Letter 37 (formerly produced by poverty, want of fresh meats,

and vegetables, etc.) etc. etc. Similar opinions are offered in various medical works.

[288] The Canons of the Anglo-Saxon Church urged it as a duty upon the charitable to give to the poor, meat, mund, fire, fodder, bedding, _bathing_, and clothes. Wilkin’s _Leges Anglo-Saxonicae Ecclesiasticae et Civiles_, p. 94. Turner’s _History of the Anglo-Saxons_, vol. ii. p. 72.

[289] Hollinshed mentions the “multitude of _chimnies_ latelie erected” as one of the “three things marvellouslie altered in England” about the beginning of the sixteenth century. (_Chronicles of England_, etc. edit. of 1807, vol. i. p. 317; and Strutt’s _Horda Angel-Cynnan_, 1774, vol. i. p. 104.) When we consider this we shall scarcely wonder that the smoke of coals was formerly looked upon as a noted cause of disease, and was at one time actually prohibited in London and Southwark. (Stow’s _Survey of London_, p. 925. Evelyn’s _Fumifugium_, 1661. Macpherson’s _Annals of Commerce_, vol. i. p. 474.) In 1307 fires were ordered not to be lighted near the Tower because the Queen was going to reside there. (Macpherson, _ut supra_, see the edict in Rymer’s _Foedera_, vol. ii. p. 1057.)

[290] The last Archbishop of Glasgow (says Arnott) put on a clean shirt once a week.—_History of Edinburgh_, p. 259.

[291] Straw was first used for the king’s bed in 1242, in the reign of Henry III., whose court was considered the most polite in Europe. (Dr. Henry’s _History of Great Britain_, vol. iii. p. 507.) Some estates in England were held by the tenure of the proprietors finding clean straw for the king’s bed, and litter for his chamber. (Henry, _ut supra_; Camden’s _Britannia_, vol. i. p. 311; _Index Monasticus_, p. 12.) In the charter granted by Robert the Bruce to the Burgh of Ayr, the providing of this latter item for him and his successors, for three days and nights, whenever they visited the town, is specially entered in the reddenda—“Et inveniendo nobis et heredibus nostris per vices in adventibus nostris et heredum nostrorum apud Are per tres dies et noctes _literium_ pro aulâ nostrâ.” (_Records of Prestwick_, p. 128.) The office of rush-strewer was continued till a late period on the list of the royal household (Craik and Macfarlane’s _History of England_, vol. i. p. 644.)

[292] _Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 317.

[293] Many of the older medical authors lay down various and most contradictory lists of articles of food as capable of producing leprosy—some accusing too great quantities of animal diet—others blaming too much vegetable diet as the cause, while a third class, as Theodoric, impugn too free a use of either or both (nimium usum carnis vaccinae, buballinae, lentium et omnium leguminum. Theodoric, c. 55). Some authors state the most strange doctrines on this point. Thus Bernhard Gordon gravely states, that to partake of fish and milk in the same meal does induce leprosy (comedere lac et pisces in eadem mensa inducit Lepram. _Lilium Medicinae_, p. 48). The same idea is repeated from Avicenna down to our countryman Gilbert, and it is probably not unworthy of being remarked that the same prejudice in regard to the influence of a mixed fish and milk diet prevails, or prevailed till of late, in such opposite points as Madeira and Hindostan.—(Heberden’s paper on “Elephantiasis in Madeira,” p. 29; Walker, in _Calcutta Medical and Physical Transactions_, vol. i. p. 4 of his “Account of the Medical Opinions of the Hindus on Leprosy.” See also Sir William Jones’ Works, vol. i. p. 556.)

[294] _History and Chronicles_, vol. i. p. lx.

[295] Marsden’s _History of Sumatra_, containing an account of the Government, Laws, etc., pp. 151 and 201.

[296] See references formerly given to the works of Mackenzie, Olafsen, Troil, Barrow, Henderson, Hooker, etc.

[297] Some scattered records of the leper hospital at Hamel en Aarde by Messrs. Halbeck and Leitner, are to be found in the _Periodical Accounts relating to the Missions of the Church_, vol. ix. p. 345, 482, etc., as kindly pointed out to me by Dr. William Brown. In 1824 the hospital contained 110 lepers.

[298] See Heberden, Adams, and Heineken’s papers, already referred to.

[299] Hoest’s _Reise nach Marokos_, p. 248, calls the disease Sghidam (Juddam). Lempriere’s Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier, Morocco, etc., in 1789, in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. xv. p. 689, describes the disease as true leprosy. Jackson’s _Account of the Empire of Morocco_ (1801), gives an account of the leper hospital or village near Morocco.

[300] Niebuhr states that three different varieties of leprosy are known in Arabia in modern times—viz. the Bohak, Barras, and Juddam. “There is (he states) a quarter in Bagdad surrounded with walls, and full of barracks, to which lepers are carried by force, if they retire not thither voluntarily. They come out every Friday to ask for alms.”—(Pinkerton’s _Collection of Voyages_, vol. xviii. p. 170.)

[301] Dejean in Hensler’s _Abendländischen Aufsatze_, p. 240.

[302] Schilling, _De Lepra_, p. 20. Stedman’s _Narrative of Five Years’ Expedition in Surinam_ (1796), vol. ii. p. 285.

[303] Bajon’s _Memoires pour servir à l’Histoire de Cayenne_, etc., vol. i. p. 237. Bancroft’s _Natural History of Guiana_, p. 385.

[304] Winterbottom’s _Account of the Native Africans in Sierra Leone_, vol. ii. p. 113.

[305] F. Moore’s _Travels into the Inland parts of Africa_ (1738), p. 130. Mungo Park found the disease among the Mandingoes.—(See Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. xvi. p. 877.)

[306] Whitelaw Ainslie, in the _Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society_, vol. i. (1824), p. 282. Robinson, in the _London Medico-Chirurgical Transactions_, vol. x. (1819), p. 27.

[307] Pococke’s _Description of the East_, vol. ii. p. 122; or Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. x. p. 502.

[308] _Voyages de Pallas en differentes Provinces de Russie_ (Paris, edit. of 1769), vol. i. pp. 651 and 659.

[309] Ulloa’s _Voyage to South America_ (London, edit. of 1762), vol. i. p. 45, etc. Ulloa states that, at the time of his visit to Carthagena, all the lepers of the place were confined in the hospital of San Lazaro, and if any refused to go, they were forcibly carried thither. The hospital consisted of a number of cottages, and the ground on which it stood was “surrounded by a high wall, and had only one gate, and that always carefully guarded.”

[310] My friend, Dr. Cheyne, lately of San Luis, informs me that the hospital of San Lazaro, in the city of Mexico, is set aside for the reception of cases of tubercular leprosy.

[311] As in Ceylon (Marshall’s _Medical Topography of Ceylon_, p. 43); Mauritius (Kinnis in _Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal_, vol. xxii. p. 286); Madagascar (_Narrative of Madagascar Mission_, pp. 208 and 191). I am informed by Dr. Shortt that one of the group of the Sechelle Islands is used as a leper station. See further Crawford’s _History of the Indian Archipelago_ (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. i. p. 34.

[312] As in Java (Cloyer in _Miscell. Naturae Curiosorum_, Dec. i. Ann. 2 (1683), p. 7); Amboyna (Valentyne’s _Beschreibung von Amboyna_), vol. ii. p. 249. Clarke’s _Observations on the Diseases of Long Voyages_, vol. i. p. 128.

[313] Casan, in the _Memoires de la Soc. Medicale d’Emulation_, vol. v. p. 102. Hillary on _Diseases of Barbadoes_, p. 322. Alibert’s _Monographie des Dermatoses_, tom. ii. p. 289; Case from Guadaloupe. Peyssonnel’s Report on the Lepers in Guadaloupe, in _Philosoph. Trans._ vol. i. p. 38, etc. etc.

[314] As in Scio, according to information given me by Dr. Clarke. Howard, in his _Account of the principal European Lazarettoes_, mentions, p. 40, the leper hospital in Scio. Hennen, in his _Medical Topography of the Mediterranean_, states that elephantiasis is endemic in one small village in Cephalonia, p. 275. Savary seems to have met with several cases in the islands of the Archipelago (_Letters on Greece_, 1788, p. 110).

[315] It is but proper to add that the tubercular leprosy is looked upon by some pathologists as a disease not originally endemic in any part of the New World, and that it was first imported into and spread through the West Indies, etc., by subjects brought from Africa. Hillary professes himself certain upon this point. See his _Observations on the Diseases of Barbadoes_ (1766), p. 322; and also, for the same opinion, Schilling’s _Commentationes de Lepra_ (1778), p. 20.

[316] _De Morbis Occultis_, lib. i. c. 12.

[317] _Observationes Chirurgicæ_, lib. iv. obs. 7.

[318] Du Chesne’s _Historiæ Francorum Scriptores Coaetanei_, tom. v. p. 402. Joinville’s _Histoire de St. Louys_ (1668), p. 121. Sprengel’s _Histoire de Medecine_, tom. ii. p. 373.

[319] Joinville, _ut supra_, p. 121. “A celui jour du Jeudi Saint, il lave les predz aux meseaux, et puis les baise.”

[320] Du Chesne, _ut supra_, tom. iv. p. 76.

[321] _Historia Angliæ Major_, p. 42.

[322] Ruel’s _Collectio Conciliorum_ (1675), tom. i. p. 1108.

[323] Dupin’s _History of Ecclesiastical Writers_ (London, edit. 1695), vol. vii. p. 131.

[324] _Manipulus Curatorum_ (Bremen, 1577), p. iv. c. 9.

[325] _Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_, tom, i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

[326] Second Part of Henry VI., act iii. sc. 3.

[327] Maundrell’s “Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, A. D. 1697,” in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. x. pp. 380-81.

[328] _De Causis et Signis Morborum_ (Leip. edit. 1735), p. 71.

[329] Baron’s _Description of the Kingdom of Tonquin_, p. 104; or Churchill’s _Voyages_, vol. vi. p. 158.

[330] Richard’s “History of Tonquin,” contained in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. ix. p. 728.

[331] See various enactments of the French provinces on this head, given at length in Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_ (Paris, 1722), vol. i. p. 636.

[332] See the document previously cited from Rymer’s _Fœdera_, vol. xi. p. 635. I quote the following notice from Poulson’s _Antiquities of Beverley_ (London, 1829), vol. ii. p. 773, as an instance of what in all probability not unfrequently took place in these times—viz. the voluntary entrance of lepers into the lazar-houses: “Item, in the year of our Lord 1394, one Margaret Taillor, a leper, came before the twelve governors of the town of Beverley in the Guildhall, and prayed license to have one bed (et petiit licenceam here [habere] unum lectum) in the leper-house without Keldgate bar, which said twelve governors, viz. Nicelas Ryse, William Pollesta, etc., by their common consent have granted.”—_Lansdowne MS._, No. 896, fol. 116.

[333] Skene alleges that these laws were made by David I., who died in 1152-53. George Chalmers states, that, from allusion to them in a charter to Glasgow, bearing date 1176, they were at least by that time in existence. (_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 726.) See further remarks in the Essays of Anderson, Lord Hailes, etc.

[334] Skene’s _Regiam Majestatem_. The Auld Lawes and Constitutions of Scotland (edit. of 1774), p. 241.

[335] The economical measures generally adopted for the sustenance of the poor lepers are only too significantly shown in the following public statute passed in the Scoon Parliament of 1386. “Gif ony man brings to the markit corrupt swine or salmond to be sauld, they sall be taken by the Bailies, and incontinent, without ony question, sall be sent to the lepperfolke, and gif there be na lepperfolke, they sall be destroyed alluterlie (entirely).”—Acts of Robert III. in the _Regiam Majestatem_, p. 414.

[336] Transcribed from the “Chartulary of Aberdeen” in Wilkin’s _Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_, tom. i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

[337] See the edicts to this effect of the state and city of Modena, in Muratori’s _Antiquitates Mædii Ævi_, vol. iii. p. 54; the Synodal Statutes in 1247 of the Church of Le Mans, in Martene and Durand’s _Collectio Veterum Scriptorum_, vol. vii. p. 1397; _ibid._ p. 1363, etc.; and also the various laws enacted by the Magistrates of Paris, in Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_, vol. ii. pp. 636-7, etc. etc.

[338] _Regiam Majestatem_, Burrow Lawes, chap. 64, p. 241.

[339] Murray’s _Acts of the Scottish Parliament_, vol. ii. p. 18.

[340] _Regiam Majestatem_, p. 273.

[341] _Records of Prestwick_, p. 27.

[342] _Ibid._ p. 28.

[343] _Ibid._ p. 29.

[344] “Liber Statutorum Burgi de Edynburgh”—in the Maitland Club _Miscellany_, vol. ii.

[345] Strype’s edit. of John Stow’s _Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster_ (1720), vol. ii. book ii. p. 74.

[346] Stow’s _Survey_, vol. ii. p. 21.

[347] Arnott’s _History of Edinburgh_, p. 258.

[348] _MS. Records of the Town-Council of Edinburgh_, vol. ix. p. 123.

[349] This and the other laws of St. Magdalene’s, Exeter, are to be found at p. 30, etc., of an interesting essay of Dr. Shapter’s of that city, entitled, “A few observations on the Leprosy of the Middle Ages.” The essay, which was printed for private circulation, was kindly forwarded to me by the author, after the publication of the First Part of the present papers.

[350] Matthew Paris’ _Historia Angliæ_. Additamenta, pp. 162 and 168.

[351] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, tom. ii. p. 438.

[352] In former times the churchyards seem to have been the general resort of beggars. Æneas Sylvius, who visited Scotland as the Pope’s Legate in the reign of James I., speaks of there seeing the almost naked paupers (pauperes, pæne nudos; ad templa mendicantes) supplied with coals as alms.—_Historia de Europa_, c. 46. Sibbald’s _Chronicle of Scottish Poetry_, vol. i. p. 176.

[353] We have seen, in a previous page (p. 137, _supra_), that the lepers met with by Maundrell, in Palestine, in 1697, carried a kind of “cop,” or, as he expresses it, they came “with small buckets in their hands to receive the alms of the charitable.” Evelyn, in his interesting _Memoirs_, alludes to a curious mode of sending alms to the leper that he saw practised one hundred years ago in Holland. In his Diary, under the date of 26th July 1641, he states, “I passed through Deft to the Hague, in which journey I observed divers leprous poor creatures dwelling in solitary huts on the brink of the water, and permitted to aske the charity of the passengers, which is conveyed to them in a floating box that they cast out.”—Bray’s edition of _Evelyn’s Memoirs_, etc., vol. i. p. 12.

[354] _Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Ævi_, tom. iii. p. 54.

[355] _Sir Tristrem_, a metrical Romance of the thirteenth century, edited by Sir Walter Scott (Edinb. 1804), Introduction, p. 12.

[356] Tytler’s “Historical Inquiry into the ancient state of Scotland,” _History_ (2d edit.), pp. 305 and 337.

[357] In Robert de Brunne’s translation (made in the reign of Edward the Third) of Peter Langtoft’s Chronicles, the same term “mesel” is used as synonymous with leper, and applied to one designated in the rubrics “Baldeiano Leproso.”

Baldewyn the Meselle, his name so hight, ... For foul meselrie he comond with no man.

John Trevisa has rendered the lepra of Glanville by “meselry,” in translating, in 1398, the treatise _De Proprietatibus Rerum_.—See the London edition of 1535, pp. 109-110.

[358] _Testament of Cresseid_, as previously quoted.

[359] Lord Coke’s _First Institutes of the Laws of England_ (Thomas’ edit.) vol. ii. p. 193, and vol. i. p. 162.

[360] Lindenborg’s _Codex Legum Antiquarum_ (1613), p. 609.

[361] _Observations sur l’Histoire de S. Louys_ (in edit. of Joinville’s _Life of St. Louis_, 1668. Appendix, p. 34.)

[362] Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_ (Paris, 1722), vol. ii. p. 636.

[363] Lobineau’s _Histoire de Bretagne_, vol. i. p. 204; Mezeray’s _Histoire de France_, tom. ii. pp. 168-69.

[364] _Dictionnaire Historique et Geographique de la Bretagne_ (1778), p. 176.

[365] _Essai Historique sur la ville de Bayeux_ (1829), p. 254, _seqq._

[366] The other variety of Lycium, described by Dioscorides as procured in Asia-Minor (Lycia, Cappadocia, etc.), is now generally supposed to be an extract from the _Rhamnus infectorius_, or other species of _Rhamnus_. (See Professor Royle, in _Linnæan Transactions_, vol. xvii. p. 87; Dr. Adams, in his admirable edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 234.)

[367] _The Manners and Customs of the Romans_, p. 287.

[368] _Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 402. (Heidelberg edition of 1743.)

[369] _Corpus Juris Civilis Digestorum_, lib. iv. tit. vi. leg. 33, sec. 2, p. 142. (Leyden Edit. 1652.)

[370] “Cum te Medicum Legionis secundæ adjutricis esse dicas, munera civilia quandiu reipublicæ causa abfueris, suspicere non cogeris. Cum autem abesse desieris, post finitam eo jure vacationem, si in eorum numero es, qui ad beneficia medicis concessa pertinent, ea immunitate uteris.”—(_Ibid._ lib. x. tit. 52, p. 855.)

[371] The whole chapter of Vegetius “Quemadmodum sanitas gubernetur exercitus,” etc., is so interesting that I will take the liberty of here quoting it in full:—“Now (what is to be most specially attended to), I will give directions how the health of an army is to be preserved, in as far as regards places for encampment, waters, temperature, medicine, and exercise. With respect to places, the soldiers should not remain long near unhealthy marshes, nor in arid situations that are destitute of the shades of trees; nor on hills without tents in summer. They ought not to be late in the day in commencing their march, lest they contract disease from the heat of the sun and the fatigue of their journey; and, indeed, in summer, they had better arrive at their destination before the morning is advanced. In severe weather they should not pursue their journey through snow and ice at night; nor be allowed to suffer from scarcity of fuel, or a deficient supply of clothing. For the soldier who is obliged to endure cold is neither in a fit state for enjoying health, nor for marching. Nor should he make use of unwholesome nor of marsh waters. For a draught of bad water induces, like a poison, disease in those who drink it. And, moreover, in this case, the unremitting diligence of the generals, tribunes, and their assistants, as wielding the highest authority, will be required, so that their sick comrades may be restored by seasonable articles of food, and be cured by the skill of the physicians (_arte medicorum_). For it is difficult to manage with those who are at one and the same time oppressed with the evils of disease and of war. But those who are skilled in military affairs have held that daily exercise contributes more to the health of the soldiers than the physicians do. Wherefore, they have advised that the foot soldiers should be regularly exercised during seasons of rain and snow under cover, and at other seasons openly. In like manner, they have ordered that the horsemen should assiduously exercise themselves and their horses, not only on level ground, but also in steep places, and in parts rendered difficult by wide ditches, so that nothing new or strange may occur to them in this respect during the casualties of battle. From all this may be inferred how much the more diligently an army ought to be trained in the exercise of arms, seeing, as we do, that the habit of labour procures alike health in the camp and victory in the battle-field. If (Vegetius adds) a multitude of soldiers be permitted during the summer or autumn seasons to remain long in the same locality, from the corruption of the water, and the stench of their filth, the atmosphere is rendered insalubrious, their respiration becomes vitiated, and most dangerous disease is engendered; and this cannot be remedied by any other means than by a change of encampment.”—(_De Re Militari_, III. 2.)

[372] _Galeni Omnia Opera_, Ed. Kühn, vol. xiii. p. 604. Celsus speaks of the possibility of studying human internal anatomy by looking at the wounds of soldiers, etc. “Interdum enim gladiatorem in arena, vel _militem in acie_, vel viatorem a latronibus exceptum sic vulnerari, ut ejus interior aliqua pars aperiatur.”—_De Medicina_, lib. i. p. 8.

[373] See _Odyssey_, lib. iv. v. 229, etc.

[374] _Euterpe_, II. § 84; _Thalia_, III. §§ 1 and 132.

[375] _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxvi. c. 1. Pliny states that the Egyptians even prosecuted the study of morbid anatomy by dissection:—“In Ægypto, regibus corpora mortuorum ad scrutandos morbos insecantibus.”—(Lib. xix. c. 5.) Galen advised those who desired, in his day, to become acquainted with human osteology, to repair for that purpose to Alexandria, for this potent reason, that there were two actual human skeletons preserved in that city.—See Kühn’s edit. of Galen, vol. ii. p. 220.

[376] _De Vitis, etc., Clarorum Philosophorum_, lib. iii. v. 8.

[377] “In expeditione bellica absque mercede curantur; medici enim annonam ex publico accipiunt.”—_Bibliothecæ Historicæ_ (Amsterdam edition of 1746), vol. i. p. 92. Lib. i. § 82.

[378] It has been suggested by some authorities, but without sufficient grounds, that in practice Machaon exercised only the art of surgery, while Podalirius followed the art of medicine. Hence, it is argued, Agamemnon, when Menelaus was wounded, did not send for Podalirius, but Machaon. Arctinus, one of the early cyclic poets, takes this view.—See Welcker’s _Cyclus Epicus_: “Ilii Excidium Arctini,” xiii. 2.

[379] See Eustathius’ _Commentarii in Homeri Iliadem_, _loc. cit._; and Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. ii. p. 426. Plato, in his _Republic_, discourses as to whether the potion of Pramnian wine, etc., given to Machaon (whom by mistake he names Eurypylus), was not too inflammatory in its character.—(Lib. iii. c. 14.)

[380] The treatise in question, though usually printed amongst the Hippocratic works, is not admitted to be genuine by any of the translators or commentators upon Hippocrates, with the exception of Foes.—See Dr. Adams’ _Works of Hippocrates_, vol. i. p. 121.

[381] Xenophon’s expression (ιατροὺς κατέστησαν ὀκτω) has been supposed by some commentators to indicate that eight soldiers, perhaps previously experienced to some extent in tending the wounded, were selected and improvised into medical officers, rather than that eight were chosen out of a greater number of medical attendants present with the army. But, in all probability, there were present among the ten thousand Greeks more than eight men who professed the imperfect medical knowledge pertaining to the surgeons of that day. In a later part of the _Anabasis_ (v. 8), Xenophon, in defending himself against accusations of alleged severity on his part, in the course of the retreat, to some of the soldiers under his command, argues for its necessity on the principle that “physicians also use incisions and caustics for the good of their patients.” He owns to having urged some, when themselves unwilling, to continue their march towards the shores of the Black Sea, through the cold and snows of Armenia, “because,” says he, “sitting down and rest made the blood to congeal, and the toes to rot off, which was the case of a great many,”—a result that lately happened only too frequently to the soldiers of our own armies on the opposite or Crimean shores of the Euxine.

[382] _De Rebus Gestis Alexandri Magni_, lib. ix. cap. 18. In lib. iv. cap. 25, an account is given of the extraction of an arrow from the king’s shoulder, by the surgeon Philip of Acarnania, who had previously cured Alexander of the attack of fever which followed on his bathing, when overheated, in the cold waters of the Cydnus. Curtius speaks (iii. 13) of Philip as one “inter nobiles medicos,” who were present with the army. When describing the well-known incident of the fever draught given by this physician Philip to Alexander, Arrian speaks of him, not as a medical attendant upon the king, but as one “in whose extraordinary skill in physic Alexander had great confidence, because of his success in the camp,” or in attending upon other members of the army.—(Lib. ii. cap. 4.) Alexander himself affected some knowledge of medicine. At least, when Craterus was invalided, and Pausanias, the physician in attendance upon him, proposed to give him a dose of hellebore, Alexander (as we are informed by Plutarch) wrote a letter to Pausanias, expressing his great anxiety about the case, and desiring him to be cautious in the use of this medicine. In Alexander’s own chest-wound, as detailed in the text above, the head of the arrow possibly did not enter the cavity of the thorax, as its point was, according to Plutarch’s account, fixed in the bone (the scapula or a rib?). When Julius Cæsar fell under the daggers of his assassins, out of the twenty-three wounds which he received, there was none that was mortal, in the opinion of the surgeon Antistisius, except the second, a penetrating wound of the breast. (See Suetonius’ _Julius_, c. 82.) After Epaminondas was fatally wounded at the battle of Mantinea, he refused to allow the iron of the spear with which he was struck to be extracted till the victory was decided—aware that, from its site, death from bleeding would immediately follow—an event which the result confirmed.—(_Cornel. Nepos_, lib. xv. c. 9.)

[383] At the famous battle at the Lake Regillus, fought 497 years before the commencement of the Christian era, Livy tells us that after Titus Herminius slew Mamilius, he was himself struck with a javelin while stripping the body of his enemy; and on being brought back to the camp victorious, he died on the first dressing of his wound (inter primam _curationem_ expiraverit).—_Livii Historiarum Libri_, lib. ii. cap. xx. It is not, however, stated whether this cure of the wound was attempted by the hand of a military comrade, or by that of a surgeon. The same historian mentions that a few years later (B.C. 483), after the battle in which the Romans defeated the Hetrurians, the surviving consul, M. Fabius, distributed his wounded soldiers, for the purpose of cure, among the senators residing in Rome (saucios milites _curandos_ dividit patribus).—See _Livy_, lib. ii. cap. xlvii. And Tacitus, when describing the catastrophe resulting from the fall of the amphitheatre at Fidena, in the reign of Tiberius, states that those injured and wounded by the accident were received into the houses of the citizens, and there carefully attended to, as (he adds) was the custom in former times after great battles (veterum institutis similis, qui magna post proelia saucios largitione et cura sustentabant).—_Annal._, lib. iv. c. 63.

[384] See lib. vii. cap. v. “Telorum ejectio.”

[385] Dr. Adams’ Translation, book vi. § lxxxviii. vol. ii. p. 418.

[386] Xiphilin gives the following account from Dion Cassius of the various difficulties and disasters encountered by Severus, from the rivers, marshes, woods, stratagems, etc., of the Caledonians:—“Severus, wishing to reduce the whole island under his power, entered into Caledonia, and, in marching through it, encountered the greatest difficulties; for he had to cut down woods, make roads over mountains, mounds across the marshes, and bridges over the rivers. He fought no battle, nor did he ever meet with the forces of the enemy in array; but they advisedly placed sheep and oxen in the way of our troops, so that when our soldiers attempted to seize the booty, and were thus drawn far from the line of march, they were easily cut off. The waters and lakes, likewise, were destructive to our men, as by dividing them they fell into the ambuscades prepared for them; and when they could not be brought off, they were slain by their comrades, that they might not fall into the hands of the enemy. Owing to these causes there died not less than fifty thousand of our troops.”—Xiphilin’s _Excerpta_, p. 305. Severus himself seems to have suffered in his health during this Scottish campaign; for during the most of it, he required, says Dion, to be carried, on account of his weakness, in a closed litter (nam plurimum propter _imbecilitatem_ operta lectica vehebatur—p. 305). Both Dion (p. 307) and Herodian (p. 153) mention that he was disabled by gout.

[387] Herodian’s account of the labours and difficulties of Severus in this campaign sufficiently indicates the sources of malaria and disease to which his army was subjected, and, at the same time, affords a curious statement regarding the condition and habits of the ancient Caledonians:—“Severus’ first care (says Herodian) was to throw bridges across the morasses, that his soldiers might be able to pursue the enemy over the dangerous places, and have the opportunity of fighting on firm ground; for as the greater part of the island is frequently overflowed by the tides, these constant inundations make the country full of lakes and marshes. In these the barbarians swim, or wade through them up to their middle, regardless of mud or dirt, as they always go almost naked; for they are ignorant of the use of clothes, and only cover their necks and bellies with fine plates of iron, which they esteem as an ornament and sign of wealth, and are as proud of it as other barbarians are of gold. They likewise dye their skins with the pictures of various kinds of animals, which is one principal reason for their wearing no clothes, because they are loath to hide the fine paintings on their bodies. But they are a very warlike and fierce people, and arm only with a narrow shield and spear, and a sword hanging by their naked bodies; unacquainted with the use of habergeons and helmets, which they think would be an obstruction to their wading through the ponds and marshes of their country, which, perpetually sending up thick gross vapours, condense the air and make it always foggy.”—Hart’s _Herodian_, pp. 153, 154. Dion Cassius, who lived at the date of Severus’ expedition, gives, when describing the expedition, an account of our Caledonian ancestors that is in no degree more flattering. “The Caledonians,” says he, “both possess rugged and dry mountains, and desert plains full of marshes. They have neither castles nor towns; nor do they cultivate the ground; but live on their flocks and hunting, and the fruits of some trees; not eating fish, though extremely plenteous. They live in tents, naked, and without buskins. Wives they have in common, and breed up their children in common. The general form of government is democratic. They are addicted to robbery; fight in cars; have small and swift horses. Their infantry are remarkable for speed in running, and for firmness in standing. Their armour consists of a shield, and a short spear, in the lower end of which is a brazen apple, whose sound when struck may terrify the enemy. They have also daggers. Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour they can bear, for they will even stand in their marshes, for many days, up to the neck in water, and, in the woods, will live on the bark and roots of trees. They prepare a certain kind of food on all occasions, of which taking only a bit the size of a bean, they feel neither hunger nor thirst.”—Xiphilin’s _Excerpta_, p. 304; and Pinkerton’s _Inquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 438.

[388] See Gordon’s _Journey through Scotland_, p. 75. Bruce, in his work on _The Roman Wall_, p. 214, speaks of the ancient city of Borcovicus as likely, when excavated, to prove “the Pompeii of Britain.” Stukeley, in a similar spirit, declared it the “Tadmor of Britain.”

[389] It is possible the word may be a contraction for _ordinatus_ (appointed), and not for _ordinarius_.

[390] _The Roman Wall_: a Historical, etc., Account of the Barrier of the Lower Isthmus, extending from the Tyne to the Solway, p. 228.

[391] _Vita Agricolæ_, cap. 36 (Orelli’s edit. vol. ii. p. 441).

[392] Stuart, in his _Caledonia Romana_, p. 340, gives a copy of a legionary tablet found at Castlecary, which states that the first Tungrian Cohort had erected 1000 paces (mille passus) of the wall.

[393] Horsley’s _Britannia Romana_, p. 205. Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_, p. 164.

[394] According to Horsley, it was probably under the reign of Marcus Aurelius that the Tungrian Cohort became stationed at Castle-steeds, in Cumberland, where they erected an altar to Jupiter. Lastly (he adds), this Cohort settled at Housesteads, where we have six or seven of their inscriptions under four or five different commanders. Here they seem to have continued till the lowest time of the empire. The _Notitia_ places this Cohort at Borcovicus (Housesteads).—_Britannia Romana_, p. 89.

[395] _United Service Journal_ for 1841, vol. iii. p. 124.

[396] See Eckhel’s _Doctrina Nummorum Veterum_, vol. i. p. 8, and vol. vi. p. 495.

[397] _Inscriptiones Romanæ_, p. 68, Fig. 1 and Fig. 2; and p. 269, Fig. 3.

[398] The name of Domitian (see the plate) is erased from the inscription—a practice which has been followed sometimes in relation to the names of other Roman tyrants besides him; but the name of the consul on the stone fixes the date and reign.

[399] _Syntagma Inscriptionum Antiquarum_ (1682), p. 611, 7. See also Spon’s _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, 145, 16; and Dr. Middleton’s Dissertation “De Medicorum apud veteres Romanos conditione,” in his Works, vol. iv. p. 103.

[400] _Novus Thesaurus Vet. Inscriptionum_, 1046, 5.

[401] In the text I have given the reading of this puzzling inscription suggested by Hultmann, in his _Miscellanea Epigraphi_, p. 415, the letters referring to the corps to which SPORUS was attached being very indistinct—namely, “Medico alar indianae etheriae astorum.” The inscription, if Hultmann’s suggestion be correct, indicates the third wing or cohort of the Asturian or Spanish auxiliaries. The first and second wings of the Astures (_Astorum_), and the first cohort of them, are mentioned in the celebrated “Notitia imperii” as located at the time at which that army-list was made out, at three different military stations along the line of Hadrian’s wall from the Tyne to the Solway; and various inscriptions raised by these troops have been dug up in Northumberland and Cumberland. See Dr. Bruce’s work, p. 47, 110 and 154. These English slabs all read _Asturum_, instead of the _Astorum_ of the Notitia, and of the Italian inscription referred to in the text. Let me add that inscriptions referring to soldiers of the Ala Indiana or Indian wing of auxiliary horsemen, have also been found in England.—See an example in Mr. Akerman’s Archæological Index, p. 67, and Messrs Buckmann and Newmarch’s Corinium, p. 115.

[402] “In Legione sunt Cohortes decem.”—_Cincius in Aulus Gellius_, xvi. 4.

[403] _Museum Veronense_, p. 120, 4. See also Gruter’s _Inscriptiones Romanæ_, tom. i. p. 633, fig. 5. The exact age of the dead, not as to years only, but as to months, as in the above tablet, and sometimes even as to days, is a feature peculiar to Roman monumental inscriptions. And nothing appears to us more strange and interesting in relation to Roman monumental tablets, than their total or almost total silence as to a future state, and the possibility of meeting beyond the grave. Out of the almost innumerable Roman monumental inscriptions that have now been copied and published, not one, as far as I am aware, ventures to refer to the hope of a future life. They seem to have looked upon the idea of a future state of existence as poetical imagery only, and not reality; all doubting, like Tacitus, “si quis piorum manibus locus; si, ut sapientibus placet, non cum corpore extinguuntur magnæ animæ.”—_Vita Agricolæ_, cap. 46.

[404] There is, at the end of the third line, an evident ellipsis of the word _Uxoris_. It is scarcely necessary to add that, as is well known, these old Roman inscriptions abound in errors of orthography and grammar.

[405] _De Re Militari_, lib. ii. cap. 10.

[406] Grævius’ _Thesaurus_, vol. x. p. 1021.

[407] _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 71.

[408] _Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 355.

[409] _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 65.

[410] _Ibid._ cap. 69.

[411] Livy, lib. iv. cap. 39.

[412] _De Bello Africano_, cap. xxi. The exigencies of war sometimes converted the stronger soldiers into the only available transport corps for the sick and wounded. Xenophon speaks in the _Anabasis_ (lib. iii. cap. iv.), of the number of Greeks capable of fighting being diminished, because some soldiers were employed in carrying the wounded, and others in carrying the arms of the latter. One anecdote subsequently told by Xenophon seems to show that, occasionally at least, if not as the common rule, one soldier was deemed capable of carrying a sick or wounded companion. For he informs us, that towards the end of the expedition, when publicly accused of being sometimes too severe to the soldiers during the long retreat of the Greeks, the only person who came forward to substantiate the charge, was a soldier whom he had compelled to carry a sick comrade, and who, it turned out, had subsequently dug a pit to bury the invalid before he was completely dead. The army held that Xenophon had not beaten the complainant so much as he actually deserved for this conduct.—_Anabasis_, lib. v. cap. 8.

[413] _Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinæ_, No. 2701.

[414] _Atti e Monumenti de fratelli Arvali_, vol. ii. p. 826.

[415] In the fragmentary list of the two old Roman fleets stationed at Misenum and Ravenna, collected from various inscriptions by Mommsen (p. 477), it is not uninteresting to find the ships—sixteen or eighteen centuries ago—bearing names exactly the same as those borne by our modern royal and commercial navies; as The Cupid, The Diana, Mars, Neptune, Ceres, The Fortune (_Fortuna_), The Victory (_Victoria_), The Hope (_Spes_), The Faith (_Fides_), The Triumph (_Triumphus_), Providence (_Providentia_), The Peace (_Pax_), The Tiber (_Tiberis_), The Nile (_Nilus_), etc.

[416] Thus when Cato the younger, after the battle of Thapsus, committed suicide at Utica, by stabbing himself in the abdomen, his friends rushed into his room, on hearing him fall, and among them his attendant physician, Cleanthes, who replaced the uninjured bowels, and began to staunch and sew up the gash. But on recovering from his state of syncope, Cato thrust aside the surgeon, tore asunder the wound, pulled out the entrails, and speedily expired.—(See Plutarch’s Life of him, and Hirtius’ _Commentar. De Bell. Africano_, cap. 88.) Cicero and Seneca have written applaudingly of Cato’s suicide. Lucan invests him with all godlike virtues; and various modern writers have spoken in enthusiastic terms of his unbending moral dignity and magnanimity of character. But one anecdote, mentioned by Plutarch, seems calculated to detract not a little from our modern estimate of the mental character of this “the last and greatest of the Romans.” In stabbing himself, Cato could not, according to Plutarch, strike sufficiently hard to produce an immediately fatal wound, in consequence of inflammation in his hand, which had required to be dressed by Cleanthes; for a few hours before death, Cato,—that alleged “paragon of Roman virtue,”—had severely injured his fist by striking one of his slaves in the mouth with it.

[417] The death of Pansa, the consul, at the battle of Mutina, in the year B.C. 48, is detailed by Suetonius and Tacitus in such a way as proves that Glycon attended the army as surgeon to Pansa, and took professional care of the consul when he was wounded. In fact, Glycon was thrown into prison, after Pansa’s death, upon a suspicion of having poisoned his wounds.—(See Tacitus’ _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 10; Suetonius’ _Octavius_, cap. 11.) M. Brutus, in a letter to Cicero, begs the interference of Cicero in favour of Glycon, and pleads his innocence of the deed imputed to him.—(Cicer. ad Brut. 6.)

[418] Kühn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 649, 650.

[419] _Histoire de la Médicine_, vol. ii. p. 54 (Jourdan’s Translation). “Scribonius Largus vivait sous le règne de l’Empereur Claude, qu’il suivit dans ses campagnes d’Angleterre.”

[420] Wilkins’ Edition of Browne’s Works, vol. iii. p. 467.

[421] “_Medicis_ ministrisque conaretur persuadere, senem ut e medio quam primum quoquo modo tollerent.”—Lib. iii. p. 412. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius died in Pannonia, when prosecuting a war against the German tribes. Dion Cassius alludes to the physicians who were in attendance upon Aurelius during this long campaign, when adverting to the report that the emperor’s death was caused by them, in order to promote his son and successor Commodus (“peremptus a _Medicis_ qui Commodo gratificabantur.”—_Excerpta_, p. 252). But Capitolinus, the principal authority regarding the biography of Aurelius, does not even advert to the report. On the other hand, he describes Aurelius’ fatal illness as one of seven days’ duration, and states that the emperor only dismissed Commodus from his presence on the last day, lest he should communicate the disease to him. (“Septimo die gravatus est; et solum filium admisit; quem statim dimisit, _ne in eum morbus transiret._”—_Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, vol. ii. p. 298.)

[422] Lib. iii. p. 413. “Nam et _Medicos_ supplicio affecit, quod sibi parum obtemperaverant, jubenti senis maturare necem.” This, as stated in the text, was one of the first, if not the first, act of cruelty which Caracalla committed after Severus’ death. Dion affirms that, after murdering his brother Geta, he ordered about 20,000 of Geta’s supposed friends to be put to death; and amongst others he condemned to death, according to Spartian, a class which is medically not uninteresting—namely, all those who wore amulets or charms about their necks for the cure of agues, a custom which would appear to have been much in use both among the Greeks and Romans.—See Hart’s Herodian, p. 177.

[423] As a further not uninteresting record of the habits of these times, as contrasted with our own, let me add (though the topic is not altogether medical), that after Severus died at York, worn out, according to Herodian, more by grief than by disease (moerore magis quam morbo consumptus), his body was burned, and the ashes left by the corpse inclosed in an urn of alabaster with perfumes (odoribus).—Herodian, p. 413. His sons, with their own hands, lighted the funeral pile. Dion states that, shortly before his death, Severus sent for the urn that was destined to contain his ashes, and addressed it in terms too truly significant of the vanity and emptiness of the highest earthly ambition and the greatest earthly success: “_Tu virum capies quem totus orbis terrarum non cepit._”—Dion, p. 307.

[424] _Antiquitates Neomagenses, sive Notitia rarissimarum rerum Antiquariarum_, etc. (1678), pp. 97, 99. When describing these two medicine-stamps (which are interesting as having been the first rediscovered in modern times), Schmidt ingenuously states:—“De illis quid sentiam, non facile dixerim, sæpe mecum cogito, quid sibi illa velint. Ego tamen _nihil_ adhuc affirmare audeo.”—P. 98. Hugo Grotius, in his _Respublica Hollandiæ_ (1630), speaks of Schmidt as “antiquitatum omnium cultor summus, cujus commentarium de Noviomagi oppidi (_Nymegen_) antiquitate avidissime expectamus.”—P. 123.

[425] _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_ (1685), pp. 236-238.

[426] “Smetius vir eruditus nobis exhibet lapides duos virides quadratos, in margine scriptos, quarum usum se ignorare fatetur. Ego vero puto fuisse opercula pyxidum in quibus unguenta, olea, atque collyria reservabant Pharmacopolae.”—Spon, in his _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p. 236.

[427] Haym’s _Tesoro-Brittanico_ (1720), vol. ii. Letter in Preface.

[428] Caylus’ _Recueil Antiquites_ (1761), vol. i. p. 225. Count Caylus states (p. 226) that the Abbé Le Bœuf, in 1729, expressed the following opinion in relation to one of these Roman stones that was shown him:—“La regarda comme un moule qui servoit à marquer sur la cire les drogues d’un Médecin Romain, on comme une formule de recette pour la confection d’un médicament.” See also vol. vii. (1767), p. 261.

[429] _Antiquitatis Medicæ Selectæ._ Jena, 1772.

[430] _Christophori Saxii Epistola de Veteris Medici Ocularii Gemma Sphragide, prope Trajectum ad Mosam eruta._ 1774.

[431] _Archæologia; or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity_, vol. ix. (1789), p. 227.

[432] _Dissertation sur l’Inscription Grecque_ ΙΑϹΟΝΟϹ ΛΥΚΙΟΝ. Paris, 1826.

[433] _Cinq Cachets Inedits de Médecins-Oculistes Romains._ Paris, 1845. To M. Sichel, one of the most learned of living physicians, I am indebted for various valuable suggestions in collecting the materials for the present essay.

[434] _Observations sur les Cachets des Médecins-Oculistes Anciens, à-propos de Cinq Pierres Sigillaires inedites._ Paris, 1846.

[435] _Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie_, tom. viii. p. 575. (1846). Notice sur un Cachet d’Oculiste Romain trouvé à Amiens.

[436] The three found in Italy have all been discovered in the more northern parts of that kingdom,—viz. the first at Genoa, the second at Sienna, and the third at Verona. See notices of them in Spon’s _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p. 237; Muratori’s _Thesaurus Inscriptionum_, D. viii. 4; and Maffei’s _Museum Veronense_, p. 135.

[437] Kühn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 766-777.

[438] Some of the ancient collyria were gravely averred to possess properties that were optical, rather than medical. Thus Alexander Trallianus gives a receipt for a very complex collyrium, which, when anointed upon the eyes, enabled those who used it to gaze upon the sun even without harm (Possis etiam solem citra noxam intueri).—_De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. p. 174.

[439] “Etiam Asclepiades plurimam et optimam tum aridorum tum liquidorum collyriorum conscripsit silvam.” See Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 226. Asclepiades, who enjoyed during his life high professional popularity at Rome, seems to have flourished in the century preceding the commencement of the Christian era; and the expression of Galen (_sylva collyriorum_) consequently shows us the great number and extent of the collyria known and used even at that early period. For notices of the time and character of Asclepiades, see Pliny’s _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxv. cap. 7; Grumpert’s _Asclepiades Bithyni Fragmenta_, Vinar. 1794; Burdach’s _Scriptorum de Asclepiade Index_, Leipzig, 1800.

[440] In the following passage Galen tersely enumerates the very varied general ingredients, and general therapeutic effects, of the numerous collyria used by the Roman practitioners of his day:—“Nam et liquores, et succi, et semina, et fructus, et plantarum particulæ, ocularibus compositionibus induntur, veluti etiam non pauca ex iis, quæ metallica appellantur; aliqua quidem extreme austera, et acerba, atque aeria; aliqua vero his moderatiora et tamen fortia; quemadmodum item aliqua omnia mordacitatis expertia, ac lenissima per lotionem reddita.”—_De Compositione Medicam. secundum Locos_, cap. i.; Kühn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 699.

[441] Celsus, in the same way, enumerates and describes the collyria of Philon, of Dionysius, of Cleon, of Theodotius, of Euelpides (_qui ætate nostra maximus fuit ocularius medicus_), of Nileus, of Hermon, etc. See his _Medicinæ Libri_, lib. vi.

[442] Appellantur talia a medicis collyria _libiana_ et _cygni_, ob colorem quidem album.—Galen, _de Compos. Med. secundum Locos_, cap. i. Kühn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 708.

[443] See Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_, p. 154; _New Statistical Account of Edinburghshire_, p. 254, etc., for descriptions of the Roman remains at Inveresk.

[444] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Liber_, p. 273.

[445] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Compositione Medicamentorum Liber Comp._ xxvi. p. 198.

[446] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. pp. 753 and 774.

[447] Cornarius’ Latin Translation in _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p. 432.

[448] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 699.

[449] _P. Dioscoridis Opera quæ extant Omnia._ (Edit. Saraceni, 1698) p. 21, lib. i. cap. xxv.

[450] _Naturalis Historia._ Leyden edit. of 1635, vol. ii. p. 474.

[451] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 770.

[452] _Ibid._ pp. 785 and 773.

[453] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 715.

[454] See Milligan’s _Celsus_, p. 296.

[455] _Medicæ Artis Principes_, lib. ii. p. 170.

[456] _Ibid._ lib. iii. p. 432. Our own Pharmacopœias long retained similar terms. The London Pharmacopœia, for example, for 1662, contains an electuary termed _Diacrocuma_, an _Emplastrum Oxycrocum_, etc.

[457] Cornarius’ Latin edition of _Aetius_, 1549, p. 371; and Venice Greek edit. p. 126.

[458] Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society edition, vol. i. p. 419; and the Basle Greek edition of 1538, p. 76.

[459] See Dr. Adams’ edition, vol. iii. p. 551, as compared with the Basle edition, p. 78.

[460] The central figure shows the size of the stone, and the intagliate inscription on one side. The other figures show its three inscriptions as they read from left to right when stamped on wax.

[461] See Scribonius Largus in _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p. 209; Marcellus Empiricus, in _ibid._ p. 326.

[462] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 751.

[463] _Ibid._ p. 772.

[464] _Ibid._ p. 760.

[465] _Ibid._ vol. xi. p. 715.

[466] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Lib._, p. 280.

[467] Spon also (see his _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p. 236) supposed the Nymegen and Genoa medicine-stamps (the only specimens known to exist at the time at which he wrote) to have belonged to some of those practitioners (_Myropolæ_ or _Unguentarii_) who professed to cure diseases principally by the external application of oils, ointment, and friction,—a form of charlatanry not altogether unknown in this, the nineteenth century. According to Pliny, Prodicus, a disciple of Hippocrates, founded the mode of cure termed “Iatraleptice.” By this means (adds Pliny) he opened a road to riches to the slaves and rubbers themselves employed by the physicians (reunctoribus quoque medicorum ac mediastinis vectigal invenit). See his _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxiv. cap. i. in Leyden edition of 1695, vol. iii. p. 187.

[468] Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 787, 786, and 769. Actuarius gives a formula for a collyrium _melinum_, but it is a copy of the last of Galen. See _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p. 309.

[469] _Antiquitates Medicæ Selectæ_, p. 55.

[470] _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xiii. tom. ii. p. 37. Dr. Adams’ edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 592.

[471] _Historia Naturalis_, vol. iii. lib. xxxv. p. 423. Scribonius Largus gives (cap. 90, p. 231) a formula, with the _alumen melinum_ as one of its ingredients. See the same _Oleum Melinum_ described by Dioscorides, lib. i. cap. 55, p. 31.

[472] Quemadmodum viridium emplastrorum plurima propter æruginem præpollentem talia fiunt, præsertim quæ sunt ex ipsis coloratiora; ita quoque Melina. Sed viridia æruginem incoctam habent, Melina vero coctam quidem sed mediocriter; nam si amplius coquas, bicolora emplastra quibusdam appellata, quibusdam gilva, efficies. Solent Medici viridia, simpliciter, Melina, et rufa, nominare, etc.—Galen _de Compositione Medicamentorum per Genera_, cap. vi.—Kühn’s edit. vol. xiii. p. 503.

[473] See _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 228.

[474] Aetius’ _Tetrabiblos_, Cornarius’ edit. p. 359.

[475] De Medicam. Liber.: _Med. Artis Principes_, p. 281.

[476] De Compos. Med.: _Ibid._ p. 660.

[477] Paulus Ægineta’s _Works_. Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. iii. p. 551.

[478] Cornarius’ Translation, p. 435.

[479] Opobalsam, the “succus a plaga” of the Syrian balsam tree. See _Pliny._ lib. xii. c. 25.—Dioscorides, in describing its origin, effects, etc., specially recommends it as a detergent application in dimness of sight (quæ pupillis tenebras offundunt, exterget).—Lib. i. cap. xviii. p. 18.

[480] The inscription on the Daspich stone is “Q. VALLERI SEXTI STACTUM AD CALIGINES OPOBALSAMATUM.” Paulus Ægineta gives a special collyrium under the designation of “Collyrium from opobalsam”—_Collyrium ex opobalsamo._ See Dr. Adams’ Translation in the Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 554. The opobalsam is a frequent ingredient in the various collyria described by Galen, Aetius, etc.

[481] _Catalogue of Antiquities, Coins, etc., in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries of London_, by Albert Way, Esq. 1847, p. 12.

[482] _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 227.

[483] For the purpose of explanation, I have changed the order of the sides, bringing forward as the second what Mr. Gough gives as the fourth side.

[484] Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 781.

[485] Sectio xxiv. De Collyriis, p. 662.

[486] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 110, p. 434.

[487] _De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 175.

[488] Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. iii. p. 554; and vol. i. p. 421.

[489] Thus, for example, the ingredients in the collyrium Thalasseros, as given by Paulus Ægineta, are “calamine, 8 ounces; verdigris, 2 ounces; Indian ink, 8 ounces; white pepper, 4 ounces; median juice, 1 ounce; opobalsam, 2 ounces; and gum, 6 ounces.”—_Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 554.

[490] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. pp. 786 and 787.

[491] _Commentar. in App._ vi. 31. _De Simplic. Med._ ix. 39. Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 420. Plautus, in his _Mostellaria_ (Act i. scene iii. v. 106), enumerates in the same line the _Cerussa_ and _Melinum_ as among the number of the cosmetic paints used at the toilets of the Roman ladies:—

Non isthanc aetatem oportet pigmentum ullum attingere Neque _cerussam_, neque _melinum_, neque ullam aliam offuciam.

[492] See Duchelais’ _Observations_, p. 75; Tochon’s _Dissertation_, pp. 26 and 64; Maffer’s _Museum Veronense_, p. 135; Johanneau in _Melanges d’Archeologie_, p. 177; for accounts of stamps inscribed with the legend _Diamysus ad Veteres Cicatrices_.

[493] _Medicinalium Collectorum_, lib. xiii. p. 499.

[494] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 37, p. 382.

[495] Galen defines Cicatrices and Albugo of the eye as follows:—“_Cicatrix_ appellatur ubi nigro oculi ex alto ulcere membranae crassities supervenit, ut color _albior_ apparet. _Albugo_ nihil a cicatrice differt, nisi quod ex ulcere major cicatrix simul et crassior in iride nascitur.”—Kühn’s Edit. vol. xiii. p. 775.

[496] See _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 40, 37.

[497] _Medicæ Artis Principes._ De Collyriis, cap. 72 and 73, p. 665.

[498] Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. i. p. 418.

[499] _De Arta Medica_, lib. ii. cap. vi. p. 175. Perhaps the medical idea of staining the cicatrices of the eyes was suggested by the circumstance, that the Romans, like the ancient Egyptians, occasionally had recourse to dyeing or staining their eyebrows in the decorations of the toilet. On the substances (_calliblephara_) used for this purpose, see Pliny, lib. xxiii. cap. 4, and lib. xxxv. cap. 16. Juvenal alludes to the practice in his Second Satire, v. 93:—

Ille supercilium madida fuligine tactum Obliqua producit acu, pingitque trementes Attollens oculos.

[500] See _Medicæ Artis Principes_. De Medicam. p. 280.

[501] In the Minutes of the Society of Antiquaries for 17th November 1757, the word is copied as DELICATA.

[502] Thus Nicolaus Myrepsus describes the “Collyrium nominatum _Sol_;” the “Collyrium _Aster_, hoc est stella;” the “Collyrium dictum _Lumen_.” See his _Opus de Compositione Medicamentorum_, sect. xxiv. cap. 2, 22, 3, etc. Trallianus describes the collyrium _Phos_, etc., p. 174. Aetius gives, p. 352, a formula for the collyrium _Uranium_. See also Oribasius, p. 50. Perhaps I ought to have stated earlier, that in quoting the works of Oribasius, Aetius, Myrepsus, Trallianus, Scribonius Largus, and Marcellus, I always refer, except when it is otherwise specified, to the writings of these authors as contained in Stephen’s collated edition of the “_Medicæ Artis Principes post Hippocratem et Galenum_” (Paris, 1567).

[503] _De Simplic. Medicam._ Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 152.

[504] See _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1778, p. 472.

[505] This form of Greek designation, consisting of the name of the principal ingredients in a formula, preceded by the initial DIA, was long retained in pharmaceutical nomenclature. The London Pharmacopœia of 1677, for instance, has upwards of twenty medicines or formulæ commencing with DIA, as the _Pulvis Diasennæ_, the _Electuarium Diacinnamomum_, the syrup named _Diacodium_, etc. Almost the only remnant of this type of nomenclature that is retained in modern medical language, is to be found in the well-known term _Diachylon_ plaster. The inventor of the _Diachylon_ plaster—Menecrates—lived about the time of Tiberius, and, according to the inscription still preserved at Rome upon his marble tombstone (See Gruter’s _Inscriptiones_, p. 581), he was the author of not less than 155 medical works, few or no fragments of which remain. His plaster has greatly outlived the productions of his pen. The medical poet, Damocrates, who wrote several pharmaceutical works, put Menecrates’ directions for preparing the _Diachylon_ into Greek Iambic verse.—See Galen _de Compos. Medicam. sec. Genera_, vol. xiii. p. 996.

[506] _Opera_, lib. i. cap. 77, p. 43. See, also, on its properties, Galen’s _Works_, by Kühn, vol. xii. p. 127; Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 349.

[507] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. cix. p. 429.

[508] _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. cap. v. p. 310.

[509] Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. i. p. 417.

[510] Kühn’s Edition, vol. xii. p. 774.

[511] _Ibid._ p. 746.

[512] _Ibid._ p. 257.

[513] _Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 876.

[514] Mackenzie. _Treatise on Diseases of the Eye_ (1830), pp. 140 and 141.

[515] Frankincense, saffron, and myrrh, form, as we have seen, prominent ingredients in the ancient collyria. Actuarius lays down the differences among the therapeutical effects of these three eye-medicines, with the following rare subtlety:—“_Crocus_ et _Myrrha_ hoc inter se dissident, quod ille moderate adstringat, hæc vero citra adstrictionem non instrenue discutiat, humiditatesque exsiccet: suntque generosiora facultatibus quam _Thus_, quapropter etiam discutiunt magis, verum quod detergendi vi careant: in ulcerum curatione thuri ceu inferiora cedunt.”—_De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. cap. v. p. 305.

[516] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 60.

[517] Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 217.

[518] _Medicinalium Collect._ lib. xi. p. 425.

[519] _De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. p. 173.

[520] Milligan’s Edit. of _Celsus_, p. 290, lib. vi. 13.

[521] See the Aldine Greek edition of his works, p. 118.

[522] _De Medicamentis Liber_, cap. viii. p. 280.

[523] _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. p. 93. _Tochon_, p. 32.

[524] _Recueil de Monuments Antiques_, tom. i. p. 281.

[525] _Cinq Cachets Inedits des Oculistes_, p. 13.

[526] _Bottin: Melanges d’Archæologie_, p. 114.

[527] _Observations sur les Cachets_, p. 41.

[528] On the properties and uses of _Mulsum_ in ocular medicine, see a full account in the Second Book of Alexander Trallianus, p. 176.

[529] “Mollissimum genus earum _Penicilli_, oculorum tumores levant ex mulso impositi: iidem abstergendæ lippitudini utilissimi: eosque tenuissimos et mollissimos esse oportet.”—_Naturalis Historiæ_, liber xxxii. cap. xi. p. 289. In regard to the locality from which these sponges were procured, Pliny afterwards adds,—“Trogus autor est, circa Lyciam _Penicillos_ mollissimos nasci in alto, unde ablatæ sint spongiæ.”—_Ibid._ p. 290.

[530] “_Penicillo_ fovere oculos oportet, ex aqua calida expresso, in qua ante vel myrti vel rosæ folia decocta sint.”—_Milligan’s Celsus_, liber vi. cap. vi. sec. 9, p. 288. When describing venesection at the bend of the arm, Celsus uses the word _Penicillum_ to imply the pledget or compress applied after the operation with the view of arresting the bleeding—“Deligandum brachium super-imposito expresso ex aqua frigida _Penicillo_.”—Lib. vi. cap. xi. p. 65.

[531] _Milligan’s Celsus_, lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 284.

[532] “Quo gravior vero quæque inflammatio est, eo magis leniri medicamentum, debet, adjecto vel albo ovi, vel muliebri lacte. At si neque medicus, neque medicamentum præsto est, sæpius utrumlibet horum in oculis _Penicillo_ ad id ipsum facto infusum, id malum lenit.”—_Ibid._ lib. vi. cap. vi. sec. 8, p. 286.

[533] Deinde in balneo aqua calida quamplurima caput atque oculos fovere; tum utrumque _Penicillo_ detergere et ungere caput iridis unguento.—Lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 287. Scribonius Largus uses the analogous expression—“_Penicillo_ abstergeretur,” p. 232.

[534] Igitur aversum specillum, inserendum, deducendæque eo palpebrae sunt: deinde exigua _Penicilla_ interponenda, donec exulceratio ejus loci leniatur.—_Ibid._ lib. vii. cap. vi. p. 342. After removing nasal polypi, he recommends a styptic tent, or, “aliquid ex _Penicillo_,” to be introduced into the nostrils (lib. vii. cap. x. p. 355). See also lib. vii. cap. iv. p. 324; and lib. viii. cap. ix. p. 425.

[535] _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 240.

[536] In his chapter on diseases of the eyes, after giving the formula for the _Basilicon_ collyrium of Euelpides—which was composed of poppy tears, cerussa, Asian stone, gum, white pepper, saffron, and _psoricum_—Celsus adds:—“Now there is no simple which by itself is called _Psoricum_; but a certain quantity of chalcitis, and a little more than half its quantity of cadmia, are rubbed together with vinegar, and this being put into an earthen vessel, covered over with fig leaves, is deposited under ground for twenty days, and being taken up again it is powdered, and is thus called _Psoricum_.”—See Greive’s _Celsus_, p. 343.

[537] “Psoricum is formed by mixing two parts of chalcitis with one of litharge, triturating them in vinegar, and, having put them into a new pot, by burying them in dung for forty days.”—See Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 421.

[538] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xiv. p. 767.

[539] Galen in Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 717.

[540] _Princ. Art. Medicæ, De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. p. 305.

[541] _Tetrabiblos_, pp. 434, 435.

[542] _De Compositione Medicamentorum_, p. 199.

[543] _De Medicamentis Liber_, pp. 274 and 275.

[544] The inscription on the Jena stamp is as follows (see Tochon’s _Dissertation_, p. 66): PHRONIMI DIAPSORICUM OPOBAL. AD CLAR.

[545] The inscription alluded to runs thus:—PHRONIMI DIASMYRN. POST IMPE. LIP. EX OV. Or, when extended,—“_Phronimi Diasmyrnes post impetum lippitudinis ex ovo._”—_Tochon_, p. 66. _Phronimus_ is the name, of course, of the occulist or proprietor.

[546] Cornarius’ Edit.; or Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 550.

[547] _Med. Art. Princ. De Methodo Mendendi_, lib. vi. p. 310.

[548] For example, in the stamp found at Maestricht, and described by Saxe, there occurs the inscription _C. Lucci Alexandri Crocodes_ AT _aspritudines_, instead of AD _aspritudines_. See Tochon’s _Dissertation_, p. 68.

[549] These figures of the Wroxeter stamp are copies of those originally published of it by Mr. Parkes in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1810, vol. lxxx. p. 617.

[550] _Beauties of England and Wales_ (1813), vol. xiii. p. 191.

[551] _Salopia Antiqua_, p. 126.

[552] See a copy of it in Gruter’s _Inscriptiones Antiquæ Orbis Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 896, No. iii.

[553] See Le Clerc’s _Histoire de la Médecine_, pp. 421 and 568.

[554] See, for example, Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. pp. 551 and 555, where the collyria _Diasmyrnum_ and _Isotheon_ are directed “to be used with an egg”—(“Usus cum _ovo_ est,” according to the Latin translation of Cornarius, p. 671, etc.) Celsus directs the _Collyrium Philetis_ to be used “vel _ex ovo_, vel ex lacte.” Galen repeatedly employs the same expression in giving his directions about collyria, as in vol. xii. pp. 746, 747, 749, 754, etc.

[555] _Med. Art. Princ. Synopsis_, liber iii. p. 51.

[556] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xiii. pp. 877 and 879.

[557] _Ibid._ vol. xii. p. 761.

[558] The same title or designation of ΑΝΙΚΗΤΟΣ (the unconquered) was assumed by some of the Indo-Greek kings of Bactria. Philosenus (who reigned in the east of Bactria), and Antialcides, Lysias, and Archebias (who reigned in the west), according to Grotefend’s classification, all appropriated this title to themselves. See Werlhof’s _Handbuch der Griechischen Numismatik_, pp. 72 and 73.

[559] The Unguentum _Nardinum_ was one of the favourite ointments used by the Romans for anointing the hair previous to crowning it with the garland at their festive symposiums.—See Horace’s _Carmina_, lib. ii. carm. xi. “Assyriaque _Nardo_ Potamus uncti.”

[560] Thus Plautus, in his _Miles Gloriosus_, act iii. sec. ii.