by Mr. W. E. Armstrong, of Cambridge, will no doubt throw light on this subject.

[91] Seligman. Op. cit., p. 524.

[92] Op. cit., p. 538.

[93] Ibid.

[94] Cf. Op. cit., pp. 536-537.

[95] I cannot follow Professor Seligman in his use of the word currency, which is not very clearly defined by him. This word can be correctly applied to the armshells, spondylus discs, big polished blades of green stones, etc., only if we give it simply the meaning of "objects" or "tokens of wealth." Currency as a rule means a medium of exchange and standard of value, and none of the Massim valuables fulfil these functions.

[96] A short article on this subject has been published by the Rev. M. Gilmour, now head of the Methodist Mission in New Guinea. (Annual Report of British New Guinea, 1904-5, p. 71.) I used this article in the field, going over it with several natives of Kavataria, and I found it substantially correct, and on the whole formulated with precision. The need for extreme compression of statement has, however, led the Author into one or two ambiguities. Thus, the constant mention of "feasting" might give a wrong impression, for it is always the matter of a public distribution of food, which is then eaten apart, or in small groups, while the word "feast" suggests eating in common. Again, the data about the "sea-chief," as Mr. Gilmour calls the leader of the privileged clan in Kavataria (cf. Chapter IX, Division III), seemed to me over-stated, when he is said to be "supreme," to have "the right of determining an expedition," and especially when it is said that he "had the right of first choice of a canoe." This latter phrase must involve a misunderstanding; as we saw, each sub-clan (that is, each sub-division of the village) build their own canoe, and a subsequent swapping and free choice are out of the question. Mr. Gilmour was fully acquainted with the facts of the Kula, as I learnt from personal conversation. In this article, he mentions it only in one phrase, saying that some of the expeditions "were principally concerned in the exchange of the circulated articles of native wealth ... in which trade was only a secondary consideration."

[97] Mr. Gilmour's statement to the contrary namely that "the trips from the West--Kavataria and Kaileuna--were pure trading expeditions" (loc. cit.)--is incorrect. First, I am inclined to think that some of the Kavataria men did make the Kula in the Amphletts, where they always stopped on their way South, but this might have been only on a very small scale, and entirely overshadowed by the main object of the expedition, which was the trade with the Southern Koya. Secondly, as to the natives of Kayleula, I am certain that they made the Kula, from conclusive data collected both in the Trobriands and in the Amphletts.

[98] I have given a more detailed description of this process which I had often opportunities to observe among the Mailu on the South coast. I never saw the making of an armshell in the Trobriands, but the two processes are identical according to detailed information which I obtained. (Compare the monograph on "The Natives of Mailu" by the Author, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, 1915, pp. 643-644.)

[99] Both statements of Professor Seligman in the "Melanesians" (p. 89) are in entire agreement with the information I obtained among the Mailu. See Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, 1915, pp. 620-629.

[100] Also in the before quoted article in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.