Chapter XX.)

[395] See Meissner, _Seltene assyrische Ideogramme_, No. 6945.

[396] Translated from Haupt’s _Das Babylonische Nimrodepos_, p. 134, f.

[397] The sun.

[398] The spirits of heaven.

[399] Or two accounts of the same event.

[400] Translated from A. Poebel’s _Historical and Grammatical Texts_ in the University of Pennsylvania’s “University Museum’s publications of the Babylonian Section,” Vol. V, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 1.

[401] Often called Bel.

[402] Called Ea, p. 273.

[403] A term by which the Semites of Babylonia designated themselves. The Sumerians shaved their heads.

[404] See Part II, Chapter VI, line 21, ff.

[405] _I. e._, the sun.

[406] See p. 277.

[407] Translated from Langdon, _The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man_, Philadelphia, 1915, Plates I and II. Langdon, as his title shows, regards the text as a description of Paradise, the flood, and the fall of man,--a view that the present writer cannot share. Dilmun is the name of the Babylonian Paradise, but the signs rendered Dilmun are not the ones employed to express that name. For the rest the text seems to describe the coming of rains, the beginnings of irrigation and agriculture, and the revelation of the medicinal qualities of certain plants. See _The Nation_, New York, November 18, 1915, pp. 597, ff. (For the tablet, see Fig. 294.)

[408] Apparently another name of Ninshar.

[409] In Sumerian the goddess Nintulla.

[410] In Sumerian the goddess Ninkasi.

[411] In Sumerian the goddess Dazima.

[412] In Sumerian, Nintil.

[413] In Sumerian, Enshagme.

[414] See his _Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man_, p. 56.

[415] Translated from _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, VII. No. 92.

[416] _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, VII, No. 198.

[417] _Ibid._, VII, No. 97.

[418] Since this manuscript was sent to the printer, another Abraham has been found in some tablets in the Yale University Collection.

[419] Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, pp. 352, 353. (See p. 360.)

[420] See _Beiträge zur Assyriologie_, V, p. 498, no. 23; cf. p. 429, ff.

[421] King, _Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi_, Vol. I, No. 66.

[422] Some scholars suppose that the writer of the account in Genesis had before him a source in the cuneiform writing in which the “pi” at the end of Hammurapi’s name was spelled with a sign that could be read either “pi” or “pil” (see Barton, _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_, Leipzig, 1913, No. 185), and that the _l_ was attached in consequence of a misreading of this sign. That, however, admits corruption, though it attempts to explain its cause.

[423] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, XXI, 33.

[424] It was until recently not known that Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin were different persons, and some thought the king might be called either Rim-Sin or Eri-aku (Arioch, Gen. 14:1). It is possible that Arad-Sin may have been called Ari-aku in Sumerian, but it is improbable. It is now known that Arad-Sin died 30 years before Hammurapi came to the throne. With our present knowledge it is difficult to see how Arioch could be the name of Rim-Sin unless Rim-Sin be read partly as Semitic and partly as Sumerian and then considerably corrupted.

[425] The text was published by Pinches in the _Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute_, Vol. XXIX, 82, 83; cf. emendations by L. W. King, _Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi_, Vol. I, p. li, ff. Sayce has also translated them, filling out the lacunæ by freely exercising the imagination, in the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, XXVIII, 203-218, 241-251, and XXIX, 7-17.

[426] This could be read _Kudurkumal_.

[427] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in British Museum_, IV, 33, 22b.

[428] Meissner, _Altbabylonisches Privatrecht_, 36, 25.

[429] _Cuneiform Texts_, VIII, 25, 22.

[430] _Ibid._, II, 9, 26.

[431] Cf. _Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, p. 27.

[432] _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, II, 23, 15.

[433] _Mittheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1907, p. 23.

[434] Taken from Griffith’s translation in Petrie’s _Egyptian Tales_, second series, London, 1895, p. 36, ff.

[435] The sun-god.

[436] Cf. Part I, p. 35.

[437] Winckler und Abel, _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 40. Cf. Knudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 158.

[438] Winckler und Abel, _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 38. See also Knudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 164.

[439] Translated from the German rendering of Ranke in Gressmann’s _Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Allen Testament_, Tübingen, 1909, p. 223.

[440] See his _Sieben Jahre der Hungersnot_, 1891.

[441] From Brugsch’s _Egypt under the Pharaohs_, London, 1881, I, 303, ff.

[442] From Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, I, p. 237, ff.

[443] An Egyptian name of the northern extension of the Gulf of Suez.

[444] Some Egyptian trading-post in Asia.

[445] An early name for the region east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. It is called Kedemah in Gen. 25:15 and 1 Chron. 1:30; Kedemoth in Deut. 2:26, and translated “East” in Judges 6:3, 33; 7:12; 8:10, 11. In Gen. and Chron. the name is applied to a person.

[446] This is an Amorite name, Ammi-anshi. It shows that the Amorites were already in this region. Later the Hebrews found Sihon, the Amorite here; see Num. 21:21, ff. and Deut. 1:4, ff.

[447] The Egyptian name for the higher parts of Palestine and Syria. The Egyptians had no _l_; they always used _r_ instead. The name is identical with the Hebrew Lotan, Gen. 36:20, of which Lot is a shorter form.

[448] Perhaps the same name as Aiah (Ajah) of Gen. 36:24 and 1 Chron. 1:40.

[449] From _Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum_, XIII, 42; cf. also King, _Chronicles of Early Babylonian Kings_, II, 87, ff.

[450] Another tablet reads “a father I had not.”

[451] A name for the Semitic peoples of Babylonia.

[452] An island in the Persian Gulf.

[453] Taken from Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, III, p. 264, ff.

[454] That is, the foreign nations.

[455] That is, Lybia, which lay to the west of the Egyptian Delta.

[456] That is, the Hittites.

[457] “The Canaan” refers to the land of Canaan, probably here Phœnicia.

[458] Yenoam was a town situated at the extreme north of Galilee, just at the end of the valley between the two ranges of the Lebanon mountains.

[459] Translated from the cuneiform text in Harper’s _Code of Hammurabi_, and Ungnad’s _Keilschrifttexte der Gesetze Hammurabis_.

[460] The mana consisted of sixty shekels. Tn English it is corrupted to _mina_.

[461] The nature of these officials is in doubt. Scheil and others think the first a recruiting-officer; Delitzsch and Ungnad, a soldier. The name of the second officer is literally fish-catcher, but it is certain that here he was some kind of a fisher of men.

[462] Such as plowing, or the young plants early in the season.

[463] At this point five columns of the pillar are erased. It is estimated that 35 sections of the laws are thus lost. § 66 is added from a fragment found at Susa.

[464] Translated from Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 93, col. ii.

[465] Translated from _ibid._, col. iii.

[466] The translation, “be brought to the judges,” has no warrant in the Hebrew.

[467] Since Deut. 15:18 says that such a slave has served “double the hire of a hireling,” Dr. Johns thinks that it betrays a knowledge of the Babylonian three-year regulation. This seems, however, quite problematical.

[468] In a marriage contract on a papyrus from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in Egypt, written in the fifth century B. C., it is provided that the wife may institute divorce proceedings on an equality with the husband. Some Jewish women thus secured by contract that which the law did not grant them. Christ assumed such cases among Palestinian women; see Mark 10:12.

[469] From the _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, I, No. 165.

[470] It is the word so translated in Deut. 33:10.

[471] So rendered in Lev. 7:13; 10:14. Many scholars would render it “thank-offering.”

[472] Compare Exod. 29:13, 14. The Hebrew law differed from the Carthaginian.

[473] This is the rendering of the Revised Version for this word. The Authorized Version rendered it less accurately “meat-offering.”

[474] Each temple had a number of officials connected with it besides the priests, such as carpenters, gate-keepers, slaughterers, barbers, Sodomites, and female slaves. Another Phœnician inscription mentions these.

[475] See Part I, Chapter I. § 7 (3).

[476] From Winckler und Abel’s _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 73. Cf. Knudtzon, _Die El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 84.

[477] The letter takes up assertions made by Rib-Adda in previous letters.

[478] Winckler und Abel, _op. cit._, No. 77, Knudtzon, _op. cit._, No. 103.

[479] These “sons of Ebed-Ashera” are mentioned in many other letters.

[480] Winckler und Abel, _op. cit._, No. 174, and Knudtzon, _op. cit._, No. 286.

[481] Winckler und Abel, No. 102; Knudtzon, 286.

[482] Winckler und Abel, _op. cit._, No. 103; Knudtzon, _op. cit._, No. 287.

[483] Winckler und Abel, No. 104; Knudtzon, No. 288.

[484] Winckler und Abel, No. 105 plus No. 199; Knudtzon, No. 289.

[485] Winckler und Abel, No. 106; Knudtzon, No. 290.

[486] The tablet reads Beth-Ninib, but scholars are agreed that it refers to Beth-shemesh.

[487] For the text cf. Hilprecht, _Old Babylonian Inscriptions_, No. 17. See also Knudtzon, _El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 333.

[488] Published by Hrozny in Sellin’s _Tell-Taanek_, pp. 115 and 121.

[489] In the Babylonian script, _Aḫi-ya-mi_.

[490] See the writer’s article, “Yahweh before Moses,” in _Studies in the History of Religions Presented to C. H. Toy_, especially pp. 188-191.

[491] Taken from Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, pp. 278, ff.

[492] “She” refers to Tentamon, the queen.

[493] These statements are taken from Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV. §§ 44, 81, and 82.

[494] See Evans, _Scripta Minoa_, Oxford, 1909, pp. 22, ff., 273, ff.

[495] See R. A. S. Macalister, _The Philistines, Their History and Civilization_, London, 1913, p. 83, ff.

[496] See Sarzec, _Découvertes en Chaldée_, p. ix, col. v, 28, ff. See also Thureau-Dangin, _Les inscriptions de Sumer et d’ Akkad_, Paris, 1905, p. 109, and his _Sumerischen und akkadischen Königsinschriften_, Leipzig, 1907, p. 68, f.

[497] _Ibid._, col. vi, 3, ff.

[498] Translated from W. Max Müller’s _Egyptological Researches_, Washington, D. C., 1906, Plates 75-87, with a comparison of Breasted’s _Ancient Records_, IV, pp. 350-354.

[499] See Le Gac, _Les Inscriptions d’ Aššur-nasir-aplu III_, Paris, 1908, p. 111, line 84, ff.; cf. also Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, New York, 1912, p. 277, ff.

[500] The text is published in Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, III, 7, 8. These lines are at the bottom of p. 8. Cf. also Craig, _Hebraica_, III, 220, ff., and Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, 295, ff.

[501] From Layard’s _Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from the Assyrian Monuments_, London, 1851, p. 15. Cf. Delitzsch in _Beiträge zur Assyriologie_, VI, 146.

[502] Layard, _op. cit._, line 84, ff.

[503] Layard, _op. cit._, line 90, ff.

[504] _Ibid._, line 99, ff.

[505] From Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, III, 5, No. 6. The text is also published in Delitzsch’s _Assyrische Lesestücke_, 4th ed., p. 51, ff.

[506] The cliff at the mouth of the Dog river, a short distance north of Beirût. This portrait, with that of Ramses II and other kings, may still be seen carved in the cliff.

[507] From Abel und Winckler’s _Keilschrifttexte_, Berlin, 1890, p. 12.

[508] Layard. _op. cit._, p. 10, line 102, ff.

[509] Messerschmidt, _Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts_, Leipzig, 1911, No. 30, line 13, ff. Cf. Langdon’s translation _Expository Times_, Vol. XXIII, 1911, p. 69; also Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels_, p. 298, ff.

[510] Translated from Smend and Socin’s _Die Inschrift Mesa von Moab_, Freiburg I. B., 1886. Cf. also Lidzbarski, _Nordsemitische Epigraphik_, Weimar, 1898, Tafel I; G. A. Cooke, _North Semitic Inscriptions_, Oxford, 1903, p. 1, ff.; Davis, in _Hebraica_, VII (1891), 178-182; Bennett, _The Moabite Stone_, Edinburgh, 1911; and Hastings, _Dict. of the Bible_, III, 406, ff.

[511] In Joshua the name appears as Bamoth-baal.

[512] Translated from Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, Vol. I, p. 35, No. 1. Cf. also Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, p. 305, ff., and the references there given to other translations.

[513] Translated from Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, III, 9, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, _Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglathpilesers III_.

[514] Translated from Rawlinson, _ibid._, No. 3.

[515] Translated from Layard, _Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character_, with a comparison of Rost, _op. cit._

[516] From Rawlinson, _op. cit._, 10, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, _op. cit._

[517] From Rawlinson, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 67.

[518] From Winckler’s _Keilschrifttexte Sargons_, p. 1, line 10, f.

[519] Translated from Winckler. _op. cit._, p. 30, No. 64, 23, f.

[520] _Ibid._, pp. 1, 2, beginning at p. 1, No. 2, line 10.

[521] _Ibid._, p. 48, line 8, ff.

[522] From Winckler, _op. cit._, p. 31, lines 27, ff. and 33, ff.

[523] _Ibid._, p. 33, line 90, ff.

[524] From Winckler’s work previously cited, p. 44.

[525] From Abel und Winckler’s _Keilschrifttexte_, p. 18, col. ii, 34, ff.

[526] From Winckler’s _Keilschrifttextbuch_, 1892, p. 36.

[527] From Abel und Winckler’s _Keilschrifttexte_, p. 17, line 9, ff.

[528] From _Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin_, I, 75.

[529] _Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_, 1872, 168, ff.

[530] Meinhold, _Die Jesaiaerzählungen_, Jes. 36-39, 1898.

[531] Winckler, _Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen_, 1892, pp. 27-50.

[532] Prašek, _Sanheribs Feldzüge gegen Juda_, 1903.

[533] In _Bibliotheca Sacra_, LXIII (1906), 577-634.

[534] _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_, 1912, 332-340.

[535] _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, 158, ff.

[536] Translated from a facsimile in the Kautzsch-Gesenius, _Hebraische Grammatik_, 1902.

[537] Translated from Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, Vol. III, p. 16, col. v, line 12, ff.

[538] _Ibid._, Vol. V, 2, 49, f.

[539] _Ibid._, 9, 115, f.

[540] From Breasted’s _Ancient Records, Egypt_, IV, 498.

[541] Translated from Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, I, 33, col. ii, line 12, ff.

[542] Translated from Pognon, _Les inscriptions babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa_, Pl. xiii, f., and _Recueil de traveaux relatifs à la philologie et à l’archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes_, XXVIII, 57. See also Langdon, _Neubabylonischen Königsinschriften_, 174, ff.

[543] Translated from the _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, I, 337, f.

[544] See Part I, Chapter II, p. 46, f.

[545] This is the reading of the margin in R. V., and correctly translates the original. He was not walking “in” the palace, but upon its flat roof, from which he could see the great city.

[546] From de Morgan’s _Délégation en Perse_, Vol. XIV, p. 60.

[547] From Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, V, 68, No. 1.

[548] From _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, VII, 157, f.

[549] From _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, VII, 162, f., and Clay, _Light on the Old Testament from Babel_, 374, f.

[550] See _Expository Times_. Vol. XXVI, 297-299 (April, 1915).

[551] _Babylonian Texts from the Yale Collection_, No. 39.

[552] From Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, V, 35.

[553] Herodotus, Book II, 161.

[554] Josephus professes to be quoting Manetho, and puts the incident in the time of Ramses. Perhaps Aristeas in his letter refers to this colony, when he speaks of Jewish soldiers. (See Kautzsch, _Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen_, II, 7.)

[555] The documents have been published by Sayce and Cowley, _Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan_, London, 1906, and Sachau. _Aramäische Papyrus und Ostraka aus Elephantine_, Leipzig, 1911. Those translated here are Nos. 1, 4, 6, and 11 of Sachau’s publication.

[556] Perhaps this disfavor arose in part from the fact that, as a papyrus not translated here shows, two other deities were worshiped along with Jehovah.

[557] It is possible that the Elephantine colony were taken from northern Israel.

[558] Translated from the _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, X, 478, f., and Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions_, IV, 60*.

[559] Literally, “like opening and shutting.”

[560] Perhaps one of the antediluvian Babylonian kings. (See Part II,