Chapter V, and Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, II, 128-231.

[172] A “button” handle is a “ledge” handle made into a round knob.

[173] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 158.

[174] See Chapter V, p. 115, f., and Figs. 108, 109.

[175] For discussions of the subject, see Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_, 106-123; Macalister in the _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1905, 243 and 328; also _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 209, ff., and Vincent, _Canaan d’après l’exploration récente_, pp. 357-360.

[176] See Sellin, _Jericho_, p. 156.

[177] For a fuller discussion of children’s toys, see Rice, _Orientalisms in Bible Lands_, pp. 49-58.

[178] An early Christian writer, born in 315, died in 403 A. D., who was bishop of Salamis in Cyprus.

[179] From this equivalence the reader can easily compute the value which the intermediate measures would have according to this theory. The multiples of the Log which formed the Cab, etc., are given above.

[180] See Père Germer-Durand, “Mesures de capacité des Hebreux au temps de l’évangile” in _Conferences de Saint-Étienne_, Paris, 1910, pp. 89-105, and Fig. 185.

[181] The Jewish name for an offering to God. (See Mark 7:11.)

[182] “Mana” is both the Babylonian and the Hebrew term. In English it has usually been corrupted to “Mina.”

[183] Some scholars understand MENE to be such a reference.

[184] The weight is now in the library of Haverford College, near Philadelphia.

[185] The words rendered “the price was a _pim_” are translated in the Authorized Version, “they had a file,” margin, “a file with mouths”; in the Revised Version, “they had a file,” margin, or “when the edges ... were blunt.” The Revisers add, “The Hebrew text is obscure.” The Hebrew word rendered “file” and “blunt” comes from a root that means “to prescribe” or “appoint.” It could easily mean the “established price,” but can mean neither “file” nor “blunt.” _Pim_ means “mouths” and is employed figuratively for “edges,” but neither of those meanings fits the passage. The discovery of these weights has cleared up the whole obscurity. This interpretation was suggested by Pilcher in the _Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement_, 1914, p. 99.

[186] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 279.

[187] See Macalister, _ibid._, pp. 278-293.

[188] See Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine_, 1898-1900, p. 61.

[189] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 291.

[190] See Breasted, _Ancient Records, Egypt_, II, §§ 436, 489, 490, 518, and _History of Egypt_, 2d ed., pp. 277, 307.

[191] See Schrader’s _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, I, 105 (cl. III, 62).

[192] See C. H. W. Johns, _Assyrian Deeds and Documents_, I, Nos. 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 50, and 108; cf. also III, 8.

[193] See Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine_, London, 1914, p. xciii, ff.

[194] Cf. Luke 21:2.

[195] The temples of Solomon, Zerubbabel, and Herod are treated in Chapter XIII, on Jerusalem.

[196] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 102; II, 378, ff.

[197] See Schumacher, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, 156, ff.

[198] In Gen. 22:9 Abraham, we are told, built the altar. He did not, therefore, intend to use the rock-altar. The analogy of this altar with the other two is not quite complete. It appears to have no cup-marks on its surface.

[199] See Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_, p. 31, ff.

[200] See Macalister, _The Excavation of Gezer_, I, 51, 105-107; II, 381-404.

[201] See Part II, p. 364.

[202] See C. H. Toy, _Introduction to the History of Religions_, Boston, 1913, §§ 250, 257.

[203] _Tell Taanek_, p. 68, ff.

[204] See Part II, p. 442.

[205] For descriptions of this high place, see the article by its discoverer, George L. Robinson, in the _Biblical World_, XVII, 6-16; by S. I. Curtis in the _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, October, 1900, pp. 350-355; Savignac in _Révue biblique_, 1903, 280-284; Libby and Hoskins, _The Jordan Valley and Petra_, New York, 1905, II, 172, ff.; Brünnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, Vol. I, Strassburg, 1904, 239-245; Dalman, _Petra_, Leipzig, 1908, 56-58.

[206] See the writer’s _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, Philadelphia, 1904, pp. 193, 194.

[207] Those interested in them will find them described in Brünnow and Domaszewski’s _Provincia Arabia_, I, 246, ff., and in Dalman’s _Petra_, 142, 225, 272, etc.

[208] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 405, ff.

[209] Schumacher, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, 110-124.

[210] Schumacher, _Tell el-Mutesellim_, 105-110.

[211] _Ibid._, 125-130.

[212] See _Harvard Theological Review_, II, 102-113; III, 248-263.

[213] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, viii, 5, and _Wars of the Jews_, I, xxi, 2.

[214] See especially Fig. 269.

[215] See Chapter V, p. 105.

[216] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 286.

[217] _Ibid._, p. 122, f.

[218] Palestine Exploration Fund’s _Annual_, II, 42, ff.

[219] For a Babylonian parallel, see Part II, p. 423, ff.

[220] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, II, 429, f.

[221] See _Biblical World_, Vol. XXIV, p. 177.

[222] See Macalister, _Excavation of Gezer_, I, 288, f.

[223] _Ibid._, 289, ff.

[224] See Bliss and Macalister, _Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900_, p. 9, ff.

[225] So called because of a tradition that the members of the Sanhedrin were buried there. The tradition probably arose because the _kôkim_ and shelves make provision for seventy bodies.

[226] See _Journal of Biblical Literature_, XXII, 1903, p. 164, ff.

[227] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XX, ii, 1; iv, 3.

[228] See Peters and Thiersch, _Painted Tombs at Marissa_, London, 1905.

[229] All who can do so should read George Adam Smith’s _Jerusalem from the Earliest Times to A. D. 70_, New York, 1908, and Hughes Vincent’s _Jerusalem_, Paris, 1912. Or, if this is not possible, L. B. Paton’s _Jerusalem in Bible Times_, Chicago, 1905.

[230] See Dr. Masterman in the _Biblical World_, Vol. XXXIX, p. 295, f.

[231] See Part II, Chapter XV, Letter V, and the writer’s note in the _Biblical World_, XXII, p. 11, n. 5.

[232] See _Biblical World_, XXXIX, 306.

[233] See Part II, Chapter XV.

[234] See Chapter VI, § 8.

[235] Some scholars think the words are a distorted repetition of “in Millo,” which was accidentally repeated by a scribe.

[236] Bliss and Dickie, _Excavations at Jerusalem_, 1894-1897, _passim_, and p. 319, ff.

[237] For “Bethso,” see Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, iv, 2.

[238] See J. E. Hanauer, _Walks about Jerusalem_, London, 1910, 88, 89.

[239] The writer is well aware that the name Moriah for this part of the hill rests on slender evidence, but he employs it nevertheless as a convenient term, since it is well understood by readers of the Bible.

[240] Warren and Conder, _Jerusalem_, pp. 148-158.

[241] See Chapter XI, p. 168.

[242] _Wars of the Jews_, V, v, 1.

[243] So Stade, _Geschichte des Volkes Israels_, Berlin, 1889, I, 314, and G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, 60.

[244] In giving the dimensions of the various temples, the writer has followed the calculations of George Adam Smith in his _Jerusalem_. W. Shaw Caldecott has published four volumes, one on the _Tabernacle_, one on _Solomon’s Temple_, one on the _Second Temple_, and one on _Herod’s Temple_, in which he claims to have discovered a key that harmonizes all the Biblical statements as to the measurements of these structures. His supposed key is his belief that the Babylonians had three different cubits which they used side by side, that these cubits were known to Moses, and that their use was perpetuated in the temple. Should these pages be read by one who has accepted that claim as true, it is but fair that he be informed that Caldecott’s whole system is based upon a misinterpretation of a Babylonian tablet that was published in Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, Vol. IV, p. 37. (See _Tabernacle_, pp. 107-139, and _Solomon’s Temple_, pp. 215, 216.) This tablet contains a table of time and of distances. The unit of time in Babylonia was a _kaskal-gid_. An astronomical tablet published thirty years ago in the book most widely used by beginners in Assyrian says that at the equinox “six _kaskal-gid_ was the day, six _kaskal-gid_ the night.” The _kaskal-gid_ was, then, a period of two hours’ duration. Just as in many countries the word for “hour” is used for distance, and a place is said to be so many “hours” away, so in Babylonia and Assyria _kaskal-gid_ was used as a measure of distance. The tablet referred to gives a table of the ways of writing fractions of _kaskal-gid_ and its other divisions in the simplest of the two Babylonian numerical systems. The Assyriologist learns from this tablet that 1 _kaskal-gid_ (the distance of two hours) equalled 30 _ush_, that 1 _ush_ equalled 60 _gar_, that 1 _gar_ equalled 12 _u_ or cubits, and that 1 _u_ equalled 60 _shu_ or “fingers.” Caldecott, however, mistook the sign _gid_ for a numeral five, the sign _kaskal_ for a word meaning “ell,” and the word _u_ meaning “cubit” for a sign signifying “plus”! He accordingly makes _gar_ a “palm”; _shu_, a “three-palm ell”; _ush_, a “four-palm ell,” and _kaskal-gid_, a “five-palm ell”! His whole system is without foundation.

Tables similar to the one published by Rawlinson were compiled in the scribal school at Nippur. One was published without translation by Hilprecht in 1906 in the _Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania_, Vol. XX, and interpreted by the present writer in 1909 in _The Haverford Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets_, Part II, pp. 13-18. The writer has examined other similar tablets in the University Museum, Philadelphia.

[245] See Chapter IX, p. 151. According to I Kings 7:48, there was a “golden altar” here also, but as this is not mentioned in chapter 6 many scholars think that it is a post-exilic gloss, introducing a feature from the second temple.

[246] _Antiquities of the Jews_, VIII, v, 2.

[247] See translation, Part II, p. 377.

[248] See Bliss, _Excavations at Jerusalem_, pp. 96-109.

[249] See G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, I, 226. For another view, see Paton, _Journal of Biblical Literature_, XXV, 1-13.

[250] See G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, Chapters X and XI.

[251] See Chapter II, p. 66; also Part II, p. 385, f.

[252] Ezra 5:16 states that Sheshbazzar laid the foundations of the house in the reign of Cyrus, but as Haggai and Zechariah give no hint of this, many scholars think there must be some error in the text.

[253] _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, xiii, 5.

[254] See the Mishnah, _Middoth_ 3:6.

[255] _Excavations at Jerusalem_, 16, ff.

[256] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XI, vii, 1; cf. also G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, 358-361.

[257] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, i.

[258] See Ecclesiasticus iii-v, vii, ix, xxiii, xxv, ff., and xxviii.

[259] See Eccles. 50:1-4.

[260] Cf. Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, v, 1.

[261] See Selah Merrill, _Ancient Jerusalem_, New York, 1908, pp. 83-88.

[262] See G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, 447-452.

[263] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, v, 1.

[264] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, vi, 7.

[265] See Chapter V, p. 119.

[266] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, xi, 4; XVIII, iv, 3.

[267] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XX, viii, 11; _Wars of the Jews_, II, xvi, 3.

[268] Merrill, _Ancient Jerusalem_, p. 88.

[269] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIV, iv, 2, and Fig. 255.

[270] Because its identity as a part of this bridge was first perceived by Prof. Edward Robinson, of Union Seminary, New York.

[271] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, vii, 2.

[272] Warren and Conder, _Jerusalem_, 178, f.

[273] See Chapter VI, p. 131.

[274] Quoted by Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius; see G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, 462.

[275] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, xiii, 5.

[276] _Ibid._, XIV, ii, 1.

[277] _Ibid._, XIV, iv, 2.

[278] _Ibid._, XIV, xiii, 3, 4, 5.

[279] _Ibid._, XIV, xv, 2; xvi.

[280] _Ibid._, XV, viii, 5.

[281] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, iv, 3.

[282] _Ibid._, V, iv, 4. (See Fig. 256.)

[283] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XVII, ix, 3; _Wars of the Jews_, II, ii, 2; xiv, 8.

[284] Colonel Conder, the late Dr. Merrill, Georg Gatt, Dr. Rückert, and Dr. Mommert.

[285] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, viii, 1.

[286] See _Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1887, p. 161, ff. Dr. Schick calls it an amphitheater, but it is simply a theater of the Greek type.

[287] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XV, xi, 2.

[288] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XX, ix, 7.

[289] _Ibid._, XV, xi, 3.

[290] Above it was a chamber 30 cubits high.

[291] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, v, 6.

[292] See Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, V, v, and the Mishna tract _Middoth_ for the authority for this description. For a fuller description, see G. A. Smith, _Jerusalem_, II, Chapter XVIII.

[293] See Chapter VI, p. 131.

[294] That is, the “Pool of Israel.”

[295] _Wars of the Jews_, V, iv, 2.

[296] The city, restored under the heathen name of Ælia Capitolina by the Emperor Hadrian in 135 A. D., made Christian by Constantine in 325, sacked by the Persian Chosroes in 614, taken by the Arabs in 636, captured after many vicissitudes in 1072 by the Seljuk Turks, made by the First Crusade the seat of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem from 1099 to 1187, when Saladin took it, was once more after many other vicissitudes captured by the Ottoman Turks in 1517.

[297] _Historia Naturalis_, V, xviii, 74.

[298] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, vii, 7.

[299] See Chapter V, p. 111.

[300] See Schürer, _Geschichte des Jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi_, Leipzig, 1907, II, 172, and note 321.

[301] See Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, iv, 5.

[302] See Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, Philadelphia, 1904, p. 176.

[303] See Neubauer, _Géographie du Talmud_, Paris, 1868, 238-240.

[304] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, viii, 4.

[305] Brünnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, III, 107-144, and Fig. 267.

[306] See Polybius, V, 71.

[307] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XIII, xiii, 3.

[308] Schürer, _Geschichte des Jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi_, 4th ed., II, 1907, p. 175.

[309] Neubauer, _Géographie du Talmud_, 274.

[310] See Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, New York, 1883, 184, ff. and 442, f.; also Schumacher, _Across the Jordan_, London, 1886, p. 272, f.

[311] Merrill, _ibid._, 298, and G. A. Smith, _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, map.

[312] So Brünnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, III, 264.

[313] Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, iv, 8.

[314] See Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, 281-284; Schumacher in _Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins_, XXV, 1912, 111-177; Brünnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, II, 234-139; Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, 158, f.

[315] See Polybius, V, 71.

[316] See 2 Sam. 12:27 and Barton in the _Journal of Biblical Literature_, XXVII, 147-152.

[317] See Josephus, _Wars of the Jews_, I, xix, 5.

[318] See Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, 399, ff.; Schumacher, _Across the Jordan_, 308; Brünnow and Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, II, 216-220, and Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, 155, f.

[319] Ramsay, _St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen_, New York, 1896, 243, ff.

[320] See Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, II, Oxford, 1896, 618-699.

[321] See _American Journal of Archæology_, 2d series, II, 133, f.; III, 204, f.; IV, 306, f.; VI, 306, f, 439, f.; X, 17, f., and XIV, 19, f.

[322] See Benjamin Powell in _American Journal of Archæology_, 2d series, VII, 60, f., and Fig. 275.

[323] See Ramsay’s article “Ephesus” in Hastings’ _Dictionary of the Bible_, Vol. II, p. 721, f., for further details.

[324] Book II, 1. 868.

[325] See Hogarth’s _Ionia and the East_, Oxford, 1909, p. 45, f.

[326] See _De Neocoria_, p. 38.

[327] See Ramsay in Hastings’ _Dictionary of the Bible_, III, 750.

[328] Wood, _Discoveries at Ephesus_, London, 1877. See Fig. 279.

[329] Hogarth, _Excavations at Ephesus_, London, 1908.

[330] See Couze (and others), _Ausgrabungen zu Pergamos_, Berlin, 1880, and Thrämer, _Pergamos_, Leipzig, 1888; also F. E. Clark, _The Holy Land of Asia Minor_, New York, 1914, p. 67, f.

[331] See Bousset, _Die Offenbarung des Johannes_, Göttingen, 1896, p. 245, ff.; Ramsay, _The Letters to the Seven Churches_, New York, 1905, 283, ff., and Moffat in _The Expositor’s Greek Testament_, Vol. V, New York, 1910, p. 355, f.

[332] See Ramsay, _The Church and the Roman Empire_, New York, 1893, p. 252, f.

[333] Josephus, _Antiquities of the Jews_, XII, iii, 1.

[334] See Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, p. 325, ff.

[335] See Butler in _American Journal of Archæology_, 2d series, Vol. XVIII, 1914, p. 428.

[336] Book, I, 7.

[337] See Herbig’s article, “Etruscan Religion,” in Hastings’ _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, Vol. V, New York, 1912, p. 532, ff.

[338] _American Journal of Archæology_, Vol. XVII, 1912, p. 474.

[339] Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, 76-79.

[340] See _American Journal of Archæology_, Vols. XIV-XVIII, and Fig. 285.

[341] _Ibid._, XV, 452.

[342] _Ibid._, XV, 457.

[343] _Ibid._, XVI, 475, ff., and Fig. 286.

[344] See “Altar (Christian)” in Hastings’ _Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, Vol. I, p. 338, f.

[345] _Ecclesiastical History_, X, 4.

[346] See Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, p. 71.

[347] See Chapter XIV, p. 217, f.

[348] Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 407, ff.

[349] _Ibid._, 410, ff.

[350] See Curtius, _Philadelphia_, Berlin, 1873, and Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, 79, ff.

[351] Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 25, 1.

[352] See Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 257 and 274, ff.

[353] See Barton, _A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands_, p. 82.

[354] See Ramsay, _The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, Oxford, 1895, p. 32, f.

[355] See Ramsay, _Letters to the Seven Churches_, 424, ff.

[356] See F. E. Clark, _The Holy Land of Asia Minor_, New York, 1914, p. 145, f.

[357] Other translations of this epic have been made. The most important are as follows: Zimmern, in Gunkel’s _Schöpfung und Chaos_, pp. 401, ff.; Delitzsch, _Das Babylonische Weltschöpfungsepos_ (Abhandlungen der sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Bd. XVII, 1896); Muss-Arnolt, in _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_, Aldine ed., edited by R. F. Harper; Jensen in Schrader’s _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, Bd. VI; L. W. King, _The Seven Tablets of Creation_; Dhorme, _Choix de textes religieux assyrobabyloniens_; Ungnad, in Gressman’s _Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testament_; Rogers, _Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament_. A fragment of this tablet is shown in Fig. 290.

[358] That is, Sea and Abyss, mentioned in lines 3 and 4. Apsu was the waters underneath the dry land and Tiâmat the salt sea.

[359] _I. e._, the spirits of earth.

[360] Another name for Tiâmat.

[361] Marduk’s temple in Babylonia.

[362] _I. e._, the captive gods of line 27.

[363] The name which the Babylonians gave themselves.

[364] Translated from _Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum_, Part XIII, p. 35, ff.

[365] Translated from Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, IV, 2d. ed., pl. 32, lines 28-38.

[366] See _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, Vol. XXVI, pp. 51-56.

[367] _Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection_, New Haven, 1916, Nos. 46-51.

[368] Translated from _Recueil de Traveaux_. XX, 127, ff.; Winckler and Abel’s _Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna_, No. 240, _Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, VI, p. xvii, f., and _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, XVI, 294, f.

[369] The lines 14a, etc., are supplied from a parallel tablet.

[370] Translated from Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 2. From the beginning of each column 16 to 18 lines are broken away.

[371] The sun-god.

[372] Perhaps “palm-tree-fertilizer” instead of hunter. It is not the usual ideogram for hunter, but one element stands for “hand” and the other for “female flower of the date palm.” (See Barton, _The Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_, Nos. 311({12}) and 303({6}).)

[373] Seven lines are broken away from the end of the column.

[374] The subject-matter shows that several columns are entirely broken away. Dr. Poebel estimates that Column IV was originally Column X. If this is true, six columns are entirely lost. Of Column IV, only a few lines out of the middle remain.

[375] A number of lines are lost at the end of the column.

[376] Numbers 3, 4, and 5.

[377] Poebel reads the name _Arpi_, apparently because in another fragmentary tablet he thinks the name is _Arbum_, but both Poebel’s copy and the photograph of the tablet indicate that the reading was _A-ri-pi_. The writer has endeavored to settle the matter by collating both tablets, but both have unfortunately crumbled too much to make collation decisive.

[378] Sumerian words which begin with a vowel, when they are taken over into Hebrew, assume a guttural at the beginning. Thus the Sumerian AŠ-TAN, “one,” which became in Semitic Babylonian _ištin_, comes into Hebrew as _‘eštê_ with an Ayin at the beginning. (See Jer. 1:3 and elsewhere.) _Ayin_ in Semitic phonetics frequently changes to Heth. (See Brockelmann’s _Vergleichende Grammatik der Semitischen Sprachen_, I, § 55, b, α.) In accordance with these facts AN-KU came into Hebrew as _Ḫenok_.

[379] He is mentioned in Zimmern’s _Ritualtafeln für den Wahrsager_, Leipzig, 1901, No. 24:1, ff., as the discoverer of the art of forecasting events by pouring oil on water.

[380] Poebel has shown, _Historical Texts_, 114, that EN-ME designates a hero or special kind of priest. _Mutu_ in Semitic means both “man” and “a kind of priest”; cf. Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrisch-Englisch-Deutsches Handwörterbuch_, 619, 620, and Knudtzon, _El-Amarna Tafeln_, No. 55, 43. _Mutu_ was a popular element in Semitic proper names about 2000 B. C., but later ceased to be employed.

[381] The sign _kam_ Poebel failed to recognize. It is No. 364א of Barton’s _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_. It is sometimes employed in early texts instead of other signs which had the values _ka_ or _kam_. Here it is used for sign No. 357 of the work referred to.

[382] Langdon makes the suggestion (_Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man_, Philadelphia, 1915, p. 56, note 7) that Lamech is the Sumerian LUMḪA, an epithet of the Babylonian god Ea as the patron of music. A more plausible theory would be that Lamech is a corruption of a king’s name, as suggested above, and after it was corrupted it was confused with the name of the Sumerian god LAMGA, the constructive god, whose emblem was the sign for carpenter. (See Barton, work cited, No. 503.)

[383] See Meissner, _Seltene assyrische Ideogramme_, No. 1139.

[384] See Barton, work cited, No. 275{(5)}. IN is the Sumerian verb preformative.

[385] See Delitzsch, _Sumerisches Glossar_, p. 262, f.

[386] See Barton, work cited, No. 229{(18)}.

[387] Jared might, of course, be a corruption of Irad (see p. 270). It could have arisen by the wearing away of the Hebrew letter _Ayin_.

[388] See his _Unity of the Book of Genesis_, New York, 1895, Chapter II.

[389] See Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, II, 59, rev. 9, and Zimmern’s _Babylonischer Gott Tamūz_, p. 13.

[390] _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, XV, 243-246.

[391] _Expository Times_, X, 253.

[392] See Chapter VI, p. 273.

[393] _Historical Texts_, p. 42.

[394] Rawlinson’s _Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia_, V, 44, 17b. The Semitic name of this king is also said to have been Tabu-utul-bel. He is the one whose fortunes correspond so closely to those of Job. (See