Chapter 19

Two of these mounds were completely removed, down into the subsoil. The first was 18 inches high and 35 by 40 feet across; the variation in breadth resulting from continual cultivation in one direction. It contained nothing whatever of artificial character, not even a scrap of pottery. There were no post holes, no indications of a fire bed, no trace of a distinction between the mound and the soil below it. In fact, except for the greater thickness of the superficial dark earth there was no difference between the appearance of the face of the excavation and that of a hole dug at random in the field.

The second mound was somewhat larger than the first, being 2 feet high and 40 feet across, and at a little higher level toward the edge of the field. It was the largest which could be excavated of this group. As in the first mound opened, there was no worked object, if a small flint flake be excepted; no ashes; no fire bed; no trace of demarcation between the mound and the original surface of the ground, though in each mound the excavation over the entire area was carried down into the gravelly, hard-packed subsoil. Its artificial origin is clearly proven, however, by four holes dug into the earth beneath it before its construction. Nine feet a little north of the center, which was assumed to be the highest point of the mound, was a hole (A) 12 by 14 inches and 14 inches deep, with a flat bottom, the sides as regular as could be expected in hard soil dug out in primitive manner. Nine feet west of the center was a hole (B) a foot across, 10 inches deep, with a solid though somewhat irregular bottom. Near the center was a conical hole (C) a foot deep and the same across the top. Four feet from it, west of north, was another (D) of about the same size and shape. The measures given are of course only approximate, as the sides of all the holes were somewhat uneven, but they are practically correct. The depth was measured from the top of the gravelly subsoil. Fourteen feet east of south from the center was an irregular hole (E) about 2 feet deep to the bottom of the loose dirt in it. This had not been dug, but was due to the decay of a tree which grew here before the mound was made. At the top of the dirt filling this hole was a piece of decayed bark, apparently oak, which had grown in the air; and farther down fragments of root bark. Eight feet east of the center was a hole (F), similar to the last, 10 inches deep and averaging 2 feet across. This, also, resulted from the decay of a stump.

A plan of the holes is given in figure 37. The dotted lines are merely to show direction and distance.

This mound offers confirmation of the belief that such structures, or some of them at least, mark the sites of dwellings. With the two trees, E and F, the posts, A and B, would form the corners of an irregular quadrangle; the two posts, C and D, would support the inner ends of roof timbers. While no trace of posts or roof timbers remained, it is difficult to imagine for what other purpose these holes would be dug; and in this heavy, wet earth all traces of wood must in time disappear. Conversely, the total absence of a fireplace, potsherds or other remains, and of any sign of a floor, would serve to dispel the assumption that this spot was ever inhabited even for a short time. The evidence is as strong one way as it is the other.

In short, the limited observations above recorded leave the question of origin and purpose just where it was.

* * * * *

Some years ago one of the mounds at Ferguson, St. Louis County, was opened. No remains of any sort were discovered, according to the report of the excavators; but on the original surface, at the center of the mound, was a fire bed in and about which were ashes, charcoal, and fragments of rude pottery.

No excavations have ever been made in the mounds near Granite Mountain; but a tortuous little stream has undercut several of them, thus making vertical sections as in the case of the mound at Hunter's, near Farmington. In some mounds only a small portion near the margin has been removed; in others the erosion has progressed to such an extent that observations were possible at varying distances, to and beyond the center. In every instance a monotonous uniformity of appearance prevails from the top of the mound into the underlying gravel. At no level is there a sign of a floor, fire bed, or other evidence of human work; and no difference can be detected between the earth upon which the mound rests and that on either side. Yet the mounds are indubitably artificial.

Exactly the same remarks apply to several mounds on the County Farm, near Salem. A little creek and a drainage ditch have cut away varying portions of them, and they merge insensibly into the soil and gravel on either side.

* * * * *

In further support of the theory that these mounds are the remains of earth-covered houses, a few extracts relating to the area under discussion will be given from Dr. Cyrus Thomas in the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology:

Near "Beckwith's Fort," in Mississippi County, Missouri, are (p. 189)--

Low, flattish, circular mounds * * * [which] appear to belong to two classes, those used for dwelling sites and those used for burial purposes, the former being the higher and the color of the surface layer darker than that of the other class. This darker color of the surface layer is probably due to the fact that immediately below it are found fire-beds with burnt earth, charcoal, ashes, and the bones of animals, (mostly split). There are seldom any human skeletons or entire vessels of pottery in the mounds of this class though the earth is filled with fragments of broken vessels.

In describing mound excavations in Crittenden County, Arkansas, the explorer states (p. 227):

As an almost universal rule, after removing a foot or two of top soil, a layer of burnt clay in a broken or fragmentary condition would be found, sometimes with impressions of grass or twigs, which easily crumbled but was often hard and stamped apparently with an implement made of split reeds of comparatively large size. This layer was in places a foot thick and frequently burned to a brick red or even to clinkers.

Below this, at a depth of 3 to 5 feet from the surface, were more or less ashes, and often 6 inches of charred grass, immediately covering skeletons. The latter were found lying in all directions, some with the face up, others with it down, and others on the side. With these were vessels of clay, in some cases one, sometimes more.

The positions of the skeletons in this mound would indicate that while the inmates of the house were asleep the roof fell and killed them. It was customary among some southern Indians to bury the dead under the floors of the houses; but the text clearly shows that these skeletons were lying on the floor. It would be supposed from most reports, not only in the volume quoted, but from various other sources as well, that only the walls of these houses were plastered with mud, the roof being of thatch alone. It seems to be overlooked that the tops of the houses would have even more need of such protection than the sides. The marks indicating that the clay was "stamped apparently with an implement made of split reeds" are only the impressions of the reeds or saplings by which the clay was supported; the "brick like" or "clinker like" condition of the clay being due, of course, to the destruction of the house by fire.

Adair, in his History of the Southern Indians, says they daub their houses with tough mortar mixed with dry grass; that they build winter or hot houses after the manner of Dutch ovens, covered with clay. Again:

They are lathed with cane and plastered with mud from bottom to top, within and without, with a good covering of straw.

This seems to mean that the entire building was plastered with mud, and then covered with grass to shed the rainfall.

In a mound in Arkansas County, Arkansas (Twelfth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 231)--

About 2 feet under the surface was a thick layer of burnt clay, which probably formed the roof. In tracing out the circumference a hard clay floor was found beneath, and between the two several inches of ashes, but no skeletons. There were a great many pieces of broken dishes so situated as to lead one to believe they were on top of the house at the time it was burned.

The fact that no skeletons or utensils were discovered on the floor finds its most reasonable explanation in the supposition that the inmates, finding their abode to be unsafe, moved out and took their possessions with them. This would account, also, for the absence of such remains in similar mounds farther north. The abundance of pottery fragments found in this case, and in many others, may mean only that these were worked in as a part of the clay roofing. They would be of some service in holding the clay in place in wet weather.

It is quite probable that the continuous, though fragmentary, layer of burned clay on the floor so often noted is due in part at least to the material forming the roof. The walls would be more apt to fall outward than inward, and would be more liable to crumble than to fall as an intact mass. In fact, this is clearly shown by the statement (p. 229) that in certain house sites in St. Francis County, Arkansas,

The edges are all higher and have a thicker layer of this [burned] material than the inner areas.

Further, in describing explorations of certain "hut rings" at "Beckwith's Fort" in Mississippi County, Missouri (p. 187), the report states that they are

from 30 to 50 feet in diameter, measuring to the tops of their rims, which are raised slightly above the natural level. The depth of the depression at the center is from 2 to 3 feet. Near the center, somewhat covered with earth, are usually found the baked earth, charcoal, and ashes of ancient fires, and around these and beneath the rims [that is, the surrounding ring or embankment] split bones and fresh-water shells. Often mingled with this refuse material are rude stone implements and fragments of pottery.

Note is made of

the similarity in the size, form, and general appearance of these depressions and earthen rings to those of the earth lodges of the abandoned Mandan towns along the Missouri River.

It appears, too, that certain sites were occupied for long periods, new houses being constructed when necessary. In describing mounds in Poinsett County, Arkansas, the same writer says (p. 205) that

The positions and relations of these beds * * * make it evident that upon the site of one burned dwelling another was usually constructed, not infrequently a third, and sometimes even a fourth, the remains of each being underlaid and usually overlaid in part by very dark, adhesive clay or muck. * * *

The peculiar black color of these beds is chiefly in consequence of the large proportion of charcoal with which they are mixed, some of it doubtless the fine particles of burned grass and reed matting with which the cabins appear to have been thatched.

These layers of "very dark" material undoubtedly are remains of mud from the adjacent swamps, which was mixed with or plastered over the grass roofs. It is difficult to understand how they could have become mixed after the burning.

As showing the extent to which this prolonged occupancy was carried, we are informed (p. 254) that in Coahoma County, Mississippi, a mound was--

oval and rounded on top, 210 feet long, 150 broad at the base, and 16 feet high. This mound and several smaller ones near it are so nearly masses of fire beds, burnt clay, fragments of stone and pottery, together with more or less charcoal and ashes, as to indicate clearly that they are the sites of ancient dwellings thus elevated by accumulation of material during long continued occupancy.

In still other portions of the country besides those already mentioned are evidences of similar houses whose sites are now marked by mounds. In southern Ohio, especially, records of excavations contain numerous references to post holes under mounds both large and small. In the case of the former, so far as we may judge from the reports, the houses were destroyed before the mounds were built, and it does not appear that they were ever covered with earth. In the small, low, flat mounds, under which such holes existed, no thought was taken that these may mark the position of posts used to support a roof; all mounds were explored with the idea that they were for burial purposes, consequently no attention was paid to these features.

The Mandan houses, as described by Lewis and Clark, Catlin, and others, when fallen into ruins would leave exactly such mounds or hut rings as those found in Missouri and Arkansas.

It is now generally conceded that the wall or embankment at Aztalan, Wisconsin, concerning which so many wild theories have been promulgated, was simply a series of such house sites connected by a low ridge. The evidences of mysterious sacrificial altars seem to be due only to the destruction of such houses by fire.

In Wisconsin, also, and in Minnesota, are many small mounds apparently of this character which are due to an extinct tribe known to the Sioux and Chippewas as "The Ground House Indians."

In 1887 I became acquainted, at Munising, Michigan, with Mr. William Cameron. He was of the Scotch clan of Camerons, a nephew of a former Governor of Canada. Educated for a profession, he made a visit to relatives in Canada in early manhood, and the attractions of the wilderness proved so great that he never returned to his home. At the time I met him he was 84 years of age, in full possession of his mental faculties. For more than 60 years he had traversed the Lake region, his fur trading and trapping expeditions having carried him over all the country from Montreal to the mouth of the Mackenzie River. Much of his life had been spent among the Indians, especially the Sioux and Chippewas. He learned from them all they could tell him of their tribal history and former methods of living. The Chippewas told him that when they first came into the country they found the Sioux in possession, but finally, obtaining arms from the French, they drove the Sioux westward.

The "old men" of the Sioux corroborated this tradition and told Cameron that as they went westward they came to a race of people who lived in mounds which they piled up. These people were large and strong, but cowardly. "If they had been as brave as they were big," said the Sioux, "between them and the Chippewas we would have been destroyed; but they were great cowards and we easily drove them away."

Mr. B.G. Armstrong, of Ashland, Wisconsin, told me that he had taken great pains to investigate this tradition. From all that he could gather by much inquiry among the Indians and from his own observations, he was satisfied of its correctness. These people, whom the Sioux called Ground House Indians, built houses of logs and posts, over and around which they piled earth until it formed a conical mass several feet thick above the roof. Their territory extended from Lake Eau Claire, about 30 miles south of Lake Superior, to the Wisconsin River near Wausau or Stevens Point; down the Wisconsin a short distance; thence west into Minnesota, but how far he could not say; then around north of Yellow Lake back to the Eau Claire region. The Sioux exterminated the tribe, the last survivors being an old man and a woman who had married a Sioux. They were taken to the present site of Superior, near Duluth, and "died about 200 years ago"--that is, in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.

Gordon, an intelligent Indian living at the town of the same name, a short distance south of Superior, was familiar with this tradition, as were other Indians with whom I talked, and who accepted it as a well-known fact. Gordon related that he had heard "the old men" say these Indians erected their houses of wood and piled several feet of dirt over them; and they buried their dead in little mounds out in front of their houses and a few hundred feet away. He told of a mound that was opened near Yellow Lake in which the position and condition of the skeletons, two or three of children being among them, showed "as plainly as anything could" that they had been sitting or lounging around the fire, when the roof fell in and crushed them.

There is a "Ground House River" in eastern Minnesota, which probably derives its name from this people.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Bushnell, D.I., jr., Archeology of the Ozark region of Missouri. Amer. Anthrop., n.s. vol. 6, no. 2, p. 298.]

[Footnote 2: Bushnell, D.I., jr., Archeology of the Ozark region of Missouri. Amer. Anthrop., n.s. vol. 6, no. 2, p. 298.]

[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 297.]

[Footnote 4: Papers Peabody Museum, vol. III, no. 1, p. 16.]

V. ARCHEOLOGICAL WORK IN HAWAII

INTRODUCTION

The ethnologist or archeologist desiring to conduct explorations on the Hawaiian Islands will find it necessary to begin his labors at the Bishop Museum in Honolulu. This museum contains an extensive collection of articles, classified, arranged, and labeled, illustrating every phase of native life as it has existed since the islands have been known to white men, as well as many of the implements and objects pertaining to agriculture, fisheries, and domestic occupations of earlier times. Models or casts of houses, and of individuals engaged in various lines of industry, give the visitor a clear idea as to the routine of ordinary daily life. A careful study of all these things enlightens him in regard to what he may expect to find and to the meaning of such discoveries as he may make.

The extensive library which belongs to the museum contains every publication relating not alone to the islands but to all the archipelagoes of the southern Pacific that it is possible to procure; and among the most valuable of the volumes are the reports and memoirs of the museum itself, in which are set forth the observations and deductions of numerous investigators who, either in behalf of the museum or under its auspices, have endeavored to find a solution for the many problems involved.

Equally valuable to the student are the information, interpretations, and instruction freely placed at his disposal by those connected with the museum, especially by Dr. Brigham, the former director, whose long and busy life has been devoted almost entirely to a study of the Polynesian groups; by Professor Gregory, the present director, who with tireless energy is the impelling force behind various lines of scientific research; by Mr. Stokes, curator of the ethnological department, who for more than a score of years has been surveying, photographing, and collecting in every part of the islands; by Mr. Thomas G. Thrum, of Honolulu, who has completed, in manuscript, a volume containing a list and description of more than 500 heiaus on the islands; and by various other men who, in private life, have devoted much time and close attention to whatever may pertain to native life and customs.

* * *

MOLOKAI ISLAND

Following the advice of those whose knowledge gave them authority to speak decisively, the initial base of research was the island of Molokai, which presents the best conditions for study. It lies off the usual lines of travel, offers no inducement to tourists who wish to have the benefit of good roads and comfortable hotels, and consequently is seldom visited except by those who are called on business or who go as the guests of the few residents there.

Mr. George Cooke, one of the owners of a large cattle and sheep ranch on the island, and greatly interested in its aboriginal history, gave most generous aid in a reconnoissance of such parts as he had time to visit. He placed his beautiful summer residence at the disposal of Prof. Gregory and the writer, and conducted the explorers to nearly all the places of interest which could be approached by automobile. Mr. James Munro, manager of the ranch, also rendered valuable assistance. Owing to his long residence here he has become thoroughly familiar with every noteworthy feature, and pointed out many remains which, without his guidance, would have been missed altogether. Fully acquainted with the life of the Hawaiian people, he made clear the origin and purpose of many things that, lacking his intelligent explanation, would have been without significance.

Although there are now comparatively few Hawaiians on Molokai, it is evident that the island at one time supported a dense population. Along the southern, or leeward, coast are numerous fish ponds formed by building a stone wall across an inlet or, more frequently, by constructing it with the ends on shore and carrying it around a section of the open sea. The walls are strong enough to resist the waves, well above the level of high tide, and surround spaces of various areas up to 70 acres. These ponds were stocked with numerous kinds of fish which, thus protected from their natural enemies, increased rapidly and formed an unfailing food supply. The antiquity of these ponds is denoted by the amount of silt partially filling them, brought down from the mountains by erosion of the soil. They are still used to some extent by Hawaiians as well as by other residents.

Inland, low walls of stone or earth, or both, surround hundreds of old taro patches, one variety of these plants requiring an abundant supply of water during its growth. The poi made from taro was the principal vegetable food of the inhabitants. Sweet potatoes were also a leading article of diet. The fields in which they were grown may still be identified here and there by the little ridges heaped up. All these, with the addition of migratory birds and fowls which at certain seasons swarmed on the different islands, supplemented by various nuts and fruits growing spontaneously, provided a varied and ample food supply. Mammals, except the pig, dog, and rat (really a large mouse), which came in with the early natives, were unknown prior to the advent of the whites. There were no land reptiles and few indigenous noxious insects; although mosquitoes, not to mention certain domestic pests, abound in a few places, and there are some scorpions and centipedes; but these, like measles, smallpox, tuberculosis, and worse diseases, are adjuncts of an enforced civilization. The mongoose, brought in to destroy rats, and the myna bird, to devour insects, are themselves now beginning to be detrimental.

Along the coasts, on the headlands and lower hills, and to a less extent farther inland, are village sites, foundations of temples and houses, garden patches inclosed by stone walls, and long rows of stones, some of which are borders of roads or trails, others being for purposes which are undetermined. Among these, taro beds and sweet potato patches may still be traced.