Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659

Part 9

Chapter 94,071 wordsPublic domain

By the time the spring arrived the preparations deemed necessary for the war were fully attended to, and on the 15th of Ramazán the different commanders were appointed. Immediately after the feast in the month of Shevál the royal pavilion was erected on the plains of Dávud Páshá. The ulemá and great men were ordered to join the royal suite, and record the deeds of the war. On the journey, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí regaled the royal ear, in presence of his vezírs, by talking to him of foreign affairs. On reaching Adrianople, the reverend prelate’s second son, Izzet Effendí, a eunuch and cazí of Adrianople, applied to his father to importune the emperor in his favour for the cazíship of Constantinople. The father’s request was graciously granted. The grand army had scarcely commenced its march towards Philippopolis, when Izzet Effendí directed his course to the metropolis, but was disappointed. Abdul Helím Effendí, through the intercession of the queen-mother, was confirmed in the office of which Izzet thought himself sure, and was obliged to retrace his steps to the place whence he came. When his father had learned that his wishes respecting his son had been thwarted, he approached the grand vezír, and complained against the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, for his want of politeness, and of the disdain and contempt which had been shown to his son. The grand vezír went immediately and laid the affair before the royal presence, and added, that it had been owing to the intercession of the queen-mother the favour had not been granted: but something else he intimated ought to be conferred on the reverend priest as an equivalent. The monarch ordered his minister to create him a military judge, which was accordingly done. His father soon after this fell sick of a fever, but was fully restored to health by the time the city of Agria was taken.

On the 8th of the month Dhu’l Kadah, the emperor removed from Adrianople, and after reaching Philippopolis, the fifth stage, the cazí of that city, Chelebí Kází, inspector of the river Ebras, gave him a splendid entertainment in a large pavilion erected for the occasion. During four days which the emperor passed in this city, nothing was seen or heard but demonstrations of joy. Chelebí Kází was confirmed in his office for life.

When the emperor arrived at Batchina, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, came with a choice body of troops and saluted him. Two days afterwards, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, who was sent to Belgrade to collect provisions, &c. for the army, came out to meet the emperor, and had the honour of kissing his hand. Shortly afterwards the emperor entered the city of Belgrade, where every thing had been prepared for the reception of the royal guest.

Soon after his majesty entered Belgrade, his royal pavilion was erected on a small eminence opposite to the city, and demonstrations of joy were every where manifested by the roar of cannon and the firing of musketry. Provisions also were distributed among the troops, and a considerable quantity of the same article was sent in boats up the Danube to the fortresses on the frontiers. It is to be observed, however, that the emperor, who was exceedingly displeased with Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, for having allowed the city of Osterghún to fall into the hands of the enemy, and for neglecting to watch the frontiers with greater vigilance than he had done, put him in prison, and confiscated the whole of his property. One Kishedhán Alí Chávush, a man lame in both his feet, and who had been appointed by the late grand vezír to be resident custom-house officer at Belgrade, was discovered to have been guilty of some crime or other, and therefore ordered to be executed before one of the gates of the city; but his majesty was satisfied with having him thrust into prison. Both these prisoners, however, were afterwards set at liberty, and Mohammed Páshá was reinstated in his vezírship. In consequence of the whole of his property having been confiscated, he was not in circumstances to enable him to accompany the army, and therefore remained at Belgrade. The munificence of his late fellow-prisoner, however, made up this deficiency to him, and he immediately set out and followed the royal camp.

_A Council held._

His majesty, the asylum of the world, removed from Belgrade, crossed the Save, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of Islancúmin, called a general council of all his princes, great lords, and high vezírs. In this council it was discussed whether it would be more advisable to commence their operations by first laying siege to Komran, or to proceed directly to Agria. To Jaghala Zádeh the first of these two proposals seemed the most proper; but the other vezírs opposed this. They said that Komran was a place of no note, and of no great importance: neither would the reduction of it reflect any great credit to their royal leader, nor very much intimidate the enemy. Agria, they maintained, and justly too, was a place of great importance, it being one of the largest and most populous cities of the Germans, the chief or principal one within the limits of Hungary; famed also for the mines which abound in its neighbourhood, and which are held in much esteem by the infidels. The reduction of this city and fortress, continued the speakers, will extend the glory and promote the honour of the Moslem religion. This speech had the effect it was intended to have; and, accordingly, the army, in order to reach Segdin, in the enemy’s country, passed the fortresses of Tetul and Waradin, when the ághá of the Janissaries was ordered to proceed with carpenters and erect a bridge of boats across the Danube; which he accomplished in the space of four days. The emperor, vezírs, and the army, after having crossed this bridge, waited a whole day, until all the ordnance and heavy baggage were also safely got across, when they proceeded to the plains of Segdin, and pitched their camp opposite that fortress.

Here the royal camp was joined by the army of Romeilia with their beglerbeg, Hasan Páshá, a heroic vezír, at their head, and the sight of whom inspired the royal troops with animation and courage. His battering cannon he caused to be transported in boats along the Danube from Widin; and among other important services which he rendered on this occasion, he caused all the other Romeilian princes to be sent down the river Tisse to Segdin.

The army was not long at Segdin before a number of letters were presented before the royal presence by a deputation from the borders, which set forth the conduct of the detestable enemy in laying siege to Khutván, and many other grievances which these infidels had given occasion to complain of. The deputation added, that if immediate aid were not afforded, the besieged Mussulmans would inevitably fall into the hands of the enemy and perish.

To prevent, therefore, the disgrace of allowing these Mussulmans to perish by the enemy’s sword, Jaghala Zádeh was ordered to proceed with a party of troops to their aid, and beat off the besiegers. But Jaghala Zádeh, another son of Sinán Páshá, was too tardy in his movements, and before he had time to arrive to afford aid to Khutván, it was in the hands of the abject enemy. All the men, women, and children were put to death, and the fortress itself was made level with the ground. The conduct of Jaghala Zádeh on this occasion was such as deserved the severest punishment; but being highly esteemed and of noble birth, he not only escaped with impunity, but even without reproof, a circumstance which is truly marvellous and confounding.

About this same time, also, the troops created a tumult, and complained against Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, the treasurer, under the pretext of not receiving their dues; for which reason the treasurer was deposed and Kej Dehán Alí, a chávush báshí, was appointed in his stead. On the 18th of the Moharrem the troops were all paid their wages, each man receiving his usual allowance.

After the army had reached the vicinity of the fortress of Sonluk they disembarked their serpent and dragon-mouthed cannon, which they had conveyed thither by water, and transported them on sledges drawn by oxen towards Agria, as also their heavy baggage. The royal camp, after three other stages were accomplished, reached, without being observed, an open field in the skirts of the city, where the necessary quantity of arms and ammunition was immediately distributed among the troops.

_Agria besieged._

It was on the 28th of Moharrem that the Sháhin-Sháh of the universe pitched his royal camp in the plains of Agria. The two first days were employed in arranging the machinery for making the ditches and raising mounds, and in examining the ground.

Agria appeared, in the distance, like a mountain. The top of the fortress was hid in the clouds; its towers rose one above another; and its lofty buildings and turrets filled the eye. The fortress itself was situated on a high hill, and three parts of it presented a rock, on which was built a wall so firmly constructed that cannon could hardly affect it. A huge mineral rock adjoined it on the south side, and as a guard to their outer works or fortifications, there was an immense deep ditch cut in front of them. In short, it was a place of the utmost strength—a first-rate fortress. There were in it at this time two princes; the one a relation of the Emperor of Austria, who was the commander of the Germans in it; the other the Prince of Hungary.

Before the commencement of hostilities the following communication was sent to the two above-mentioned chiefs, and to the inhabitants of Agria. “Be it known to the princes and all others in the city of Agria that we (the Emperor of the Ottomans) have come with the intention of reducing it. We, therefore, call upon you, in the name of the most High Allah, to embrace our religion. If you become Mussulmans, then we promise you shall sustain no injury from us, but shall be allowed to live in tranquillity and in the possession of all your property. If, on the other hand, you will not be converted, but continue obstinate at all hazard, then we command you to abandon your present position, and to set out for some other country. In the event of your not embracing either of the alternatives now proposed, and prepare to offer resistance; if you fire one cannon, musket, or mortar at us and our army, then, by God and by God’s prophet, we shall commence a general slaughter, and not one of you shall escape. Let this be known to you.” The person who carried the above to Agria was seized as a spy and put into prison.

In the meantime, however, the Moslem troops entered into the trenches they had before this prepared, and during the night planted their ordnance in the most proper position for annoying the walls and the sides of the citadel. When all was in a state of preparation the Moslems cried _Allah! Allah!_ and commenced the work of destruction. Day and night the firing of cannon and musketry and the bursting of mortars ceased not. The sound and roar of these instruments of death from both sides shook the earth, whilst the volume of smoke formed a black cloud above and around them. The brave, the heroic, the orthodox Moslems relaxed not in their mighty efforts, nor once turned away their faces from danger.

After a whole week’s constant fighting, as above described, the Moslems succeeded in taking the outer line of the enemy’s fortifications, and drove the enemy within the inner one. The Moslems slackened not in pressing them hard; and by the constant springing of mines they at last effected a breach; but in consequence of a constant fall of rain for some days they found it impossible, though they made several heroic attempts, to scale the walls. The artillery, however, continued to play with effect.

On the 18th of the month Sefer the command of the Janissaries was conferred on Mustafa Aghá. Next day, which was the Sabbath, and the 19th of the month, the rain fell in torrents, and the difficulty of succeeding in reducing the place appeared to be greater than ever; yet by constantly and unweariedly, and under every difficulty, persevering in their efforts, they brought the besieged, about noon of that day, to capitulate for their lives.

Next morning two begs and eight sons of begs came forth to the trenches to the vezírs, whilst Begtásh Beg, beg of Sonluk, was sent into the city as a hostage till the articles of the capitulation were fully settled and signed. This negotiation being over the commissioners were conducted into the imperial presence, when they informed his majesty that one or two of them wished to embrace Islamism. Immediately they were clothed in white robes, and the drums throughout the camp began to beat in token of victory, and great rejoicings took place. The beglerbeg of Romeili, the ághá of the Janissaries, the commander of the artillery, and the head of the arsenal, entered the city and took possession of it in the name of the Emperor of the Ottomans.

On the 20th of the last-mentioned month, the commander of the Spáhís was ordered to conduct the weak and half-famished garrison of Agria, in conformity to the articles of capitulation, which guaranteed to them their lives, to the end of the first stage; but unfortunately for them, though the emperor had promised them every security, and even granted them passports, the men of the borders and the Tátár military, roused with indignation and thirst for revenge, when they remembered the fate of the inhabitants of Khutván, seized on what weapons lay nearest to them, and massacred them all before they got out from among the tents. Not one of them escaped, and their number amounted to about 5,000. The two princes who had the command in Agria were sent to Belgrade.

The victorious Moslems commenced repairing the breaches which their own artillery had effected in the walls of Agria, and on the same day, _i.e._ on the 20th, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Khezr Páshá, and the begs of Sonluk and Segdin, were ordered to repair to Khutván and commence rebuilding it. Dilsiz Aghá was sent off to Constantinople with tidings of the fall of Agria. On the 23rd provisions were distributed among the various troops. The guns in the trenches were all conveyed into the fortress. On the 25th, being the day of assembly (Friday), the emperor and his suite converted the large churches of Agria into mosques, in which public devotion was performed.

_The Moslems are threatened by another immense host of Infidels._

Some captives, who had been seized by Moslem spies, informed the Osmánlí camp that Maximillian, with an army of 100,000 foot and horse, composed of Bohemians, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, and others, was encamped in the valley of Mehaj not far from Tokái, and only three stages distant from Agria, where he had erected fortifications. This information had only the effect of awakening more strongly the enthusiasm of the Muselmans, who all with one voice declared they would either bring renown on the Muselman name, or perish for their religion. The news, however, turned out to be true.

In the _Fateh námeh_ it is said, that when it was known that the Ottomans were collecting troops on the frontiers, and marching towards Agria, an army of 300,000 men levied by the kings of Vienna and Spain, by the Pope, and the ruler of Transylvania, in short by the seven European monarchs, assembled also in the vicinity of Agria. This mighty host was furnished with one hundred pieces of ordnance, and with every kind of military apparatus. Its object was, so soon as the Moslem army was fairly engaged in carrying on the siege of Agria, suddenly to surround their camp, and cut them to pieces. The fate of Agria, however, reached them before they found an opportunity of accomplishing their object, and caused them to alter their manœuvres. They retreated two stages, but it was only with the view of deceiving. Their real purpose was, when they found the Moslem army had retired from Agria, to return with all their force and retake it: but the Moslems, who were informed of their movements, as well as of their purposes, resolved on anticipating them on their own ground.

Maximillian being lame and afflicted with blindness, the crown was conferred on his brother, Duke Matthias, and with it the whole command of the army. It is related in some history, that after the Duke and the ruler of Hungary had united in their hostility against the Osmánlís, they debated over their cups about the propriety of attacking the Moslem camp. Other histories say, however, that it was the Austrian minister to whom the joint command was given.

_Ja’fer Páshá sent with a body of Troops to surprise the Enemy._

After it had been fully ascertained what the enemy meditated to do, Ja’fer Páshá, one of the most illustrious vezírs, and an eunuch, was dispatched with a chosen body of various troops to surprise the enemy in their strong-hold. Ja’fer Páshá, on leaving the camp, began to reflect what the issue of the expedition on which he was sent might be, and therefore sent out spies, who brought him intelligence with regard to the numerical force of the enemy, which was immense. Ja’fer Páshá, on receiving the above intelligence, sent word to his Majesty that his offering to contend with such a vast multitude with so small a force as he possessed, could only terminate in disgrace and ruin. For his own part, he said, the thought of his own life gave him no concern, and that at all times he was ready to sacrifice it, when necessary, for the honour and glory of the Mohammedan Faith: to proceed to the assault, therefore, under such circumstances, could not fail, as he had before observed, to throw disparagement on the Supreme authority: the great men in the camp however said, that this story was a mere pretence; and, in order to remove it, proposed sending the governor of Romeili with his Romeilian troops to his assistance. This proposal was accompanied by bitter reproach, and of course was very discouraging; yet Ja’fer Páshá, notwithstanding all this untoward aspect of things, attempted to face the enemy with the forces he had. After having girded on his arms he divided his artillery into two divisions, and having rescued his men out of the mud into which they had sunk, conducted the whole to a secure spot, but from which the enemy could not yet be observed. It was not long however before they began, like black mountains, to make their appearance, and seemed as if they covered the whole surface of the plains of Mehaj. Ja’fer Páshá, with a select body of borderers, ascended an eminence in order to get a view of the enemy’s camp, which had the appearance of an extended sea, whose raging billows beat against the shore. Though the troops of Ja’fer Páshá amounted only to three thousand, he resolved, few in comparison though they were, to attempt something, and prepared to engage some of these iron-cased infidels. They on perceiving his boldness dashed towards his standard and knocked it down. The contest became general. Ja’fer himself fought most desperately, though almost up to the breast in mud and water; and continued thus to show his bravery, till all who were about him either perished or fled from the contest, and he himself was nearly taken prisoner: such was the heroic boldness which this brave man evinced on this occasion of unequal battle. Several of the ághás came up to him and begged him on bended knees to retreat. “It was no bravery,” they observed, “for a handful of men to contend with a host; it was not necessary, in order to escape the reproach of the enemy, to throw one’s self into utter ruin and destruction: it was impossible for a small number of men, however valiant they might be, and where there was not _one_ to a thousand, either to resist such a vast multitude as that with which they then contended, or even to make an impression upon it. Return,” they still continued, “return to the Moslem camp, and do not be the cause of the destruction of troops whom no one will blame. Such conduct can never advance the general interest.” This exhortation had not the desired effect on the mind of the valorous chief. It was night before he consented to yield to their entreaties. One Ahmed, in consequence of the darkness of the night, led his horse to the gates of Agria. The whole of his ordnance and heavy baggage fell into the hands of the enemy. About thirty or forty of the men perished; and had not night come on, not one of those who had entered the lists with the iron-cased soldiery would have escaped alive. Their retreat was however marvellously quick, for they performed in one night a journey of three days.

The emperor, on receiving intelligence of the above disaster, which was now become public, was displeased with Ja’fer, reprimanded him for his adventurous mode of attack, which ought to have been made during the night, deposed him from all his offices, and granted his principality to Mohammed Páshá, Sinán Páshá’s son.

On the morning after the disaster above described took place, the grand vezír, the reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, the vezírs and other magnates assembled in the royal pavilion, in order to take into grave consideration the propriety of giving the enemy battle or not. In this august assembly most of the grandees opposed the experiment of offering the enemy battle. The excellent and reverend Sa’d-ud-dín, however, formed an exception. He rose and addressed the assembly in the following heroic speech: “Doubtless, it is right,” said he, “to give battle to the enemy of our religion and perish to a man, rather than suffer their insult to pass unnoticed and with impunity: for should they perceive any unwillingness on our part to meet, or if they see us begin to retrace our steps, then most assuredly they will attack us. To act in this way, would be like alluring a bird into a gin. More especially,” continued he, raising his voice, “was it ever heard that an emperor of the Ottomans turned away his face from danger!” And even after the members who composed this council entered the royal apartment, he continued to express the same sentiments and with the same freedom—and again added: “the situation in which this fortress (Agria) is situated, is far from being favourable to our engaging with them in so narrow a space. Should they, for instance, succeed in placing their artillery on the surrounding hills, we shall find it hard work to resist them. The plains where the enemy now lies encamped afford ample space for performing heroic exploits: thither let us march. This is the first and only thing which ought to be attended to. We must attack them and not they us.” So much for the reverend prelate. The bold and heroic speech of the veteran priest made a deep impression on the heart of his royal master, and awakened within him that innate bravery which he had inherited from his ancestors.

It was proposed by some in the assembly, that Hasan Páshá, the válí of Romeili, should be appointed to conduct the next attack. This was opposed. To conduct so important an expedition as the one now contemplated, it was absolutely requisite, not only that the whole of the army should be called into requisition, but that the emperor himself should be its conductor. This last proposition met with the royal approval, when the discussion, of course, came to an end. The Reïs Effendí immediately sent off dispatches to Sultán Fateh Gheráí, brother to the Tátár khán, in which he instructed him to be on the look-out for such stragglers as might chance to fall in his way.