Part 8

The nobles and princes having assembled in the grand vezír’s pavilion, they consulted as to the most effectual method they should adopt to prevent Valachia and Moldavia from falling into the hands of the infidels; and also as to the difficulty there existed in keeping the inhabitants of these provinces under subjection. After these matters were fully discussed, it was resolved and agreed to: 1st, That an impregnable fortress should be built at Bekrish; and 2ndly, That a similar one should be erected at the pass of Terghúshta. After the passing of these resolutions, it was thought proper to transmit a report of affairs to the court of Constantinople for its approbation; and at the same time, the government of the country was conferred on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. When once these things were thus settled, the grand vezír and his nobles proceeded to the suburbs of Bekrish and measured off double the space of ground on which Alexandra, the Waiwoda’s Monastery stood, and which was formerly a fortress, and made preparations for commencing the first fortress mentioned in the resolutions adverted to above. The whole was completed in the space of twelve days after it was fairly commenced. But what more relates to this fortress we must reserve till we relate the events of the following year.

_Concerning the Enemy’s Operations on the Frontiers._

Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, having been appointed commander-in-chief on the frontiers, went, at the commencement of the month Shevál, to Buda, where he properly housed a quantity of provisions which had been sent from Belgrade; and afterwards distributed troops among the military stations along the frontiers in that quarter. He himself went to Kiris Elias, where he pitched his camp. The beglerbeg of Anatolia, of Karamania, of Sivás, of Buda, of Temisvar, of Haleb, and of Scutari, the deputy-ághá of the Janissaries, the salihdárs of the Spáhís, and all the various troops regular and irregular, assembled at Old Buda, where a distribution of provisions and of other necessaries was made to them.

About this time Osmán Páshá, beglerbeg of Yanuk, sent information that the Austrians were preparing to send a large army; and it so happened that, towards the end of Dhu’l Kada, an army of 50,000 foot and 20,000 horse laid siege to Osterghún. The Moslem serdár, or commander-in-chief, and the other beglerbegs, could muster no more than 10,000, and therefore prudently forbore attempting to offer battle to so immense a host. They accordingly took up their position on a hill opposite the enemy, and there meant to wait till they received more succour.

_The Moslem Army advances to Osterghún, and are defeated._

About the commencement of the month Dhu’l hijja, the commander-in-chief, Sinán’s son, the beglerbeg of Buda; Súfí Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temisvar; Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Scutari; Teríakí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Haleb; Mohammed Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Yanuk, Osmán Páshá, advanced with the 10,000 lately mentioned to Osterghún, and took up their position immediately opposite the enemy. This was a fool-hardy step, and one for which they paid dearly: for that very day the battle commenced, and was continued for several days, when it ended in the discomfiture of the Moslem army, as might have been easily anticipated, considering the vast majority of the enemy. The following day, when the Moslems advanced to the conflict, they were encircled by a considerable body of the enemy, drawn up in regular order to receive them, but whom the Moslems, led on by Osmán Páshá, drove back, retaking at the same time Jegirdilen, a place of some strength, and spiked the whole of the cannon in it. Hitherto fortune seemed to declare for the orthodox army, but on the fourth day it experienced a reverse. In approaching Dipadilen, another place of strength, the Moslems were much annoyed by the small arms of the enemy, which played incessantly upon them. Here many of the brave Musselmans fell lifeless on the ground, and among them was Osmán Páshá. Another division of the Moslem army attacked the enemy’s trenches on the Danube, and got possession of them. Here they either slew or drowned in the river such of the enemy as fell into their hands: but alas! this act of heroism was dearly paid for; for on retiring from these trenches they were met by a strong augmentation of the enemy coming forward to the aid of those who had been in the trenches, when a most desperate and awful conflict ensued. The Serdár, thinking his Moslems were overpowered, turned his face towards Buda and set off. Others, seeing this, followed his example. Teríákí Hasan Páshá was no sooner made aware of the state of matters than he too ordered his tents to be struck, loaded his waggons with the heaviest of his baggage, caused oxen to be put to them and to his field-pieces—which had been kept as memorials of Soleimán—and moved off for Buda, whither the rest had fled.

After this signal superiority gained by the enemy they proceeded, without any further resistance from the scattered army of the Serdár, to effect their original purpose, the reduction of Osterghún. But we must defer any further account of this till we relate the events of the following year.

The Serdár Mohammed Páshá, after reaching Buda, and after his troops had found their way to that city, was in conformity to a resolution passed by a council of war, appointed to the government of Yanuk, and proper persons were also dismissed in order to assemble forces at Belgrade.

When the enemy, stationed about Novograde, heard of the defeat sustained by the Moslems they were emboldened to lay siege to Wáj, but were repulsed with great loss. Finding they were unable for the task they had undertaken, they contented themselves with carrying off what cattle they could seize or drive off. But this also belongs to the affairs of the following year.

_The Apostate Michael gains a victory._

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, after having seen the fortress completed, which he had ordered to be erected of wood at Bekrish, as before observed, placed a garrison of one thousand Janissaries and a thousand other troops in it, besides cannon and other implements of war for defence, and on the 13th of Moharrem removed to the plains of Terghúshta. The inhabitants of this latter place having all fled before his arrival, he commenced building in it a fortress of wood, similar to the one erected at Bekrish, and ordered two deep ditches to be cut round it. The whole was completed in the space of a month; and after having placed a garrison in it, and supplied it with all kinds of necessary stores, he commenced his countermarch on the 12th of the month Sefer.

The grand vezír had scarcely reached the very first stage, however, before the atrocious Michael started out of the woods and surrounded Terghúshta with his troops. The sound of his cannon was distinctly heard in the grand vezír’s camp. After three days of violent effort he took the place. Alí Páshá, Khoja Beg, and other persons of distinction, he caused to be fixed on spits and roasted before a fire: the rest of the garrison he made prisoners, set fire to the place, and withdrew. Information of this disaster reached the grand vezír the day it took place, and awakened the grief and sympathy of the whole army. Whilst they stood deploring the fate of the garrison, and of their brethren who had fallen into the hands of their merciless enemies, three hundred of these infidels issued out of the wood, not very distant from the Moslem camp, but they were all dispersed by a party of the Romeilian troops. The army now began to retrace their steps. After consulting as to the propriety of returning to Terghúshta, about which there existed a variety of opinion, they at last resolved on going to Bekrish, which they accordingly did. During fifteen days which the army was ordered to remain there, all the traders, whether belonging to the army or otherwise, were requested to remove in that space of time with their effects out of Bekrish, and retire to some other place of greater security. After this and other matters of importance were fully attended to, the guns and other stores belonging to this garrison were put on waggons and removed, and itself, so lately built, set fire to about midnight, when the troops left it to perish. After hastily passing through the pass of Bekrish they arrived at Yerkok, where they halted three days.

On reaching this place, the grand vezír was confounded when he perceived that the bridge, which had been confided to a sufficient guard, across which ten thousand waggons and captives had passed, was now watched only by five. Formerly, the Moslem troops were in the habit of making excursions by this bridge into the country of Transylvania, and returning by the same with waggons loaded with spoil, thousands of captives, and with droves of cattle, sheep, and young horses, and which used to be sold in the Moslem camp. Here also a faithful custom-house officer used to sit and collect an impost which was levied on all such imports.

The grand vezír was but a very few days at the above place when he learned that the apostate Michael was at his heels. Without waiting the arrival of this rebel he crossed over by night, and permitted his troops to do as they might be able. Before morning they succeeded in getting over part of their ordnance, whilst they were obliged to leave the remainder behind them. Whilst all were in confusion, and petrified with terror at the recent information, each one, concerned about himself, sought to save himself the best way he could. In these circumstances of confusion and terror the enemy appeared in the vicinity of Yerkok, and arrived in sufficient time to seize on all which yet remained to be passed over to the Moslem side. A party of the enemy, more like enraged swine, hastened forward to the edge of the river, and from an eminence sufficiently near, played with their cannon against the bridge, which soon gave way in the middle. Such of the retreating Moslems and baggage as were crossing at the time, fell into the river along with it, and were lost. Some of the unfortunate wretches who got hold of pieces of the bridge were carried down the stream, and their shrieks pierced the skies. All who had not been able to make their escape from Yerkok were butchered without mercy, and their blood made to flow in rivulets. In short, the slaughter was terrible. The cannon which fell into the hands of the enemy were directed, after they had burned the city, against the fortress. So very disastrous a retreat, as well as defeat, has never been recorded in any history.

_The fortress of Yerkok taken._

The troops who were stationed in this garrison at this time shut themselves up in it, but the rabble-army, after three days’ bombardment, took it by storm on the 10th of the month Sefer, put every Mussulman within it to death, and afterwards directed its cannon against the grand vezír’s camp on the opposite side of the river. About this time information was received from Ghází Gheráí Khán, khán of the Tátárs, which apprised them that he had entered Moldavia with his Tátár army, and had brought the inhabitants of that province under subjection and promise of obedience; and further, that they had promised to deliver up the apostate Michael, the sole author of all the evils and mischief which had taken place. In the letter which they addressed to the khán, they requested that one of his emírs might be appointed governor over them; but their chiefs not liking this arrangement, the thing was delayed.

_Osterghún delivered up to the enemy._

In the month of Dhu’l hijja of last year the enemy, as we have seen, laid siege to the fortress of Osterghún, and after having defeated the army sent from Buda to oppose them, they redoubled their efforts against the above place, which at last the Moslems were necessitated to give up. This took place on the 1st, or about the beginning of the month Sefer. About forty or fifty Mussulmans, who were allowed to leave Osterghún, went by water to Buda.

_Vishégrade is taken by the enemy._

After the reduction of Osterghún the enemy surrounded the fortress of Vishégrade, a place of considerable strength, not far from the above, and which, through the treachery of one Osmán, who had been degraded from the rank of an ághá of the Janissaries, was delivered over to the enemy; but the inhabitants and the garrison were allowed to retire to Buda. The above-mentioned apostate Osmán, in order to ingratiate himself with the King of Hungary, went and pointed out the vaults in which the Moslems had preserved their gunpowder, and which till then had not been discovered. The enemy carried the whole away in boats.

_The Grand Vezír deposed.—Lála Mohammed Páshá made Grand Vezír._

When accounts of the ill fate of the expedition conducted by the grand vezír into Valachia, of the pusillanimity of his son, who permitted Osterghún to fall into the enemy’s hands; and who was the first who fled from the field of battle, and shut himself up within the fortress of Buda, were received at Constantinople, the whole of the Moslem population and the grandees of the state were roused to madness and indignation; and when the emperor was formally informed of these disgraceful circumstances, he immediately ordered the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, to be deposed and to go to Mulghura. On the 16th of Rabia II. the seals were transferred to Lála Mohammed Páshá, but who, on account of his bad state of health, was never able, with the exception of the day he had the honour of kissing the emperor’s hand, to attend to his duties in the diván. He died shortly after his elevation to the premiership.

_Sinán Páshá is made Grand Vezír a fifth Time._

The káímakám of Constantinople, Ibrahím Páshá, of whom frequent though not honourable mention has been made, expected that on the death of Lála Mohammed Páshá, as well as on some former occasions, when a prime minister was degraded, that the emperor would confer the seals upon him. He was mistaken, and of course disappointed. The fact was, that the emperor had discovered before then that he was the principal cause of Ferhád Páshá’s murder, and was seized with a kind of horror and remorse, and therefore dismissed him from office and from his presence.

The friends of Sinán, lately deposed and banished, were not idle. They threw a cloak over his faults, and represented his virtues and high qualifications for government in such a light as to induce his majesty to recall him from his exile, and to reinstate him (a fifth time) in his former office. He took his place in the diván about the end of Rabia II.

A circumstance took place about this time which is worthy of being recorded. A great dispute having taken place between Ibrahím Páshá and his father-in-law, Sinán Páshá, the former accused the latter, in the presence of the diván, of maladministration, and charged him with being the cause of all the insurrections which had happened, by his having given places of trust and responsibility to men who were unfit to hold these offices. On another occasion Ibrahím spoke in the same strain in presence of the emperor, which so enraged Sinán that he said: “I am represented to your majesty as a person every way unfit to hold office, and though it be Ibrahím who has thought fit to do so, I challenge him to go down to the court, and there let us try the edge and strength of our daggers.” Thus saying, he seized him by his robes and thrust him out of the presence of the emperor. These were times in which rebellion and disorder, hatred and envy, reigned without; rudeness and asperity within; and had the effect of marring the tranquillity of all ranks and conditions.

_Sinán Páshá’s counsel to the Emperor._

One day when the grand vezír was sitting with his imperial majesty he offered him the following counsel. “Sire,” said he, “it is inconsistent with sound policy to have a commander-in-chief in hostile countries, and it is incompatible for two to hold that office. In having a commander-in-chief, or a person of this description, it falls either to the grand vezír, or some other one of the vezírs, to hold it. If the grand vezír exercise this function, then the káímakám, in order to get himself into the vezírship, will throw all the hindrances he possibly can in his way, and no good will be effected. On the other hand, if it be a vezír who shall exercise that high office, then the grand vezír, for fear his services should, perchance, recommend him to hold the premiership, will, from mere envy, seek to hide what glory he may acquire in the service of his country. For how many years have ambition and envy of this kind been the cause of the ruin of our armies, and the wasting of our treasures, without producing the least benefit to the state, but, on the contrary, misfortune and disgrace! Do you, therefore, Sire, imitate the example set before you by Sultán Suleimán, and declare that you will, in person, take the chief command of the army in the present war with the infidels on the north of our frontiers. Do this, that, after you have gained victories, and restored the fading glory of the Ottomans, you may then have it in your power to make peace on honourable terms. The presence of the royal warrior in the midst of his camp will inspire the enemies of our religion and of our country with dread, and paralyze their efforts against us.” Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, being of one mind with the grand vezír, confirmed his sentiments by an appeal to the practice of former emperors, who all commanded in person, and who, by their valour and heroism, extended the dominions of the Ottomans. The result was, that the grand sultán determined on joining his army, and on conducting it to battle in person.

Accordingly, every preparation for furthering the views of the royal warrior was promptly attended to. Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was appointed to accompany the royal suite; and on the 1st of Rajab, 150,000 ducats were delivered out of the royal treasury to Kara Mohammed Páshá, who was commissioned to proceed to Belgrade and make the necessary purchases of provisions for the army. Artificers were also sent out to mend the roads and bridges every where. Orders were issued to have all kinds of vessels, and all sorts of apparatus in a state of readiness on the Danube. The whole of the royal tents, &c. were confided to the emperor’s chancellor, Hamza Páshá. To the chief master of the horse, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, in conjunction with a chávush, called Konáí Zádeh Mohammed, was committed the charge of collecting in Caramania and thereabouts the necessary number of beasts of burden for the war. In short, the preparations were decisive and complete.

_Sinán Páshá’s death.—Ibrahím Páshá is made Grand Vezír._

Whilst the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, was actively employed in carrying on the preparations alluded to in the preceeding section, death put an end to his blemished life. He did not survive the murder of Ferhád Páshá a full year. His death took place on the 5th of Shabán. Ahmed Aghá, Ketkhodá of the household troops, was deputed to carry the seals to Ibrahím Páshá, who happened, at the time they were sent to him, to be praying in St. Sophia. The learned and exalted men, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and others, besides vezírs, who were present in the temple when the seals were put into his hand, congratulated him on his elevation. After having finished their religious duties they accompanied the remains of the deceased grand vezír, and buried him in his own tomb, when the newly created one, Ibrahím Páshá, returned to his own palace.

_Strife and contention between Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and the Muftí._

On the third day after Ibrahím’s exaltation to the premiership, the reverend Effendí, Sa’d-ud-dín, went to pay him a visit, and to do him the honours due to his high office. Whilst the reverend father was sitting and holding friendly conversation with the grand vezír, letters were brought to his excellency, one of which was from Hasan Páshá, son of Mohammed Páshá. This letter informed him of the submission of the haughty Michael and of the Boyárs of Valachia. As the exalted vezír was in the act of beginning to read these communications, the Muftí arrived to congratulate the new minister, and formed one of the company. These two magazines of learning and science sat, the one on the right and the other on the left hand of the grand vezír, resembling two lofty but firmly based mountains. These two august personages, being noble, were permitted, of course, to sit and speak in the sublime council. The papers above alluded to were put into the hands of the reverend Effendí, who began to read their contents in a loud voice, and gave his opinion freely on the points submitted to their consideration and judgment. But the Muftí, from motives dictated by envy, opposed and contradicted his reverend brother without ceremony. To his grave, wise, and straight-forward advice he would give no place. This circumstance, unfortunately, was the cause of producing a most serious altercation between the two reverend prelates, which put a complete stop, for the time being, to all further reading and cool deliberation. “Why,” said the reverend Effendí, “if the Boyárs of Valachia, and Michael, have petitioned for pardon, let no discouraging answer be returned to them. Let them only be required to deliver up Michael’s son, as hostage, in proof of the sincerity of their repentance. It is in this way, I propose, their letters ought to be answered.” The superior priest, or Muftí, under the influence of envy, opposed this judgment, and in his turn maintained, that no offers whatever ought to be accepted at the hands of the apostate Michael. The storm increased: mutual accusations ensued. To such a length, indeed, did these reverend fathers carry their animosity and personal reproach, that they completely exhausted the patience of the other emírs present. At length the Muftí rose up from his seat, turned himself to the grand vezír, and thus addressed him: “If it please your excellency, we have come hither for the purpose of congratulating you on your recent exaltation; not for contention and strife: may the most high Allah, therefore, bless you in your high office.” Thus saying, he returned to his own house. The other prelate was very much offended at the Muftí for his outrageous conduct, who, at the very commencement of their deliberations, began to oppose his opinion and advice, and then marched off in a pet. This, he said, was far from being honourable. However, he had this consolation afforded him: his advice was adopted and followed. Orders accordingly were given to Músá Chelebí, the secretary, to prepare a suitable answer to Michael and the other Boyárs, and Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí returned home.

_The Emperor of the Moslems prepares to set out for the scene of war._