Part 44

_Concerning Maán Oghlí._

Maán Oghlí Fekhr-ud-dín governed the whole of the country along the shores of Syria as far as the confines of Sefd. He had stipulated, as before observed, to send annually a certain portion of the productions of that country to Constantinople, which stipulation he generally fulfilled. It happened, however, that in consequence of some misunderstanding which had taken place between him and the grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, at some former period, in order to vex and perplex the vezír, he absolutely declined granting the stipulated tribute. The vezír on this account, and with the view of utterly destroying him, ordered the válí of Syria, Vezír Háfiz Páshá, who had been six years governor in that province, to march against him with the troops of his own province, those of Anatolia, of Caramania, and of Diárbeker. This hostile movement against Maán Oghlí commenced in 1022, and was repeated this year also. But Maán Oghlí’s castles were all situate among rocks and mountains, and garrisoned by the heretics of the country; he had besides a great armed body of many thousands of the detestable Durzís,[26] whom he kept as his guards. His principal fortresses were Shátuf, Paneiyas, Dair al kamar, and some others of a similar description, all which were filled with armed men. Yet when any of these places were threatened by the Osmánlís, and any of Maán Oghlí’s segbáns showed themselves, their heads were made to roll on the ground. Owing, however, to the inaccessible position of his castles, and to their being well supplied with every warlike apparatus, the Osmánlí general, Háfiz Páshá, found it imperative to use every exertion to press Maán Oghlí, especially as the winter coming on, would make it necessary for him and his army to retire into winter-quarters. The result was, that these mountaineers began to feel the want of provisions, and Maán Oghlí, perceiving the determined vigour with which the Osmánlí general carried on his operations, to save his own life became a French proselyte, or at least ingratiated himself into the favour of the French, promising he would assist a French army in acquiring a conquest in the environs of Jerusalem. He accordingly set sail in a French vessel from the nearest port and arrived in Europe, whence he wrote to his followers an account of the esteem and favour he had met in Europe. Amongst other falsehoods, he told them, in order to encourage them to continue their resistance and keep possession of their strong-holds, that he was on the point of returning to them with a victorious army in French ships provided by European princes: he also promised his segbáns their wages.

Vezír Háfiz Páshá, in the meantime, continued to press the strong-holds of Maán Oghlí; and having been strengthened by an augmentation of new forces, he was enabled to lay siege to them. He was, moreover, supplied with artillery from Constantinople, which he applied so effectually against the strong-holds of the enemy, that he succeeded in reducing some of them, whilst others submitted of their own accord. He sent an encouraging message to Maán Oghlí’s segbáns, and two thousand of them joined the Osmánlí army. The castles which were in the most elevated and inaccessible situations stood out for a while, but they also offered to capitulate on terms which they deemed necessary for their own safety. At this moment, however, five light ships, conveying a number of troops and cannon for Maán Oghlí’s garrisons, arrived. The infamous wretch, Maán Oghlí’s deputy, came out to receive these cannon, and was in the act of having them conveyed into his strong-hold, when Háfiz Páshá, who had received a hint of what was going on, sent a pretty strong party with the view of seizing the cannon. The mountaineers no sooner saw the Osmánlís advancing upon them than they fled back into their fastnesses, and the French or Europeans ran to their ships, leaving every thing behind them a prey to the royalists, who were commanded by Hasan Páshá. These mountaineers still trusted, however, that Maán Oghlí himself would, some time during the winter, arrive to their aid with his auxiliary army from Europe. This story gained ground. The Durzís, to the amount of ten thousand, fortified the strong places in the mountains, and secured, moreover, some narrow passes belonging to Shuf (in Syria). The Moslems, however, never ceased to carry on their operations. These Durzís went in a body to a place called Aien-rahela; and whilst Háfiz Páshá was engaged in laying siege to some of their strong-holds, Hasan Páshá joined him with his body of troops. A most tremendous battle now ensued between a body of these Durzís and the Moslem or royal army, in which two hundred of the former lost their heads; the rest fled to the mountains, and their dwellings were all burned to the ground. Again, on the same day, those of the same race who had assembled in the neighbourhood of Kufra-nahm (Capernaum) were scattered, and at Ebn Maherin three hundred more of them were deprived of their heads: one of their chiefs, called Izz-ud-dín, was among the slain. A division of the Moslem troops was also sent to Dair al kamar, where about three hundred more of these Durzís perished. Násir-ud-dín, chief of this fortress, came to the pavilion of the commanding-general, and implored him to spare his life, which he granted him.

At the taking of Dair al kamar, the Osmánlís experienced great difficulties, before they gained the victory which crowned their arduous efforts; and which was chiefly owing to their having changed their mode of assault for that of the springing of mines. One thousand five hundred of the Segbáns that had joined the Moslems were sent to meet Hasan Páshá son of Seif, governor of Tripoli, in Syria, who was marching to reduce a place called Múrj Pásin, the chief of which, a relative of Maán Oghlí, called Násir-ud-dín, with more than a thousand of his followers advanced to meet the son of Seif, when a most desperate encounter ensued; in which the rebel-chief was not only made a prisoner, but several hundred of the Durzís lost their lives. Múrj Pásin itself escaped at this time, but it was afterwards visited when all the Durzís in it were scattered, and their chiefs obliged to flee. Four thousand of these mercenaries, under the command of one, Sheríf-ud-dín, were afterwards defeated in one of the defiles in the mountains called Rúm, where they lost five hundred men. In a short time, seven hundred more of these Durzís were numbered among their slain. In the above-mentioned defile, called Rúm, Sheríf-ud-dín himself, and above one thousand Durzís perished in a battle which was fought there. The Osmánlís were every where victorious against these detestable heretics, and burned their dwellings. Some short time afterwards they learned that Emír Yúnus, the brother of Maán Oghlí, had posted himself with four thousand armed men below the fortress of Banias. They were, however, soon dispersed, and the Osmánlí army now found time to carry on, with more leisure, the sieges of the various other strong-holds which had hitherto stood out. Fekhr-ud-dín Maán Oghlí’s first appearance of insubordination and rebellion took place in 1021, and he continued to manifest it more or less for a considerable time: sometimes he broke out in acts of hostile rebellion; sometimes again he sued for peace: and thus he continued till the reign of Sultán Ahmed Khán, when he was overcome by Kúchuk Ahmed Páshá, and was afterwards conducted to the At Maidán, in Constantinople, where he met with the punishment due to his crimes, as we shall afterwards see.

_The grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, murdered.—The seals are conferred on Mohammed Páshá._

Nesúh Páshá was by birth a plebeian, and of one of the villages of Gomlajena. On his being brought into the imperial palace, he was attached to the hatchet-bearers in the old palace, and served under Mahmúd Aghá, the emperor’s favourite. He left this situation with the rank of chávush, and acted for some time as the voivoda of Zula. In 1007 he was advanced to the rank of ketkhodá of the household troops; was afterwards made under-master of the horse, and after enjoying this situation for some time, he was raised to the rank and dignity of governor of Aleppo, where he continued till Jeghala Zádeh gave the government of that city to Jánbúlát Oghlí. Once or twice he was employed against the rebels, but was defeated. Having been created válí of Baghdád, he waged war against the militia of that district. He was for a considerable time válí of Diárbeker, and formed a permanent friendship with the Kurds, by marrying the daughter of the mírsheríf of Kúrdistán. During the time he held these situations, particularly those of Aleppo and Diárbeker, he accumulated immense wealth. When the celebrated Murád Páshá fell sick at Diárbeker, Nesúh became his deputy, and after Murád’s death succeeded him in the premiership, as well as in the chief command of the army of the east. After negotiations had been entered into with the sháh of Persia, and when that prince had agreed to the articles proposed by the Ottoman government, Nesúh Páshá returned to Constantinople in 1021, and became son-in-law to the emperor; but the princess was only three years old when the marriage contract was made.

Although Nesúh was a man of unequalled strength and bravery, yet in battle he was seldom successful. After the death of Murád Páshá it was expected (especially when the splendid apparatus his predecessor had provided against the Persians was considered) that he would have employed his resources against that people and utterly ruin them; but instead of this, he heedlessly agreed to make peace with them. By his power of address, and the servility of manner which he was capable of showing, he acquired such an ascendency over the emperor that he acted with despotic sway. His pride and haughtiness knew no bounds; nor would he allow any one, if he could prevent it, to share his master’s favours. By his influence vezírs were turned out of their vezírships, and others of them were exposed to the greatest insults. Some of the most faithful servants around his majesty’s person he supplanted by creatures of his own stamp. His being at enmity with the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, led him to manifest contempt for the whole body of the ulemá, and caused him to make himself friends of worthless and ignorant men. In every assembly he and his vile associates showed the most marked disrespect for that august and venerable dignitary of the mosque; and every person, whoever he was, if he only suspected him of having any share in the emperor’s favour, was sure to meet with reproach and persecution. His conduct at last, however, was seen through by his majesty, and produced in the monarch’s mind a complete change towards his vezír.

Sím Zádeh, a native of Bosnia, states that Nesúh united great magnanimity of mind with a competent share of knowledge and science, and possessed many other excellent qualities; but that he wanted rectitude and was thoughtless. He says, moreover, that Nesúh Páshá maintained no intercourse with persons who were of a wrathful and furious disposition. His enmity against the reverend mufti wholly arose from his pride, ambition, and haughtiness. One day when the mufti was sitting in the Yalí gardens along with some of his friends, the conversation happened to turn upon the evil conduct and bad administration of the grand vezír. Suddenly, at this time, a six-oared boat approached the Yalí gardens, when it was announced that the grand vezír had arrived. The mufti hastened to meet him as he disembarked. The vezír had on his head a small turban, appeared very much perplexed, and his features became changed. On his meeting the reverend prelate, he saluted him, and hardly giving him time to return the salutation, he stepped into his boat again and sailed away. The reverend mufti, and those about him, were very much surprised at the strange conduct and appearance of the premier; but they did not know the mystery of the case. They took an opportunity, however, to ask him whether he had been at the emperor’s council, but he answered that he had not gone, though he had been invited to attend; and added some other things which seemed to intimate that matters were not right with him.

It would be endless to recount the evils which Nesúh was guilty of, both before and after he was made grand vezír. His cruelty and shedding of innocent blood, his avarice, his tyranny and oppression, were enormous. The emperor not unfrequently remonstrated with him, both in the language of kindness and of threatening, but it had no good effect upon him. Khezer Effendí, who had been raised to the chancellorship for having told him the truth, he contrived to have sent to Anatolia on business; and afterwards despatched a man after him to murder him, which deed he perpetrated. When speaking to his friends of the fate of the unfortunate Effendí, he used to say, he had helped him out of this vain world to a crown of martyrdom in the next. He was destitute of religion; and his exalted station was his ruin. Even his own domestics united at last against him, and deemed him worthy of death. It seemed as if every thing conspired to render it imperative that a judicial sentence should go forth against him. The mufti, Mohammed Effendí, the ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá, and those about the emperor’s person, apprehensive of their own safety from the snares and stratagems of the grand vezír, were incessant in preferring complaints against him for his villany and shocking perversities, which at last had the effect of rousing the emperor’s displeasure to such a degree, that he determined on cutting him off. Nesúh saw the storm that was now rising, and therefore fled from the emperor’s presence. This explains the mystery of his going to the Yalí garden, as before observed. His death was determined on: justice had lifted up her hand against him.

It was announced to the grandees of the state, that his majesty intended to be present, on Friday the 13th of Ramazán, at the public assembly in the mosque. The astrologers informed the grand vezír that his horoscope had run its course; that his felicity was at an end; that his stars had prognosticated evil and not good concerning him; and that if he would escape the impending danger, he must avoid seeing the face of the emperor. The grand vezír, fearing the danger to which he was exposed, feigned himself sick, and determined on throwing himself on the emperor’s compassion when he came forth to attend at the mosque. The emperor, however, did not come forth on the day he had announced; for he too was afraid of the grand vezír: but he issued orders to take away his life. This was communicated to the ághá of the janissaries, who was desired to proceed and do the work. This ághá and his janissaries soon surrounded the palace of the grand vezír, when the bostánjí báshí, Hasan Aghá, with a hundred bostánjís, rushed into the premier’s inner chamber, where he was sitting, and instantly strangled him. The seals of office they carried away with them, and delivered them to the emperor.

The end of Nesúh Páshá was no less humbling than his previous fortune had been auspicious. The whole object of his life was to amass wealth. From his first appearance in public he advanced through all the various gradations of military office, but never gained any victory worthy of notice. The desire of accumulating wealth and property was this man’s foible.

In the account of Nesúh Páshá which we have perused there are some other things recorded which we must here insert. After the death of the celebrated Murád Páshá, and when Nesúh was made premier in his stead, he seized on Murád’s lieutenant, and threw him, and one Hasan Aghá, who had offended him, into prison. The former he caused to be executed on the battlements of the prison, and rooted out every individual of his family: the latter met with the same fate shortly afterwards.

When Alí Páshá, the válí of Baghdád, and son-in-law of the lamented Murád Páshá, was on the eve of retiring to his government, his father-in-law strongly advised him against meeting Nesúh. Alí Páshá neglected this advice, had an interview with him, and received several tokens of apparent kindness from Nesúh. He not only conferred a variety of presents upon him, but even sent some of his own domestics along with him under the pretence of rendering him service, whilst, in fact, Nesúh meant them only as spies. When the latter returned to Constantinople he removed Alí Páshá from office, and three times sent him word not to show his face in the metropolis. Alí Páshá, as might have been expected, was very much astonished at this treatment, and wondered what the crime might be for which he was thus treated. Leaving, therefore, his heavy baggage at Eskí-sheher, he secretly returned to Constantinople. The grand vezír made three several attempts to get the emperor to agree to deprive Alí of his life, but without success. On a fourth attempt of the same kind, the emperor, instead of listening to the advice and importunity of his minister, created Alí Páshá a vezír, and secured him against the machinations of the vindictive premier. After the assassination of the latter Alí Páshá was raised to the government of Buda.

The writer, whose sentiments we have introduced into the preceding paragraph, says, moreover, that when Nesúh Páshá accompanied the emperor to Adrianople, he wrote to Mohammed Gheráí, who, along with Sháhín Gheráí, had been the cause of a tumult among the Tátárs, desiring him to come to Adrianople, where he would introduce him to the emperor, and get him made khán. Mohammed Gheráí took the hint, and immediately set out for Adrianople. The emperor having gone out one day to follow the chase, chanced to spy a troop of armed Circassian horsemen, and Mohammed Gheráí at their head. The emperor, who did not seem to know the reason of their appearance in such circumstances, enquired why they had come. The result was, even though the vezír fully explained to the emperor the reason of Mohammed Gheráí’s arrival, that he was instantly seized and carried off to the Seven Towers, and there incarcerated. Persons were also sent to Kili to seize Sháhín Gheráí, but he made his escape before they arrived there.

_Chief reasons for accomplishing the death of Nesúh Páshá._

At the time Nesúh Páshá accompanied the emperor to the city of Adrianople, one of his friends, called Jebráil Aghá, happened to lodge at the house of a Seyed, where he made some attempt on the virtue of the wife of his landlord. The enraged Seyed appeared on Friday in the mosque, where the emperor and all the Muselmans were assembled for worship, and stepping into the middle of the court, took off his turban, and thus addressed his majesty: “Please your majesty, you are emperor of the Osmánlís. Who then is this wicked wretch (meaning Nesúh), who, with his Kurds, Turks, and similar tyrants, dares to offer violence in this city? They affix to their own names those of angels, who live near to God, and yet are not ashamed to commit crime and be guilty of corruption. By the great God,” said he, flinging away the muslin cloth that was round his turban, in a rage, “I do not know of whom I should first complain.” The emperor was very much grieved at hearing this story.

On the emperor’s return to Constantinople, the grand vezír formed the design of assassinating the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, and the ághá of the palace, but was afraid of the emperor. He employed, however, one Behrám Khetkhodá to go as far as the country of Albania, and secure for himself, at every stage, a certain number of horses to be in readiness. His object in this was, that as soon as Behrám had assassinated the two reverend prelates above-mentioned, he might make his escape. Behrám, however, was a man of prudence and good sense, and would not agree to perform the task which the grand vezír had imposed upon him. Information of this, and of other things which this wicked premier had been guilty of, coming to the emperor’s ears, he determined on cutting him off, and made arrangements for that purpose. The grand vezír having at last come to perceive that the emperor was for some reason or other displeased with him, came one day into his presence, in order to sound him. “How is it,” said the vezír, “that you pay no attention to any thing I say? If I am not worthy of holding the office of first minister, and you give the seals to another of your servants, I shall certainly destroy myself by taking poison.” The emperor, at hearing this mode of address from his minister, was roused into indignation, and said, “You treacherous villain, the report of your having caused poison to be administered to my faithful servant, Murád Páshá, is but too true.” Nesúh was forthwith despatched; and the offer of the premiership was made to the second vezír, Mohammed Páshá, and son-in-law to the emperor.

After the world was rid of Nesúh Páshá, things began to wear a new and more favourable aspect. The evils of which he had been guilty were incalculable, and most injurious; and never did any man depart more from the spirit of his office than did this man. His sons after him, though they had acquired some grandeur and dignity in the state, were, like himself, unfortunate. Two of them met with a fate similar to that of their father, and another of them was allowed to pine away in solitude and neglect.

After the death of Nesúh, several persons who had been deposed during his administration were restored to their offices or to others still more important. Among these was Alí Páshá formerly mentioned, whose services in the late war with Austria, and his wise administration at Baghdád, had become known to the emperor. Mahmúd Páshá, the son of Jeghala Zádeh, was another who was confirmed in his dignity of vezír. On the 21st of Ramazán, Hasan Páshá, who had been at one time beglerbeg of Diárbeker, was again appointed to that government; and, at the same time, protector of the frontiers. Some other appointments took place on this occasion.

_Concerning Betlan Gabor._

Betlan, or Bethlem, Gabor was a descendant of the Baturi line of Transylvanian princes. Baturi Gabor, better known by the appellation of Delí Karal (the foolish king), was a madman and a tyrant. He seized on the property of the other chiefs and nobles of Transylvania, and slew such of them as had the courage to oppose his tyranny and oppression: some were proscribed by him, and others, to escape his fury, fled the country. Betlan Gabor was one of the latter, and came to Belgrade at the time when Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was commander-in-chief, who allowed Betlan Gabor a salary of one hundred and twenty pieces of money. Betlan remained the whole of that winter at Semendria, and afterwards returned to Transylvania: but in 1021, he was again, for fear of Baturi Gabor, obliged to take refuge in Turkey. Having been successively deputy to Iskander Páshá and to Hasan Páshá, and being well acquainted with both the Arabic and Persian languages, he accompanied Nikrúm, the Austrian ambassador, to the court of Constantinople. Nesúh Páshá, the grand vezír, conferred on Betlan Gabor the government of Kaniza. By the intervention of Iskander Páshá it was that he was first introduced to the premier, who made himself acquainted with the circumstances of his case. Betlan informed him of the conduct of his relative, Delí Karal; and this led to the measures which the government afterwards adopted for crushing Baturi Gabor.