Chapter 26

[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.]

[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio (Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several chiefs in 1629.]

[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_, etc., 1633.]

[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.]

[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by Frasquillo is not known to me.]

[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was said to have 800 inhabitants.]

[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.]

[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate and abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior societies, known as the _Tataukyamû_, _Wüwütcimtû_, _Aaltû_ and _Kwakwantû_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have elsewhere been described.]

[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and "Governor" of Walpi.]

[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.]

[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had 800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In 1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes 1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 would be more nearly correct.]

[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.]

[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder by a Walpi Indian priest.]

[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372.]

[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).]

[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto Basin, and other more southerly regions.]

[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II.]

[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p. 580.]

[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragments of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.]

[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.]

[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_ in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at present inexplicable.]

[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII, of the Fifteenth Annual Report.]

[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.]

[Footnote 83: The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern pueblo of Laguna.]

[Footnote 84: The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) canyon.]

[Footnote 85: The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near Winslow, Arizona.]

[Footnote 86: The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in relation to the skeletons.]

[Footnote 87: I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins of the Salado.]

[Footnote 88: The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is decorated with rectangles.]

[Footnote 89: A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached the village, since none of the material from which it was made is found within many miles of the ruin.]

[Footnote 90: There are many fine pictographs, some of which are evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the _awata_ (bow), _honani_ (badger's paw), _tcüa_ (snake), and _omowûh_ (rain-cloud). On the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_ symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.]

[Footnote 91: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1, p. 77.]

[Footnote 92: In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," _American Anthropologist_, December, 1896.]

[Footnote 93: One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass during the field work of 1896.]

[Footnote 94: Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.]

[Footnote 95: Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.]

[Footnote 96: Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, 21.]

[Footnote 97: These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with that of Sikyatki.]

[Footnote 98: The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins should be studied with this thought in mind.]

[Footnote 99: It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after the great rebellion of 1680.]

[Footnote 100: The succession of priests is through the clan of the mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on the mesa above Sikyatki.]

[Footnote 101: In this census I have used also the apparently conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.]

[Footnote 102: _Kanel_ = Spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water, spring.]

[Footnote 103: Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the neighborhood.]

[Footnote 104: The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."]

[Footnote 105: Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, "_Awahaia_," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.]

[Footnote 106: Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask of Eototo in the ceremonials of the _Niman_. All this is significant, and coincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in the Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.]

[Footnote 107: The Hano people call the Hopi _Koco_ or _Koso_; the Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them _Khoso_, according to Hodge.]

[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during the _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed that in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.]

[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not claimed to be accurate in all particulars.]

[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs of antiquity.]

[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently to protect the remains from prowling beasts.]

[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are twisted.]

[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less so.]

[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in Tusayan.]

[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.]

[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.]

[Footnote 117: Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the decease of a relative or at an earlier period.]

[Footnote 118: The figure shown in plate CXXIX, _a_, was probably intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan altars.]

[Footnote 119: Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous so-called Navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on the Navaho cults was even greater.]

[Footnote 120: These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are tied. For an extended description see _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1, page 11.]

[Footnote 121: The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has yet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed to be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human beings.]

[Footnote 122: In some of the figurines used in connection with modern Hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.]

[Footnote 123: The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only Indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuñi. The country women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on each side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had in mind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned headdress."]

[Footnote 124: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.]

[Footnote 125: Troano and Cortesiano codices.]

[Footnote 126: A _nakwákwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, and consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan ceremony.]

[Footnote 127: The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so prominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture.]

[Footnote 128: The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.]

[Footnote 129: For the outline of this legend see _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV. The maid is there called the Tcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ goddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names, depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the same mythic concept.]

[Footnote 130: The attitude of the male and female here depicted was not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mind the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, and representations of these two form essential elements of the ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.]

[Footnote 131: The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain ceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavations at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteran insect which he called "Kokopeli."]

[Footnote 132: The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and there is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, the chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one of these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have excavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen of one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made of bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar with the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intention to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the explorations of 1896.)]

[Footnote 133: "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewüqti is also called Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan (Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an admirable definition of the Hopi Natackas.]

[Footnote 134: The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in the _Powamû_ where the representative of Calako flogs the children. Calako's picture is found on the _Powamû_ altars of several of the villages of the Hopi.]

[Footnote 135: Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls of cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same way as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly," by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95.]

[Footnote 136: Mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawû, moon. There maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological coincidence.]

[Footnote 137: This form of mouth I have found in pictures of quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of the _Natacka_ monsters which appear in the Walpi _Powamû_ ceremony. See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the Fifteenth Annual Report.]

[Footnote 138: Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuñi ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of earthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual.]

[Footnote 139: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV.]

[Footnote 140: Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case with larger vases and jars.]

[Footnote 141: One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance at Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the Antelope priesthood of that pueblo.]

[Footnote 142: One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakone maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was introduced by the southern clans or the Patki people.]