Part 3
[30] Though Johnson had disapproved of _The Project_, he thought _Anticipation_ “a mighty fine thing.” So Boswell told Tickell at a dinner-party in April 1779 (_Private Papers of James Boswell from Malahide Castle_, ed. Geoffrey Scott and F. A. Pottle, Mount Vernon, N.Y., 1928-34, XIII, 232).
[31] XLVII, 1778, 566.
[32] Garrick, _Private Correspondence_, II, 322-323.
[33] _Biographia Dramatica_, I, 714.
[34] _Hobby-Horses. Read at Batheaston_, 1780, pp. 13-14.
[35] Ernest Law, _The History of Hampton Court Palace_, 1890-91, III, 318, 464.
[36] W. Fraser Rae, _Sheridan_, New York, 1896, I, 357.
[37] Walter Sichel, _Sheridan_, 1909, I, 442n.
[38] Clementina Black, _The Linleys of Bath_, 1911, p. 162.
[39] Thomas Moore, _Memoirs of ... Sheridan_, 2nd ed., 1825, II, 62.
[40] See Romney’s diary, as given in Humphry Ward and W. Roberts, _Romney_, 1904, II, 157-158. Romney painted three portraits of the second Mrs. Tickell, the best-known of which is reproduced in Sichel’s _Sheridan_, II, facing p. 264.
[41] British Museum Add. MSS. 29,194, f. 152; 29,173, f. 44.
[42] I, 13. There is a circumstantial account of Tickell’s death and the conduct of his widow in [William Smyth] _Memoir of Mr. Sheridan_, Leeds, 1840, pp. 53-55.
[43] _The London Magazine_, XLVII, 1778, 566.
[44] _The Croker Papers_, ed. L. J. Jennings, 1884, I, 245-246.
_ADVERTISEMENT._
Several reasons concurred to urge the Editor to this publication. The critical situation of public affairs seemed to require an extraordinary diffusion of political knowledge; yet, in the common course, but few of the millions, who are so deeply interested in the result of parliamentary debates, can be admitted to an audience of them. Sometimes, the Members shut their galleries against the intrusion of any of their Constituents; and it is always a standing order, from the opening of the session, to prohibit the publication of their debates. Under these circumstances, an authentic account of the first day’s debate, put forth at this date, will clearly avoid any breach of that order, and, without exposing the Constituents to crowding in the gallery, to furnish them with their Representatives Speeches, taken down with the strictest fidelity, cannot but afford them some amusement, and indeed real use. Besides, the first day’s debate is generally a kind of outline of the debates of the whole session; so that a critical observer, by contemplating the buds and seedlings of this early eloquence, may calculate what degree of radical strength they possess, how far they will expand and bloom, and whether they are hardy enough to stand the winter.
The Editor cannot but seize this opportunity to thank those Gentlemen who have furnished him with the _most authentic materials_ for some of the speeches, which, they will immediately see, he has copied _verbatim_ from their manuscripts—and he sincerely hopes, their having appeared in print _before_ they are spoken, will not deter the several Gentlemen from delivering them with their usual appearance of _extempore_ eloquence.
November 23, 1778.
The Gentlemen trading to the East-Indies, West-Indies, and other parts, who intend taking or sending thither any pamphlets this season, are hereby informed, that this work is authentic, faithful, and strictly impartial; and as the nice and discerning eye of the British islands and settlements near us, must feel an interest in these matters, good allowance will be given for taking quantities.—Also the best Dutch wax, and stationary wares.
ANTICIPATION, &c.
_Dom. Comm. Jovis. 26 Nov. die._
_Anno 19ᵒ Georgii III Regis, 1778._
Sir Francis M[olyneu]x, gentleman-usher of the black rod, having, with the usual solemnity, at half past two o’clock, given three admonitory raps at the door of the H[ous]e of C[ommo]ns, and being thereupon admitted, and having proceeded towards the table, with three progressive bows, acquainted the S[peake]r,[1] that his M[ajest]y commanded their immediate attendance in the H[ous]e of L[or]ds, where soon after his M[ajest]y delivered his most gracious speech to both Houses; which we should give at length, having an accurate copy now before us, but that many reasons concur to induce us rather to give a general sketch of it. It is scarcely necessary to say, that respect to that great personage is the principal of those motives: It is also universally felt, that the merit of those speeches consists much less in the composition than in the delivery. Besides, as an authentic _black letter_ copy of _this_ speech will infallibly appear, we have too high a respect for our good friends Messrs. the Hawkers and Criers of this great metropolis, to rob them of any part of the fruits of their annual eloquence on this occasion⸺The speech began by saying,
That the situation of public affairs induced him to call them thus early together, that they might more fully enter into the various and important concerns which would naturally engage their attention.
That he had reason to hope that the schemes which the natural enemies of this country, in conjunction with their unnatural allies, had meditated against us in the West-Indies, notwithstanding some appearance of success, might, under Divine Providence, fail in the object of distressing the commercial interest of his people, which, it gave him satisfaction to observe, had hitherto continued to flourish amidst the calamities of war, while that of the enemy had received the most material injuries.
That he could not but behold with particular pleasure the zeal and ardour shewn by all his subjects on this emergency, which had fully secured the safety of this country, and convinced our enemies that every attempt against the internal prosperity of Great Britain must prove ineffectual.
That he continued to receive the most friendly assurances of the pacific dispositions of the other powers of Europe.
That his desire of re-establishing the general tranquility could not be doubted; and as he had not been the first to disturb the peace, so he should embrace the earliest opportunity of putting an end to the horrors of war, whenever that desirable end could be effected, consistently with the honour of his crown, and the interest of his subjects, which he should ever be careful to preserve.
That his faithful C[o]mm[o]ns might depend on the proper officers immediately laying before them the estimate for the expences of the ensuing year.
That he lamented that the present situation of affairs should oblige him to call upon his faithful subjects for any additional supplies, but
That his faithful C[o]mm[o]ns might depend on the strictest œconomy on his part, in the application of such sums as they should judge necessary for the public service, and he doubted not they would see the expediency of providing for such contingencies as might arise from the continuance of war, and the measures necessary to be taken for the re-establishment of peace upon an honourable and permanent foundation.
It concluded with relying on the wisdom and unanimity of Parliament; on the good conduct of his Generals and Admirals; on the valor of his Fleets and Armies; and on the zeal and spirit of all his faithful subjects.
Upon the return of the C[ommo]ns to their House, the speech having been read as usual from the chair, a motion for an Address, conformable to the several sentences in the speech, and expressive of the firmness and unanimity of the House at this important crisis, was made and seconded by two young Members; the particular phraseology of which leading speeches we shall not retail, it being universally admitted that the rhetoric applied to these occasions, is not very replete with originality. Our readers will easily imagine the proper quantity of tropes and metaphors, apologies for inexperience, elegant timidities, graceful blushes, studied hesitations, army safe at New-York, fleets likewise safe, individuals enriched, perfect content at home, nothing wanting but unanimity in council, &c. &c. &c. which ornamented and enriched these anniversary panegyrics. We shall hasten therefore to the more material part of the debate, which commenced by the following speech from Lord G[ranb]y[2], proposing the amendment.
[Sidenote: Lord G[ran]by.]
_Lord G[ran]by._ Conscious of my own inability, and sinking under the sense of my little knowledge or experience, totally unprovided with any ideas for the present occasion, and absolutely ignorant not only of the forms but even the modes of proceeding in this house, may I, Sir, in this state of imbecility, be permitted to take the lead on this first and most important day of the session? May I, Sir, all unequal to so arduous a task, be allowed to dictate, if not to the whole house, at least to this side of it, the proper and only constitutional method of compelling ministers to furnish us with the means of discovering some errors in their conduct; and to enable us to demonstrate to the nation at large their total incapacity for filling the places which they now hold?—There was a time, Sir, when this side of the house would not tamely acquiesce in so dangerous a precedent as any minister’s retaining his office for the unconstitutional duration of seven years. Have we forgot, Sir, the great name of Pulteny? Pulteny, Sir! the virtuous Pulteny! Pulteny, the wonder of the age! Pulteny, that steady Patriot, whose Herculean eloquence overcame the Hydra of corruption! or have we forgot, Sir, that inestimable character of our own times, whose virtues compelled the admiration of this profligate age; whose memory excites the veneration of every patriot mind? Let it not be objected that these illustrious characters were dazzled by the splendour of a coronet: I will not answer such frivolous remarks:—Sir, I wander from the question: Yet let me remind this House, that those great patriots were ever foremost in taking that part which now falls to my lot. They, Sir, were ever ready to awaken the fears, and rouze the apprehensions, of the Country Gentlemen; and that, Sir, is my object:—They, Sir, compelled Adm[i]n[i]str[a]t[io]n to disclose the inmost recess of official iniquity; and that, Sir, that is also my intention. Sir, with this view, I shall humbly move you, that in place of the present Address, which I cannot but consider as the selfish panegyric of Adm[i]n[i]str[a]t[io]n, immediately after the general expressions of respect for his M[ajest]y, the following words may be substituted, in order to our acquiring that full and comprehensive knowledge of public affairs, which is so indispensably necessary at the opening of this interesting and important session of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt.
“Your faithful C[o]mm[o]ns, deeply impressed with a sense of your M[ajest]y’s unwearied anxiety to promote the dignity and glory of Great Britain, cannot but lament the many unhappy circumstances which have conspired to disturb your M[ajest]y’s happiness, and to prejudice the interests and honour of this country. When we find that the most liberal supplies for our naval equipments have as yet produced none of those happy effects which might reasonably have been expected to be derived from so powerful an armament, particularly under the direction of an officer of experienced conduct and courage, we cannot but express our serious apprehensions of some fatal misconduct, either on the part of Administration, by forming indecisive and contradictory instructions for the direction of the Navy, or, in the particular department for naval affairs, of some misapplication of those liberal supplies, which, if wisely and faithfully applied, could not have failed, under divine providence, and your M[ajest]y’s wisdom, of obtaining the most salutary effects.
For these reasons, we, your M[ajest]y’s most faithful C[o]mm[o]ns, most humbly intreat your M[ajest]y to order the proper Officers to lay before the House, copies of the secret instructions for the conduct of the Fleet commanded by Admiral K[e]pp[e]l—estimates of the quantity of ballast used in the several ships of the division of the fleet commanded by Admiral K[e]pp[e]l—bills of parcel of the number of square yards of sail-cloth, together with samples of ditto, intended to be used in the division of the Fleet commanded by Vice Admiral Sir H[u]gh P[a]ll[i]s[e]r—succinct accounts of the quota of biscuits, and ratio of salt-beef distributed in the Fleet—faithful transcripts of the several Log-Books of each vessel—abstracts of all letters, notes, and messages that passed and repassed, off Ushant, between the Admirals and Ph[i]l[i]p St[e]v[e]ns, Esq. during the course of last summer—and, finally, minute copies of all accounts unsettled or passed, open or closed, paid or unpaid, between the Commissioners of the Navy, and all sorts of Manufacturers, Sailors, Contractors, &c. &c. &c. employed by them for these twenty years last past⸺It is from a minute investigation of these important papers, that your M[ajest]y’s most faithful C[o]mm[o]ns can alone derive just grounds for censure or exculpation. And, however laborious this investigation may prove, we, your M[ajest]y’s most faithful C[o]mm[o]ns, beg leave to assure your M[ajest]y, we shall most readily devote our utmost attention to so salutary a study, in order to promote a quick dispatch of public business at this momentous and aweful crisis, and to give vigour and effect to those measures which your M[ajest]y, in your great wisdom, may think necessary to secure the safety, interest, and honour of Great Britain.”
Such, Sir, is the amendment which I have the honour to offer to the consideration of this house. It will immediately strike you, Sir, that in the accounts which I propose to have submitted to the investigation of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt, I have avoided asking for one scrap of paper that is not absolutely necessary to be seen and thoroughly studied by the House. Should it, however, appear necessary to Gentlemen to _add_ to the list of these official documents, I am sure I shall not oppose such an improvement to the motion, to whatever quantity it may extend.
[Sidenote: Mr. G[eor]g[e] S[u]tt[o]n.]
Mr. _G[eo]rg[e] S[u]tt[o]n_ seconded the motion for the amendment, beginning with a similar acknowledgement of his incapacity, his inexperience and ignorance of P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry affairs; declining therefore to enter into any further argument, the subject having been discussed in so full and able a manner by his most noble cousin.
[Sidenote: Mr. W[e]lb[o]re Ell[i]s.]
Mr. _W[e]lb[o]re Ell[i]s_, in reply, threw out many sagacious and novel observations. He said that he highly commended the caution and circumspection of the noble Lord, but, that in his opinion, a more proper time would arrive, about six months after Christmas, for entering into the details proposed by the Amendment; as, at that period, Administration would certainly have more leisure for furnishing the papers now called for.
He very properly observed, that selecting these few curious articles of political intelligence from a variety of miscellaneous papers, would require some short time, together with no small degree of discernment, not to mention several thousands of extra clerks. He said, he had taken the trouble to make a most serious investigation into the Journals, the Votes, the Debates, and all the P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry Records of this country; and he was free to say, that notwithstanding it might at first appear rather a novel idea, yet it was his opinion, that _The Address_ on the first day was a matter of compliment. Nay, touching the matter before him, (and weighty and powerful indeed it was) after the most mature and serious deliberation, daily and nightly, he would for once venture to hazard a rhetorical, a figurative expression, to wit, that the Address was an eccho, as it were, a complimentary eccho, of his M[ajest]y’s most gracious speech.—He hinted, that, if any Gentleman wished for particular enquiries, he would, as an old Member, long conversant with the forms of the House, tell him, that certainly a Committee might be appointed to carry on any public enquiry; and he believed such Committees were not unfrequent.—And here he remarked, that, from all his researches, it appeared to him, that the constitution of this country was of a triple nature—K[i]ng—L[o]rds—and C[o]mm[o]ns—that, these three opposite and repelling powers, reciprocally ballanced and counteracted each other; at the same time that they contributed to the proportion and harmony of the whole.—He took occasion to observe, that freedom of Debate was clearly a P[a]rl[ia]m[e]nt[a]ry privilege, and he would pledge himself to prove that every Member in that House was a representative of his constituents.
For these reasons, he concluded with dissenting from the Amendment as trite, abstruse, dangerous, and frivolous.
[Sidenote: D[a]v[i]d H[a]rtly, Esq.]
_D[a]v[i]d H[a]rtly_, Esq.[3] observed, that these were no times for flattery and empty adulation.—For his part, he should enter at large into the rise and origin of all Colonies, ancient and modern, into the history of Taxation, and its effects on every state that had exercised it over its colonies; and then review the cause, commencement, and conduct of the whole American war. He felt how arduous, how complicated a task this must prove to himself, and how difficult for the House to understand. That, to lessen that difficulty, both to the House and to himself, he would adopt the most logical method to give clearness and perspicuity to such a multitude and diversity of ideas; and for that purpose, he begged Gentlemen to take notice, that he should divide his speech into four and twenty grand divisions, each of which should contain as many subdivisions, which subdivisions should also be separately discussed in equal number of sections, each section to be split also into the same number of heads; so that with grand divisions, subdivisions, sections, and heads, the number of distinct propositions would amount to several thousands; but that Gentlemen, by attending closely, and correctly taking down the number of any particular argument, should have an immediate explicit answer to any query touching that individual number: and he flattered himself this numerical logic and arithmetic of eloquence would greatly tend to clarify their understandings.
To follow this gentleman thro’ even one of his grand divisions, was a task much beyond the utmost rapidity of a short-hand writer. Indeed the noise from all parts of the house was so excessive, during the several hours which he engrossed in this laborious harangue, that it was totally impossible to catch up any thing beyond the mutilated fragments, and ruins of his oratory. At length however the house sunk into a sudden calm, upon the disclosure of a fact, which seemed to startle even the wildest zealots of faction.—For, after every other argument was exhausted to so little purpose, inflamed by disappointment, and hurried, as we are willing to suppose, by the violence of patriotism, the Honourable Gentleman avowed to the House, that one of his grounds for denouncing ruin to his country was _his private knowledge of DR. FRANKLYN’S sentiments on that head_.[4] “Dr. Franklyn (he exclaimed) the Cromwell of his age, Dr. Franklyn, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from America to France, is my most intimate and most cordial friend!”⸺He went on by declaring, he had passed great part of the summer at Paris, with Dr. Franklyn, in the most unreserved communication of sentiments and facts; and he concluded with repeating, as the joint result of his own and Dr. Franklin’s deliberation, that the glory of England was destroyed for ever!⸺This extraordinary confession produced however no violent effect. Ministers seemed to receive it with a contemptuous pity, not unmingled with ridicule,[5] when _Mr. W[ilke]s_, finding the little success of serious treason, rose, and indulged himself in the more ludicrous stile of it.
[Sidenote: Mr. W[ilke]s.]
_Mr. W[ilke]s_[6] adverted with some degree of humour to the inference of victory and triumph which might be deduced from the return of our Generals and our Admirals, and one of our commissioners too. They found (he said) that being on the spot interrupted their manœuvres, and he supposed they were come three thousand miles off to act _cooly_. That, the object they were sent to accomplish was confessedly a great one; and it is well known, that objects of a certain magnitude are best contemplated at a distance. Probably, their optics were too tender to distinguish with accuracy amidst the smoak and confusion incident to actual engagements; or perhaps, they reflected on the more imminent dangers of domestic invasion, and hastened home from pure patriotism to guard their native country.—At any rate, he must compliment their discernment in pursuing a line of conduct, which could not fail of conciliating the good opinion and sympathetic regard of the Noble Lord, who presided in the American department. If therefore, Mr. Speaker, by any miraculous change, I were, this day, to become the Advocate of Administration, I should mark the inutility of recurring to the written evidence, which the Amendment calls for, at a moment when we are so copiously provided with _vivâ voce_ testimony. Yet, Sir, I do not think, upon reflexion, that Ministers will adopt this ground for rejecting the noble Lord’s Amendment. They, Sir, will more boldly tell you—you shall have neither,—for, in these times, it is the fashion for all modern Statesmen, first to tell their own story, and then protest solemnly against being cross-examined—_or directly, or indirectly, answering question, query, or otherwise_. I believe I am accurate in my quotation.—I am not indeed surprized at these declarations of obstinate silence—this is Scottish policy—the example was set by my good old friend, the E[a]rl of B[u]te—for therein I am orthodox in my faith, that the Son is equal to the Father; and I am sure I may add with Athanasian zeal, the father is incomprehensible, and the Son is incomprehensible, yet there are not two incomprehensibles, but one incomprehensible.
(Here a confused cry of order, and the Chaplain reprimanded for laughing.)