Part 7

The accursed Michael, already too often mentioned, having killed Mustafa Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, went every where exciting insubordination and insurrection, and plundering and murdering where he could. With four thousand of his raggamuffin army he penetrated into Silistria, but was so firmly and effectually opposed by Mustafa Beg, the governor, that only about one hundred of the four thousand vagrants escaped the edge of the sword. Thus ample vengeance was taken on them.

_Ferhád Páshá makes preparations for war._

After the above-mentioned Yerkok was destroyed, letters reached the Sublime Porte which imported that Michael was marching at the head of one hundred thousand men, collected from the neighbouring princes, and committing devastation and plunder in the villages on the banks of the Danube and on the shores of the Black Sea; thus exercising violence and cruelty on the servants of God. When this disastrous account reached the royal ear, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, who was also commander-in-chief, was ordered to make preparations for war against the insurgents by the time the spring season arrived. Letters were sent to those chiefs on the borders who had maintained their integrity to join the troops of war at a certain place; orders were issued to prepare bridges and other apparatus necessary for crossing the Danube at Rusjuk, opposite Yerkok; and an earnest request was sent to the chiefs of Silistria, Nicopolis, and Widin, to furnish a sufficient number of artificers for accomplishing this design. Until the arrival of the grand vezír the office of commander-in-chief was conferred on Lála Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Anatolia, who went to Widin. Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, son of Sinán Páshá, lately in the premiership, gave up his office of commandant in Buda to vezír Hasan Páshá, who had been at Widin and returned to Belgrade.

_The Spáhís raise a tumult._

On the 12th of Shabán, as Ferhád was leaving the diván, and intending to return to his own palace, he was met by ten thousand of the troops, who were waiting for him at the gate of the diván. These complained of not having been duly paid for three years’ services performed in garrisoning the fortress of Ganjé, and demanded payment. The grand vezír told them in return that their wages would be paid them from the treasury of Tabríz and Ganjé. “Why,” said he, “do you break the law by raising a tumult? Do you not know that disobedience to the supreme authority involves in it the guilt of infidelity?” Thus saying, he dismissed them. They, however, began to speak publicly of their grievances, and sounded abroad that they were oppressed, and in fact effected a tumult in the city. Next day Ferhád’s embarrassments were increased, for the whole of the Spáhís, and some of the Salihdárs, sycophants of Sinán Páshá, who united with them, came in a tumultuous manner to the door of the diván, declared that until Ferhád Páshá’s head was cut off they would accept no wages, and stoned such of their companions as ventured to ask them. The ághás endeavoured by kind advice to soothe them, but without any beneficial effect. The chávush báshí and the deputy of the household troops tried what they could do in appeasing them, but were rewarded with a shower of stones, and of course were obliged to seek shelter. The tumult increased in noise and numbers. The insurgents were then told that the pay of the men of Ganjé would be forthwith advanced, and that all their wishes, whatever they might be, would be complied with. These promises also made no impression. The insurgents continued obstinate and determined, and threatened they would permit no member of the diván to stir out of the council alive before the head of Ferhád was given to them, and became more and more turbulent and vociferous.

When the emperor was made aware of these scenes of insubordination and turbulence, he sent two military judges to exhort them to return to their duty. These two prelates were the poet Bákí Effendí and Abúlsa’úd, a principal effendí; but their exhortation to the mutineers had no better result than the former. The mutineers stamped with their feet on the ground, and again vociferated “The head of Ferhád!” Ferhád was now induced to wait on his majesty and tell him how he had acted, and how he had spoken to the instigators of the riots about their want of subordination, which conduct manifested, he observed, their utter want of religion. “Lála Mohammed Páshá and other vezírs were present when I spoke to them,” said the grand vezír, “and I am sure nothing of all that I said ought to have offended them. I am only one of your slaves, and though I should be removed out of the world, that will not reduce the number of your majesty’s councillors. To comply with their demands will only have the effect of increasing their rebellious spirit and open a door for making similar demands in future, which will not be so easily resisted if their present one be complied with. At the present moment, when neither exhortation nor threatening can make any impression on them, it will be most advisable that your majesty authorise the ághá of the Janissaries to bring out a considerable number of his troops and station them below the arsenal, and order the most powerful of the Bostánjís to be in a state of readiness at the Tímúr gate. If, therefore, the vezírs be molested when they retire from the diván, these troops will immediately, on the first signal, advance and chastise the insurgents for their temerity.” The emperor approved of this advice, and promised to act accordingly. He desired Ferhád to remain with him, and that he would again send his vezírs to try to pacify them. “If they succeed, well; if not, then your method will be adverted to,” said he to his grand vezír, and ordered them to make the endeavour. The vezírs, however, no sooner showed themselves, than the audacious multitude commenced pelting them with stones as formerly. At this moment the Janissaries and Bostánjís were let loose upon the mutinous Spáhís, and dispersed them in all directions: not any two of them remained together, so completely were they awed and terrified.

In this tumult the brother-in-law of Khalíl Páshá had his head hurt, and Lála Mohammed Páshá his arms, by stones which were hurled at them. Both of them were carried into the diván in a wounded condition by the ághá of the Janissaries, who related to the members of the council how matters stood, after which they all dismissed: Ferhád mounted his horse and rode away to his own palace.

The grand vezír, reflecting on the disgrace done to him by the friends and sycophants of his enemies, Khoja Sinán Páshá and his son Jaghala, sought redress from the emperor. His importunity was not in vain, for a royal decree ordered Sinán Páshá to repair to Mulghera, where he had been before, and Jaghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was ordered to Karahissar. Síávush Páshá, being also involved in raising the tumult we have described, was ordered to Iconium. Others who had taken a share in it were similarly punished.

After peace and quietness were restored the emperor next day ordered 100,000 dollars to be distributed among the Janissary troops, and ten of their chiefs were presented with robes of honour.

_Ferhád Páshá prepares to set out for Valachia._

All the preparations for the war having been properly attended to, and all in a state of readiness, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, on the 17th of Shabán, marched at the head of his army from the imperial city, and halted at Dávud Páshá. The second vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, was made káímakám, or vice-governor of Constantinople. The chief ághá of the Janissaries remained at home according to custom, but the commander or ághá of the first legion of the Janissaries, with ten thousand Janissaries, accompanied the expedition to Valachia. Ten galleys were ordered up the Danube with cannon and other military stores as far as Rusjuk; but Ibrahím Páshá, the káímakám, in consequence of some secret enmity towards Ferhád, hindered as much as he could, and under various pretences, the dispatch of these and similar other articles necessary for the war, though he made it appear that he was every way active.

When Ferhád was on his way to the scene of action he wrote a very earnest letter to his majesty, requesting an augmentation of troops. “The enemy,” said he in his letter, “are at Bekrish, and we have advanced near to Rusjuk, on our frontiers. The troops under my command are too few, and they are also much weakened by the fatigues of the long journey and other privations incident to long marching. The number of the enemy is too great for us at present to take vengeance, and we must, before venturing to attack them, be made better acquainted with their actual force, and be put in circumstances to secure success.” These sentiments of Ferhád were more than once expressed. Ibrahím Páshá, on the contrary, represented to his majesty that the army under Ferhád was on the point of deserting him; that they were unwilling to act under him; that what at one time had appeared hopeful had vanished; in short, that the whole of the army would rather perish by the sword than choose to continue under his banner. The mufti, Bostán Zádeh, joined in the fraud; and Bákí Effendí from among the military judges, and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Jaghala Zádeh, from among the vezírs, were carried away by this deceit and dissimulation. “It is not,” said the deceitful káímakám, “that I wish an investigation to be made in the case of Ferhád that I speak as I do, neither is it that I wish to be made grand vezír; nor is it the chief command of the army I seek. No: it is a duty I owe to religion, to the emperor, and to the empire, that forces me to express myself.” These sentiments, apparently good, were uttered with the view of affecting Sinán Páshá, the late prime minister, who was so well pleased with them that he was induced to distribute some thousands of gold among those who were present and heard this discourse. Ibrahím’s words soon found their way to the ear of his royal master, who was so much affected by them that he determined on deposing Ferhád Páshá.

_Continuation of Ferhád’s affairs._

On the 21st of Shabán Ferhád Páshá marched from Dávud Páshá, and on reaching Chorlí he raised about a thousand sharp-shooters, and gave the command of this body to one Hasan, a Spáhí. The stages by which the army was to march were all written down, but the troops were to halt every day at mid-day and take rest.

About the 5th of Ramazán, the government of Moldavia was conferred on Ja’fer Páshá, who had been, formerly, Beglerbeg of Shirván, and that of Valachia, on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The office of treasurer was conferred on Mohammed Beg of Yení Sheher. Twelve thousand men from these two provinces were ordered to be taken into pay.

_Ferhád arrives on the Banks of the Danube._

The grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, reached Rusjuk towards the end of Shevál, and immediately commenced preparations for erecting a bridge across the Danube. Artificers, brought from Nicopolis, were set to the work. From some prisoners who had been brought to the commander-in-chief he learned that the wicked and mischievous Michael had received a reinforcement, from Transylvania and Hungary, of about 70,000 troops, and that he was posted at Bekrish. About the commencement of Dhu’l Kadah, the Beglerbeg of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, joined the royal camp with four thousand troops, and brought along with him five hundred Valachian and Hungarian prisoners. The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ferhád Páshá, sat under a canopy supported by eight pillars, and superintended the erections which were carried on. The whole might have been completed in five or six days had it not been found necessary to extend the bridge to an island in the river, opposite Yerkok. To accomplish this object, the Sanjak chiefs were ordered to cut down trees suitable for the purpose, and to transport them to the spot where they were needed. Whilst these erections were going forward, arrangements were also made to pay four divisions of troops which remained in the garrison of Belgrade; the Serdár himself intending, after he had chastised the rebel Michael, to remove to that city.

_Ferhád is deposed.—Sinán Páshá raised to the Premiership._

It has already been observed how Ibrahím Páshá, the son-in-law of Sinán Páshá, and other sycophants of the latter, had effected a change in the emperor’s mind towards Ferhád. They at last succeeded in moving him to remove him from office altogether. Accordingly the seals of office, at the close of the month Shevál, were sent to Sinán Páshá, who, on being raised to the premiership, set immediately to work in seeking the destruction of his predecessor. He insinuated that Ferhád maintained a secret correspondence with the apostate Michael: that he meditated the utter ruin and destruction of the Moslem army: he accused him of negligence, infidelity, and treachery, and importuned his warrant: and, in order to encompass his death, he took the royal seal and signed a commission, which he sent to the deputy of the Janissaries, Ahmed Aghá, desiring him to execute this diabolical but earnestly desired object. He issued another order for taking possession of the arsenal and other stores which Ferhád had provided for the war. Before either of these firmáns reached the place of their destination, however, a friend of Ferhád had hastened, with all manner of speed, to inform him what was going on against him. The information had such an effect on the unfortunate Páshá, that his life, for a while, was despaired of. He was, however, able to make arrangements for his return. He informed a diván, called for the purpose, that he found it necessary to return to Constantinople, and therefore required some men to accompany him. He, accordingly, selected about three thousand veterans from the most valiant of the troops, and delivered over, secretly however, to Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, his own seal, and all the stores to Mohammed Páshá. Having settled every thing relative to the troops that were to accompany him, he mounted his horse and set out for Constantinople. To avoid meeting the officer who had in charge the grand vezír’s firmán, he travelled by a different route, night and day, with the greatest speed.

When the officer reached Rusjuk, he learned, to his surprise, that Ferhád had set out two days before; but with the assistance of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, he immediately transmitted an account of this circumstance to Constantinople.

Sinán Páshá was still in the metropolis. The Syrian troops, destined for the war, had arrived. Sinán informed them that a sentence of death had been issued against Ferhád. “His head is mine, his property yours,” said he, and sent off these fearless troops to intercept him.

In the mean time Sinán Páshá busied himself in making arrangements for carrying on the war in Hungary. The Syrian troops, just now mentioned, fell in with Ferhád’s treasures, which were carried on camels. These they seized, whilst Ferhád himself stood on a rising ground at a distance, and saw what was going on. There is another version of this story. It says, that when these Syrians met Ferhád, he had the presence of mind to scatter some purses of silver and gold amongst the rapacious fellows, and made off with himself whilst they were scrambling for the booty thus thrown amongst them. The story goes on to say that the Syrians began to quarrel about the division of the spoil they had so very easily acquired, and that instead of fairly dividing it, each man set off with what fell into his own hands.

Ferhád, in the meantime, succeeded in descending the mountains of Istrenj, and arrived at his own villa near Constantinople in the middle of Dhu’l hijja. Here he concealed himself, but sent all his treasures and jewels as a present to the emperor’s mother. This mode of applying his money had a wonderful effect, for the joyful news of his being about to be pardoned soon became public.

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, reached Rusjuk, on the borders of the empire, before these things had transpired, and had other objects to occupy his attention, independent of Ferhád. But his son-in-law, Ibrahím Páshá, was still governor of Constantinople, and when he heard the report that Ferhád was to be pardoned, formed another plot for effecting his destruction, which succeeded, as the sequel will show. He employed one Soleimán, a German Jew, a well-known fellow, who succeeded in finding out where Ferhád had secreted himself, and afterwards sent him (probably by the same infamous Jew) a letter, as from the emperor, which conveyed to him a free pardon. This, the poor man had no doubt, was an act of mercy from his sovereign, and therefore ventured out of his hiding-place and commenced paying visits to his friends. One morning, however, by break of day, his villa was surrounded, and himself made prisoner by the Bostánjí báshí, who conducted him forthwith to the Seven Towers. This took place on the 5th of Sefer, 1004. Ibrahím Páshá wrote out his indictment and laid it before the throne, and soon afterwards succeeded in obtaining the emperor’s warrant for taking away his life. Accordingly, Chobán Soleimán Aghá, a chávush báshí, strangled him in the Seven Towers that same night, before supper-time.

_A Reflection._

The late Ferhád Páshá was a man who had rendered many important services to his country whilst employed in the Persian war, and was one of those who had forwarded the elevation of the then reigning monarch; but he was rewarded, as we have seen, with disgrace heaped upon him, and, at last, with an ignominious death. The late emperor knew his value, and always showed him peculiar honour and respect. Sultán Mohammed Khán was a man who was free from guile and duplicity, and unacquainted with cunning and deceit; but he had not reached that degree of penetration which so much distinguished his father, and which would have secured him from putting too much confidence in his advisers, and have kept him from committing himself before he had made proper and strict inquiry. The result of the want of these qualities we have seen.

_Sinán Páshá’s Operations in Valachia._

The new grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, left the plains of Dávud Páshá on the 11th Dhu’l Kadah, passed through Adrianople, the pass of Chaluk Kovak, and, after encountering a thousand difficulties, reached the camp towards the end of the month. The above-mentioned bridge was in a state of completion, and about the middle of the month Dhu’l hijja, the grand vezír crossed over with his whole army. The troops of Romeili, with their Válí at their head, formed the advance guard: Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, at the head of the Syrian troops, formed the right wing: the chiefs of Thessalonica and Nicopolis were appointed to watch the bridge: the ten galleys which had been ordered to convey military stores had reached Rusjuk, and on the 17th the army removed from Yerkok, and halted near a wood about four leagues distant from a narrow pass which led to Bekrish. A party was led forward to reconnoitre this pass, but they had scarcely approached it when they observed a cloud of dust, and soon afterwards saw the enemy’s troops advancing. The party retreated to the camp: the grand vezír girded on his sword, ordered planks to be placed over a marsh which lay in front, by which he made the Janissaries pass, and stationed them in a part of the wood. On the top of an eminence he placed ten pieces of ordnance, which did great execution, and with the middle division of his army he succeeded in driving back those of the enemy which were advancing upon him, and spiked their cannon which they had been obliged to leave behind them. A few only of the enemy were killed, but every thing was in favour of the Moslems, who now advanced upon them, and took their position near Kalúgirvan. The whole of the enemy were concentrated in the pass or valley of Bekrish, where they during the night lighted fires, made a tremendous noise and stir, and, at the same time, brought forward a great number of buffaloes.

In the history called _Bahjet_, the account is thus related:—The Moslem army having halted in a marshy and woody spot near the bridge of Kalúgirvan, were soon attacked by a body of the enemy, whose cannon and small arms were most galling to them. In these circumstances, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, Haider Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Mustafa Páshá, the son of Ayás Páshá, crossed the bridge with a considerable number of troops, and attacked them in return, and after a most dreadful conflict succeeded in securing ten of the enemy’s cannon, but were afterwards obliged to retreat, leaving their acquisition behind them. Mohammed Páshá, in the act of retreating, was wounded in the above-mentioned marsh. Hasan Haider and Mustafa sunk into the mud and perished. The grand vezír himself was also very unfortunate, for in this moment of confusion and retreat, he too was obliged to fly; and in doing so, fell into a morass. His body guards sought their own safety, and left him to shift for himself the best way he could. He got out, but soon fell into another; and in this predicament he continued till he was observed by a veteran Romeilian called Hasan, who advanced towards him, took him on his back, and thus carried him out of the marsh. This hero, the deliverer of the grand vezír, acquired public fame for his heroism, and had the word “marsh” affixed to his name ever afterwards. He was, therefore, called Hasan Bátákjí, and became afterwards the commander of a body of heroes under Khoja Murád Páshá, honourably mentioned in the sequel of this history.

On the night of the above-mentioned disastrous event, one of the Janissaries happened to lay down an unextinguished match upon some gunpowder, which, when it ignited, communicated itself to a great quantity of the same material which lay in its neighbourhood, and which produced so tremendous an explosion as to cause an universal cry of “Yá allah,” among the troops. The effect of this explosion on the infidel army was astonishing—for they supposed they were attacked by the Moslems, and to escape them they immediately retired. Michael hastened to Bekrish with the greater part of his army, whilst a smaller body made its way into Moldavia, but afterwards returned to join their infamous leader at Bekrish.

The Moslems unable, in consequence of the fatigues they had endured the preceding day, to take advantage of the flight of the enemy, and thus gain the open field, retreated a little. Here they remained two days, during which time some prisoners were brought in, who informed them that the enemy had concentrated at Bekrish. Encouraged by this information, Hasan Páshá, on the 18th of the month, crossed over with his division, gained the plain beyond the valley or pass, and sent out a foraging party through the country, who returned with provisions, prisoners, and cattle.

Michael, not thinking himself secure at Bekrish, retired to Terghúshta, and afterwards, from the same dread, penetrated the almost inaccessible mountains which form the boundaries of Transylvania. The grand vezír, now that the enemy had entirely disappeared, passed through the valley on the 20th and appeared before Bekrish, in the plains of which he pitched his tent. The churches of Bekrish were converted into mosques; and worship, according to Mohammedan usage, was performed in them. The ornaments and crosses which adorned the roofs of the churches, as well as the whole of the images and pictures which were placed in them, were totally demolished. Not a vestige of them was allowed to remain.

_A Council held.—A Fortress built._