Part 47

Kásim Páshá was káímakám when Sultán Ahmed Khán ascended the throne, but was afterwards murdered, as has been already observed. Alí Páshá Yávuz died at Belgrade at the time he was commander-in-chief. Ghází Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the conqueror of Osterghún, died of the palsy. Dervísh Páshá, who was raised from among the bostánjí báshís to the premiership, was deposed by the people, and deservedly murdered for his wickedness. The next in order was the celebrated Murád Páshá, who was succeeded by the infamous Nesúh, son-in-law to the grand sultán; but who, on account of his maladministration and bad conduct, fell under his father-in-law’s displeasure, and was executed as an example to others. Mohammed Páshá, called Oghuz, another son-in-law of the emperor, was deposed, and died at Aleppo. Khalíl Páshá, the last grand vezír, was at the time of Ahmed’s death engaged in an expedition against the Persians. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, the eunuch, has been already mentioned, and his virtues and good deeds have been recorded. Súfí Sinán Páshá was twice káímakám, and as often deposed. Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá fell into disgrace when he was káímakám, and was killed. Khezer Páshá, governor of Cairo, was afterwards made káímakám. Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the eunuch, was celebrated for his prudence, and his modesty commanded respect. Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, the celebrated lord high treasurer, became obnoxious to every successive vezír; and each, in his turn, persecuted and sought to kill him. Through his fawning disposition, and the distribution of gifts, he contrived, as we shall afterwards see, to die a natural death. Kúrd Páshá was a vezír at the time that Ahmed ascended the throne, but was afterwards degraded. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá was made a vezír, but was degraded. Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá died of grief because of the defeats he had sustained when fighting against the kizilbáshes. Mohammed Páshá Ebn Khoaja Sinán Páshá was a very celebrated vezír, but was barbarously murdered. Súfí Mohammed Páshá was káímakám at the time of Sultán Ahmed Khán’s death.

_Some of the events which took place during the reign of Mustafa Khán._

When it pleased God to remove by death Sultán Ahmed Khán, his brother, Sultán Mustafa Khán, was, on the 23d of Dhu’l Kadah, 1026 of the Hijrah, raised to the vacant throne. Mustafa discovered, however, a deficiency of judgment; but it was attributed to his long confinement, and it was hoped he would by experience acquire a right knowledge of the duties which belonged to his exalted station. In the meantime, matters were conducted by the metropolitan priest, Isaád Effendí.

The new emperor, according to custom, went to the tomb of his predecessor, at which he girded himself with a sword, when all the nobles and grandees instantly made their obeisance before him. After having visited the tombs of his other noble ancestors, he caused alms and donations to be distributed. He was then placed on a chair of state, and heralds, by supreme authority, were sent every where announcing Mustafa’s exaltation.

Mustafa Aghá Salihdár Sheheriárí was raised to the government of Cairo. The royal foster-mother was given to him in marriage. The government of Syria was conferred on Tchokadár Aghá: that of Caramania was given to the ághá of the falconers. Some other friends of the emperor met with tokens of the royal favour about the same time.

_Sultán Mustafa Khán is deposed._

According to Hasan Beg Zádeh, the ághá of the royal house, Mustafa Aghá, who during the preceding reign had exercised absolute authority, began again, under the new emperor, to manifest a desire to exercise the same unlimited power. He wished to have all the nobles and grandees of the state obedient to his nod. The emperor, who was himself without any restraint, did not interfere; and, in short, seemed to give himself no concern about it whatever. This conduct excited much discussion. The ághá’s incapacity to govern became quite notorious, and therefore the necessity for deposing him became equally clear. It began to be openly spoken, that if he remained much longer at the head of the administration, he would, without doubt, waste and destroy the whole of the imperial treasures. Some of the great doctors and learned men who had been well acquainted with the affairs of the state, wrote to the queen-mother, pointing out to her the necessity there was for removing the above-mentioned ághá from the royal house. Overcome by the tears of the ághá, and the sweetness of his tongue, she, however, paid no regard to the communication sent her. In short, fraud and mismanagement arrived at such a pitch of notoriety, that the people began not only to look on the emperor with aversion, but to assemble for the purpose of actually deposing him. The aforesaid ághá wrote to the reverend mufti, to the rest of the learned men, and to the nobles, that all the princes of the blood were on the very eve of being murdered; and called on them to come forward and prevent the extinction of the Ottoman race. On their receiving this intelligence, they were roused to fury, and immediately agreed to the deposition of the emperor. In the beginning of Rabia I., under the pretence of distributing to the household troops their wages, they succeeded in getting them properly equipped, and arranged into proper order to answer their own purposes. They then barricaded the emperor’s apartment; and, by a postern door, brought forth the young Osmán, and placed him on the throne of Mustafa his uncle. The emperor’s friends about him no sooner perceived the soldiers than they immediately anticipated the deposition of their master, and began to regret, when too late, that the advice which had been given to the queen-mother had not been followed.

Hájí Khalífeh says, in his Fezlikeh, that this infamous emperor was, for some time, deprived of the use of his reason, and became quite remarkable for his strange gestures before people. He used to wander among the tombs, throw money into the sea to the fish, and scatter it on the roads; proofs sufficient of the derangement of his mind. This ághá too, he states further, in order to preserve the civil and religious institutions of the country free from confusion and outrage, wrote to the mufti, Isaád Effendí, and to the káímakám, Súfí Mohammed Páshá, with regard to the state of the emperor’s mind, assuring them that there remained no possible chance of ever bringing him again to his right senses. If prompt measures were not instantly taken, he maintained, the funds of the state would soon be totally annihilated. Accordingly, the household troops, under the pretence of paying them their wages, were collected and arranged in the manner before described; when Sultán Mustafa Khán, on the first of Rabia I., was deposed, as before observed, after a reign of only three months and ten days, and he retired into his former privacy.

_Sultán Osmán Khán inaugurated._

On the first of Rabia I., after all the vezírs and other magnates of the state had assembled in royal diván, and after the household troops had been properly arranged, the ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá himself, shut the door of the emperor Mustafa’s apartment, and brought forth Sultán Osmán Khán, when he was instantly placed on the chair of state, and was solemnly inaugurated by the vezírs and nobles assembled. After this ceremony was once over, and the fact announced to the assembled multitude, they were allowed to retire.

The new emperor, in conformity to ancient custom, proceeded with great pomp to the Abí-eyúb, where he girded on his sword, visited the tombs of his ancestors, distributed alms among the poor and indigent, gave donations to his friends, such as royal bounty confers on such occasions, but which, in this instance, was rather too much for the imperial coffers to afford; for every inauguration cost, generally, three thousand yúks of money (3,000,000 dollars). Besides, on this as well as on the late former inauguration, the usual presents made to the army were sent to it. The son-in-law of the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, _viz._ the kapújí báshí, Mustafa Aghá, was, on this occasion, the bearer of the royal gifts to the army, which he conveyed to the commander-in-chief. On his arriving at Diárbeker, the head-quarters of the grand army, he was honoured with the ágháship of the janissaries, and was afterwards raised to the government of Diárbeker itself.

_Concerning Mohammed Gheráí._

On the very day of Osmán’s inauguration Mohammed Gheráí Khán, who had been incarcerated in the Seven Towers, found means of escaping from his place of confinement, and with a small party of Tátárs absconded. When this fact was noised abroad the káímakám, Mohammed Páshá, dispatched Hájí Súbáshí by water and Iskander Páshá by land in search of the fugitive. Hájí Súbáshí steered his course towards Varna, and happened to reach it before Iskander Páshá, who had directed his steps to the same place. Hájí apprized the inhabitants of the purport of his visit to Varna, and put them all on the alert. On the afternoon of the same day Mohammed Gheráí also reached it, and halted underneath a large tree in the fields. This was no sooner discovered than the inhabitants made an attempt at surrounding him and his party. Mohammed Gheráí, however, was determined not to allow himself to fall into their hands without making a struggle in his own defence, and therefore prepared to offer resistance. With an arrow from his bow he shot one of the janissaries, but afterwards yielded the contest and entered the City; when Iskander Páshá, who by this time had arrived at Varna, took him under his own charge, and conducted him back to Constantinople; and he was again confined within the Seven Towers, from which he had so lately made his escape. Iskander Páshá, it is to be observed, showed him nevertheless the respect due to his birth and rank.

Hasan Beg Zádeh relates this account somewhat differently, but the difference is not so great as to render it necessary to give his version of the story. It has been also said, that Mohammed Gheráí’s brother, Sháhín Gheráí, had fled to the court of Persia, but that when the sháh had told him of Osmán’s inauguration, he resolved on returning home. When Sháhín Gheráí was on the eve of setting out on his return to his own country, the sháh, it has been said, did him the honour of holding his stirrup and bridle till he mounted his horse. After taking his leave of the sháh, the latter called him back, and asked him if, in the event of the Osmánlí commanding general employing him against him, he would obey. “By all means,” was the reply. “Will you draw your sword and fight against my troops?” asked the sháh again. “Without doubt I will,” returned the undaunted Tátár prince. On hearing this heroic reply, the sháh shook his head at him. But the whole of this story seems to have been a sort of pleasant raillery. We must now return to the affairs of Khahíl Páshá’s expedition.

When the spring season arrived Khalíl Páshá removed from Diárbeker, where he had wintered; and, after collecting his forces in the plains of Choluk, directed his march towards Tabríz, by the roads of Bedlís and Wán. The sháh was stationed at Ardabíl. The khán and his Tátár army, leaving their winter-quarters, joined the grand army at Wán, where, after holding a council of war, it was agreed to march without delay upon Ardabíl. It is necessary to observe here, however, that sometime before this Karchúgheráí Khán had driven the whole of the people in the country towards Ardabíl, with the view of saving them from the advancing Osmánlí army.

_Ján Beg, khán of the Tátárs, defeated._

After the Osmánlí grand army had appeared before Tabríz, a reciprocal intercourse was entered into by the two belligerent powers, with the view of effecting a cessation of hostilities and promoting a peace. The commissioner employed on the part of the Osmánlís was the defterdár, Hákim Aghá, who, when proceeding to Ardabíl, had perceived the governor of Tabríz, Karchúgheráí Khán, with a Persian army, employed in guarding an immense host of the country inhabitants and others, small and great, near Ardabíl; and therefore, on his return to the Osmánlí camp, recommended that a strong detachment of the Tátár army, and a division of the other cavalry, should instantly advance upon them and seize upon their property; they might easily, he said, vanquish any force which the enemy could oppose to them, and thus acquire immense spoil. The Tátárs and some of the other troops were elated by the prospect of booty. A council was held, in which the defterdár, Bákí Páshá, and some other intelligent officers, expressed their entire disapprobation of the proposed movement. They alleged, and wisely too, that an army which must first accomplish seven or eight stages, could not be in a very fit condition, all at once, either to give a battle or sustain an attack. They asked, moreover, what proof there was that the enemy was not sufficiently vigilant and strong? But his highness, the Tátár Khán, the grand vezír’s deputy, and Abáza Páshá, had been completely gained over to the other side of the question by Hákim Osmán’s representation; and a thirst for acquiring booty having infected the troops, every obstacle which could be mentioned was treated with contempt. The moment for enriching themselves had arrived; and why, they triumphantly asked, put off longer time? It was highly improper, and every way impossible, they maintained, that so much spoil as that which now offered itself, could be overlooked: nor would they fail in obtaining it, if they would but be true to themselves. Such were the arguments which the advocates for Hákim’s proposals advanced; and the commanding general himself was, at last, completely swayed over to their side. It was, therefore, agreed that a strong detachment should instantly advance. Accordingly his highness the Tátár Khán, and the whole of his troops; the governor of Diárbeker, Mustafa Páshá, Alája Páshá, governor of Wán; Osmán Páshá, governor of Sivás: Arslán Páshá, governor of Romeili, with ten sanjáks and their officers; and Abáza Mohammed Páshá, governor of Aleppo, set out. The command of this mighty detachment was intrusted to the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Hasan Páshá. The turnají báshí, and a certain number of janissaries, were also attached to it, and all set forward in the utmost haste and precipitation. The rest of the janissaries caught the infatuation. The idea of acquiring wealth had filled their minds, and they were determined to have a share of the general spoil. They took their empty bags, in the hope of getting them filled, and off they set on their beasts of burden in the track of their brethren who had gone before them. So great, in fact, was the eagerness with which the royal army advanced in pursuit of the treasures they had promised themselves, that they accomplished the eight days’ journey in even less than two; having never once halted, except to feed. Those in front and those in the rear moved forward, alike without order and without subordination, towards Ardabíl, till they arrived in the plains of Sarav, where they first had a glimpse of the kizilbáshes, with whom they must contend for the prey. Karchúgheráí Khán, aware of the advance of the Osmánlís, had placed the greater part of his troops in ambuscade; whilst, at the same time, in order to deceive the Osmánlís, he showed, at some little distance, two small bodies, which at once attracted the attention of these ardent heroes. Next morning the Osmánlís, in their eagerness for conquest, and in their thirst for spoil, without order or government, and without taking any kind of precaution, commenced an attack. Those who had been placed in ambuscade now rushed forth upon the fatigued Moslems, when a most desperate battle, which lasted two hours, was fought; but the Osmánlís were at length obliged to give way. The commander, Hasan Páshá, Arslán Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mustafa Páshá, governor of Diárbeker, fell in the bloody contest. Almají Mohammed Páshá and Rushvánlí Mustafa Páshá were made prisoners. The greater part of those whose horses were fatigued furnished food to the sword of the foe: many of the noble and heroic Tátárs met with the same fate; but the common horde of Tátárs fled. The khán himself continued firm, and fought with great bravery, till he was nearly surrounded by the enemy, when he too gave way. The janissaries were very active in supporting him, pouring in shots of musketry among those who had been endeavouring to seize him, and levelled many of them with the dust. It was owing entirely to their vigorous assistance that he escaped falling into the hands of the kizilbáshes, and got to a place of safety. The defeat of the Osmánlís was complete. The brave troops of Shám were unable to maintain their ground; five hundred of them had been made prisoners by Karchúgheráí Khán, and were murdered; their officers were sent to the sháh. In this sanguinary combat very many of the foe also perished. The ungracious sháh, during the whole of the bloody conflict, shut himself up within the city of Ardabíl, giving himself up to humble supplications; and would hardly believe the intelligence which announced the defeat of the Osmánlí army.

Hasan Beg Zádeh says, in his version of this story, that when Khalíl Páshá was marching against Ardabíl, Sháhín Gheráí deserted to the enemy, and betrayed the cause of the Osmánlís. In consequence of the information which he imparted to the kizilbáshes, they sent one or two emissaries into the Tátár camp, who circulated among the Tátárs that the Persians were in a state of entire defencelessness. This, of course, roused the Tátárs, and hurried them heedlessly onward. The words of Hákim Osmán had the same effect on, or they imparted impetuosity to the Osmánlís themselves, and the result was as we have related it, _i. e._ both the Osmánlís and Tátárs were defeated and routed. Among those who fell on this memorable occasion were the khán’s military judge and an Osmánlí sheikh of the name of Islám.

The news of this terrible disaster reached the royal camp during the night season: the troops in the camp were called to arms, and a council of war was held. Bákí Páshá, with his wise associates, advised to advance, without a moment’s delay, upon Ardabíl; “for,” said they, “if we retreat, the enemy will be encouraged and emboldened to pursue us, and will most certainly attack us, when every one will try to escape the best way he can. Our fate will resemble that which befell Jeghala Zádeh of former days.” This mode of address had the effect of animating the troops in the camp, when it was resolved to march forward by break of day, which they did.

The advance of the main army, under the commander-in-chief, towards Ardabíl, did not hinder the sháh, though the Osmánlís had manifested no want of firmness, from making some invidious remarks to those around him. He tauntingly asked, if the Romeilian strangers were not yet defeated? whilst, at the same time, he sent messenger after messenger with this message: “Come, let us make peace: you are coming with hostile intentions: your late defeat has been owing to your vain and premature haste.” With such words of bitter reproach as these did he fill his letters to the commanding general; and yet, at bottom, he was most anxious to conclude a peace. Last of all, on a day which blew a hurricane, one Búrún Kásim, a messenger from the sháh, entered the Osmánlí camp, and immediately presented himself before the commander-in-chief, who was at the time sitting in council with the other grandees of the army. “Why,” said the commander-in-chief to the ambassador of the kizilbáshes, “the red-heads, proud of the victory they have gained, have taunted us with disgraceful reproaches under the appearance of asking a peace: and if we retreat you are ready to fall upon us. Your professed desire of peace is hollow: which of your words can I believe?” Búrún Kásim, the sháh’s ambassador, stormed. “What,” said the intrepid vezír, but with a view of giving a facetious turn to the conversation, “is it customary, Kásim Beg, for the storm to blow so furiously in this country?” Kásim Beg was prevented from making a reply by Bákí Páshá, a man of knowledge and experience, as before hinted, who at this moment addressed the commander-in-chief thus: “No, my lord; this violent storm is only the effect of the wind of Búrún Kásim Beg’s nose.”[27] This jocular answer of Bákí Páshá was not without its effect on the mind of Kásim Beg, who now changed his tone, and said he wished God might not visit Bákí Páshá with just vengeance. “Will you never,” said he, “leave off your devilish wit: your wish is, to leave us recorded in the history of romance.” The grand vezír and those about him could not refrain from laughing most heartily at hearing Kásim Beg, and looked astonished. Kásim was again filled with rage, but it evaporated into air. When Sháh Abbás heard of this ludicrous story he praised Bákí Páshá for his malicious wit, and sent him no fewer than three loads of handsome presents on account of his facetious craftiness. But to return. The Osmánlí main army on approaching Sarav, having had abundance of provisions, proposed presenting themselves before Ardabíl, now only one stage distant, the following day. One messenger after another, however, assured them that the city was abandoned, that the lamps near the tomb of Sheikh Súfí and all manner of valuables had been removed; in a word, that the whole of the sepulchres of all the former sháhs were deserted. Under these circumstances, it appeared to the Moslems to answer no good purpose to advance any farther; and after having considered the matter in every point of view, the commander-in-chief renewed the treaty which had been entered into at the time Nesúh Páshá was grand vezír. It was, therefore, settled and signed that the sháh of Persia was, in future, to send annually to the court of Constantinople a tribute of two hundred loads of silk, and one hundred loads of other rarities. The crafty sháh, as if he meant to show how pleased he was with this renewal of the treaty, sent eight hundred camel-loads of provision of various kinds to the Moslem camp, which were accordingly distributed among the troops. To the grand vezír alone he sent nine camel-loads of sweetmeats, of preserved fruits of various sorts, of lemons and oranges, of fine flour, of rice, and of sugar, each loaf of which weighed from five to ten wakiyet. To the ághá of the janissaries, to the grand vezír’s deputy, and to the other páshás and grandees of the army he sent two, three, or five similar loads of presents, each as he thought proper. All these loads of presents were sent as tokens of the sháh’s friendship, and were conveyed to their respective owners by Mirzá Mohammed Hasan, his ambassador to the Moslem camp. On the part of the grand vezír several royal presents were sent to the sháh in return, and the treaty, after receiving the commander-in-chief’s signature, was sent him, along with Mohammed Aghá, the jibbají báshí. The Persian sháh set at liberty the whole of the Osmánlí prisoners that had been seized, and that yet remained alive, who returned to the Osmánlí camp, which, on some of the first days of Dhu’l kadah, was removed from Serav, and the army marched towards Erzerúm. In the month of Dhu’l hijja the troops were all permitted to return to their respective homes, and the grand vezír went to Tocat, where he expected to winter; but he was deposed. In the following year, however, he was made lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet.

_The arrival of the king of Poland’s ambassador._