Part 38

His excellency, the commander-in-chief, removed his camp from Chubuk Awásí and went to Sivás, where, after a halt of ten days, he learned that the infamous Meymún, brother to Túyel Mahmúd, who had conquered Baghdád and vanquished his ketkhodá, Hasan, had, with six thousand rebels, desolated the country round Kúr Sheher; but that after having heard of the defeat of Kalander Oghlí they hastily decamped, robbing and plundering what they could find in the vicinity of that city. They committed all the mischief they were able in every village and hamlet through which they passed, pillaging such of the Turcomans as fell in their way, and prepared to follow Kalander into Persia. Murád Páshá no sooner received this intelligence than he made all haste to intercept them if possible. Following this impulse, he left his heavy baggage and camp in the plains of Sivás, under the charge of the defterdár, Bákí Páshá, and marched off with about two thousand or more spáhís, under the command of the ághá of the janissaries, besides some few others, making all the haste he was able. Each person carried with him seven days’ provision, a small coverlet in the form of a canopy, or at least to be used as such, and a carpet to sleep on when necessary. This precipitate movement took place on the evening of the 17th of Jemadi II., and was continued, without the least intermission, for the space of six days and seven nights. His excellency, Murád Páshá, in his ninetieth year, fell sick on this hurried march, and was sometimes obliged to descend from his horse, when he lay on the ground, having the appearance of a corpse. These fits of sickness, however, were not of any continuance: in a short time he was again enabled to mount and continue his journey. On the seventh day, the expedition reached Karah Hisár, where they made enquiry respecting the rebels they were in search of, and were informed that the rebel force had lodged in that place on the preceding night; but that they had set out by daybreak for the narrow pass called the valley or hollow of Karah Hasan, where they, it would appear, had halted. Two thousand men, under the command of Píáleh Páshá, formerly of Bassora, were instantly dispatched to the hiding-place of the rebels. Murád, with the remainder of his veterans, followed close upon them, and arrived, though not first, at the valley or hollow where the rebels were hid. On the morning of the 23d of Jemadi, as these rebels, no way anticipating a visit from Murád Páshá, were saddling and loading their beasts of burden, they were suddenly, as if by a thunderbolt from heaven, put into the utmost consternation by perceiving Píáleh and his men come within their hiding-place; and who, like a flash of lightning, and before giving them time to enquire what had come over them, fell upon them at once. The resistance of the rebels was not of long continuance. Those of their foot-soldiers that were fortunate enough to escape the sword, fled out of the hollow, and made to the mountains: and their horsemen, though they, at one time, made an attempt to maintain their ground, fled also in the utmost confusion. Orders had been previously given (_i.e._ before the engagement), that none of the Moslems should lose any time in gathering up the spoil until the rebels had been completely vanquished. These orders, however, were neglected by some. The soldiers who were in front, seeing the property of the rebels lying scattered around them, were overcome by the temptation: they forgot their duty by beginning to appropriate to themselves the spoils which the rebels in their panic had abandoned. The result was, that the rebels found time to rally again; and, perceiving how their pursuers were employed, returned to a renewal of the combat with a spirit and vigour far superior to that which they had shown at the commencement. The struggle now became hot and doubtful. The governor of Adnah, Mustafa Páshá, and one or two Chorbájís fell in the contest: the advanced troops gave way, and began to retreat, but were stopped by Khalíl Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who had hurriedly stepped forward with the men under him, and prevented their flight. At this instant, and not before, did the commander-in-chief make his appearance; who, with the reinforcement which he brought with him, completely turned the fate of the day. The rebels finding themselves utterly unable to resist the force which was now brought to bear upon them, fell into confusion, and again retreated. The Moslems followed hard upon them, and drove them entirely out of the valley or hollow where the engagement had hitherto been carried on. The rebels, however, on getting into the plains called Kilwerat, again contrived to rally, and returned to the charge; but were soon totally broken, and forced to betake themselves to their usual expedient—flight. All those who had escaped the vengeance of the sword of the orthodox Muselmans followed the example of Kalander Oghlí. The whole of their baggage, of whatever kind it was, fell into the hands of the victors: very many of their men on foot were seized and brought back into the presence of Murád, who had, on account of the ill state of his health, remained on the field of battle, and who ordered them all to be executed without commiseration as they were brought before him. The dead bodies of the rebels were put into heaps in the field, and towers were made of their heads.

After these things, information was sent to Sivás of this new victory which the orthodox Moslems had gained in the valley of Karah Hasan; and orders, at the same time, were sent to the royal camp to advance to the place where the commanding general then was. These orders having been duly obeyed, the victorious and gallant serdár was again, on the 25th of Jemadi I., in motion, and on the 3d of Jemadi II. encamped at a place called Sadáklú, within a stage of Beybúrd; where, after a day or two’s rest, he was joined by Bákí Páshá and the troops under his command. At the expiration of these days he removed his camp to the valley of Sinvar, in the vicinity of Beybúrd, where he was joined by such of his troops as had not before returned from the pursuit of the rebels. The heads of the prisoners they had brought along with them were severed from their bodies, and made into heaps like mountains. Robes of honour were conferred on the gallant chiefs who had been active on this occasion, and presents were made to the heroic troops.

About the middle of the month last mentioned, the válí of Diárbeker, Nesúh Páshá, with vezír-like pomp, sound of music, and martial display joined the royal camp. One thousand musketeers wearing fine scarlet robes; five hundred foot-guards wearing yellow regimentals; and five hundred more wearing black caps; and five thousand cavalry, was the display which Nesúh made on this occasion. But of what use was all this display? He and they ought to have come earlier, and to have been on the field of battle, to share in the dangers and the glory of the combat. After making the splendid display above alluded to, he advanced towards the commanding general, and, when within bow-shot of him, descended from his horse, proceeded on foot till he approached the general, who, by this time, had come four paces to meet him, when he fell on his knees and kissed the general’s foot. The general, in return, showed him the respect due to his station, kissed his hand, and conducted him into his pavilion, telling him in a friendly manner that he was welcome, and calling him _son_. Nesúh Páshá bowed his head to the ground, and made this reply: “My noble lord will pardon me. My fault in not having arrived at an earlier period, and taking a share in the late important events, is great.” “What,” said the general, “was the reason that you have been so tardy? You have a most splendid army, thank God. You heard that the troops under my command amount to no more than the number that wintered with me at Aleppo. The distance between Diárbeker and Aleppo is not very great: but in reality you were near. If your not coming to my assistance was intended as a mark of disrespect to me, it was not disrespect to me, let me tell you, but disrespect for the emperor. If it had so happened that we had been discomfited, were you in circumstances to have advanced and met Kalander Oghlí? What do you think would be the judicial sentence of a judge on hearing of a Moslem army being too weak to act against a foe, whilst a powerful Moslem army was at no great distance from it and did not come to its aid?” Nesúh was absolutely unable to make any reply to these pointed interrogatories, and held down his head. “Son,” said the general again, “son, what means this multitude of men? They are now unnecessary. Sixteen thousand men have been found sufficient to overcome Jánbulát Oghlí, and his followers have been all dispersed, or have been made to flee. You are already acquainted with the history of Kalander Oghlí. It was by no means the wish of the emperor that even one of these segbáns (foot-guards or soldiers), now with you, should ever have been in Anatolia; so that when you return to your government or province you must certainly disband them. If you be obstinate and disobey, remember the emperor has long hands (meaning great power). If one of those instruments of power, such as you have seen, be sent to execute you, you need not be much surprised?” In this way Murád Páshá conversed with Nesúh, and exhorted him; and afterwards made him a present of two robes of honour. In the afternoon of the same day, Nesúh Páshá returned to Murád’s pavilion, bringing along with him some very splendid and valuable presents for him, dined with him, and continued in his company till the night was so far advanced that he required torches when he returned to his own tent. On the 27th of Jemadi II., Zulfekár Páshá, governor of Caramania, returned to the royal camp with his troops: so also did Etmekjí Zádeh, válí of Romeili, with his provincial troops, and brought along with him the money destined for the army; having marched by the way of Ancora. Though both of these officers had incurred the displeasure of the commanding general for the tardiness they had discovered, yet when he reflected on his own splendid achievements, he forgave them most freely. It is impossible to relate all the great and important services rendered by this celebrated, heroic, prudent, and skilful, though aged commander. Suffice it to say, that he took ample vengeance on the rebels, and cleared, in a great measure, the countries they infested of their presence and influence. When an account of the success he had obtained over Kalander Oghlí was sent to his majesty, his majesty, with feelings of the purest kindness, called the messenger into his presence, asked him most particularly as to the state of the war and the success of his general, showed peculiar marks of respect to the messenger himself ordered two suits of garments and a richly ornamented sword to be sent to Murád Páshá, and at the same time a robe of honour for each of the grandees in Murád’s army, besides some letters expressive of his best wishes for them all. Murád Páshá, not long afterwards, had it in his power to announce to the government of Constantinople his success against the brother of Túyel, whom he completely defeated.

_The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, is recalled to court._

Notwithstanding the grace and favour which his excellency, Murád Páshá, had shown to Etmekjí Zádeh, who had failed to arrive with his Romeilian troops in sufficient time to assist against the two rebel chiefs so frequently mentioned, _viz._ Kalander Oghlí and Túyel; and notwithstanding that, instead of meeting with merited reproach for his tardiness, he was honoured with special marks of kindness, yet Etmekjí Zádeh, from an idea that he was not altogether safe from the influence of any evil designs which Murád Páshá might harbour against him, wrote to his friends at Constantinople in the most pressing manner to use their influence to have him recalled. Accordingly, on the 7th of Rajab, the commander-in-chief received a royal mandate, desiring him to confer the government of Romeili on whom he would, but by all means to send back the emperor’s defterdár, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, to Constantinople. The royal firmán commanded farther, that Murád Páshá should march his army to Erzerúm, there winter, and in the spring march against the Persians. Such was the import of the royal firmán.

The enlightened and skilful general answered as follows: “Sire, you have been pleased to recall Ahmed Páshá, the válí of Romeili. His coming or not coming to the assistance of the orthodox army was of no importance; nor can his staying here yield them any advantage. As to your slave (Murád himself), you have ordered him to go into winter-quarters at Erzerúm. Is the province of Anatolia become so completely defended and guarded as to render it safe for me to winter in Erzerúm, and in the spring to open a campaign against Persia? Should the rebels who may still exist assemble themselves together, are the vezírs of your august court competent to quell or disperse them? In this affair let the gracious will of the emperor be done. The time for distributing the troops into winter-quarters is at hand. A kíleh (a certain measure) of barley sells at five ducats, and the wakáyet (about 2-1/4 lbs.) of bread has risen to a ghorúsh (a dollar).” So much for the sentiments of Murád to his sovereign. Immediately on sending the above he commenced making arrangements for obeying the imperial firmán; but when his multitudinous troops assembled together, they declared it impracticable to do so, because of the dearth which prevailed in Erzerúm. “The emperor,” said they, “is not acquainted with the state and circumstances of that province: he listens only to the voice of those flatterers who surround him: they, as well as the káímakám, have no wish to see the noble general-in-chief return to Constantinople. They have the whole management of affairs in their own hands, and they see well, that should the grand vezír (Murád Páshá) return, the impracticability of the plans they have recommended would be made to appear. We have been now (continued the military) two years in the war, and have achieved several important victories. We shall now return home.” The general, after having given utterance to these unceremonious sentiments, called the cazí of the camp, and caused him to write out a statement of the prices of provisions, and gave a copy of it, as well as a statement of their own sentiments, to the kapújís who had conveyed the imperial firmán, and forthwith sent them back to the grand sultán. On the following day his excellency, the commander-in-chief, appointed Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and a number of begs, with Chukál Oghlí Hasan Aghá, and about thirty chorbájís, to accompany the imperial messengers. Karah Hisár, in the east, he conferred on Turkijeh Bilmaz, and the province of Wán on Tekelí Mohammed Páshá: Zulfekár Páshá was sent back to his own government in Caramania, and Etmekjí Zádeh and the Romeilian troops he dismissed to European Turkey. He also allowed Nesúh Páshá to return to his own government at Diárbeker, and he himself, about the 15th of Rajab, went to Tokat. He had been scarcely two days at Tokat, when just as he was in the act of paying his troops, he received another imperial firmán which was expressed in these terms: “At whatever station our imperial firmán reaches you, there winter.” This was brief enough; but the commanding general, by private letters which he had received by the same conveyance which brought him the above short firmán, was let into the secret. These letters assured him that several of the influential and ruling party at court were altogether averse to his returning to Constantinople; that one of these, Kapúdán Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, was the emperor’s favourite; that he, as also the káímakám, Mustafa Páshá, the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, his old enemy, and Mustafa, ághá of the palace, had, by leaguing together, represented to his majesty that the rebellion in Anatolia had been altogether crushed, and that instead of recalling Murád Páshá, he ought to be sent against the sháh of Persia.

When his excellency, Murád Páshá, was thus informed how matters stood, he answered the royal firmán in the following terms: “Sire, you have been pleased to order me to winter at Erzerúm and in the spring to march against the Persians. What is to be done? It is the will of my sovereign. Your slave is now a weak old man of ninety years of age; but I trust I shall fall a martyr in the field of battle. When I march against the sháh of Persia, the armed rebels, who now lurk in their hiding-places, will then find an opportunity of again becoming troublesome. They are waiting for a chance of this kind, especially Meseli Chávush, Aydin, and Yúsuf of Sarúkhán, besides several others of the same description. Should what I have now hinted be realized, and they again commence the work of violence and mischief, will you not, in that case, have to send hither from Romeili another commander-in-chief? Leave us, if you please, where we are. The master of the work knows his own duty best. Do not you follow the counsels of those sycophants who surround you. Permit us to eradicate the enemies amongst ourselves first, and then we shall direct our movements against the kingdom of Persia.” This answer was sent back to the emperor by means of the persons who had brought him the royal firmán, whilst he himself made preparations for returning to Constantinople.

On the 9th of Ramazán he arrived at Scutari, and on the following day, with a splendid retinue and four hundred standards taken from the rebels, each of which bore, in bright letters, the names of the rebel-chiefs under whom it had been carried, he passed over to the metropolis, dressed himself in a double suit of fine robes, put a turban ornamented with feathers on his head, and went into the emperor’s presence to do obeisance before him. The emperor was in a short time convinced of the worth and dignity of his general’s talents and general conduct, and immediately ordered splendid robes, such as were suitable to the imperial grandeur to confer, to be given to Murád Páshá. The public in general, poets and historians, spoke of him in the most laudatory manner.

It is not to be concealed that, from the day the celebrated Murád Páshá passed over to Scutari, as commander-in-chief of the eastern forces, the services which he had rendered to his sovereign and country were immense. Thirty thousand, at least, of those rebels who had served under Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Túyel, including those who had been murdered by the peasantry, perished by his means. What may have been the number of those who perished otherwise, is not known. In villages, and in small towns, sometimes from a hundred to a thousand, and even as many as three thousand of the rebels who had fortified themselves within them, were all slain with the sword. Forty-eight principal rebel chiefs and twenty-five thousand rebels are said to have perished in flight. In the Register of Tokat it is inserted, that by far the greater part of these numbers, whose heads had been made to roll on the ground in front of the serdár’s pavilion, had been rooted out by Murád Páshá’s troops. To these now mentioned may be added about thirty thousand more who had been seized alive and executed, and the number of rebels who perished in this war could not have been less than 100,000 souls.

The enemies of the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, when they saw the honours which had been heaped upon him, were not only exceedingly grieved, but their hatred and malignity increased and led them, moreover, to employ villainous means to ruin him. They insinuated, for instance, that Murád had seized on all Jánbulát Oghlí’s treasures and effects which had remained with his wife and children at Aleppo; and for the truth of this charge they appealed to some of Jánbulát Oghlí’s sons, whom Murád Páshá had sent to the royal haram. They, of course, were his enemies, and had the hardihood to assert that the treasurer, Bákí Páshá, had spent six whole months in selling and disposing of their father’s property. This was a vile exaggeration. It happened, however, that one day, when Bákí Páshá was sitting in the diván, the ághá of the janissaries received a royal firmán ordering him to convey Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers. The ághá, without Murád Páshá’s knowing any thing of the matter, proceeded to the diván, seized on Bákí Páshá, and conveyed him in a boat to the prison above-mentioned. This took place on a Tuesday; and after the vezírs had entered into the royal audience he addressed them thus: “I have ordered Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers; let Ahmed Páshá (_i. e._ Etmekjí Zádeh) be reinstated into the office of lord high treasurer, and let Bákí Páshá be examined with respect to Jánbúlát Oghlí’s property, that we may know what he has done with it: also let the strictest enquiry be made of Murád Páshá.” “Why,” replied Murád Páshá, “having been anxious to preserve the most valuable and most precious of Jánbúlát Oghlí’s effects for your royal majesty, I prevented them from being sold; and brought them along with me, to be delivered over to your royal majesty. Let Bákí Páshá answer for the rest.” The new lord high-treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, on examining his predecessor in office with regard to this matter, was undauntedly informed that he (_i. e._ Bákí Páshá), with the exception of the articles which Murád Páshá had claimed for his royal majesty, had disposed of the rest for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war. No more was said about it; and Bákí Páshá, after having lain forty days in the Seven Towers, was set at liberty. He passed the winter at Constantinople, and was employed in making arrangements for commencing a new campaign in the spring.

The lord high-admiral, Háfiz Páshá, after having cruized along the shores of Romeili, sailed to the port of Alexandria, took in the taxes which had been gathered in Egypt, and returned to Istámbol. The government of Syria was conferred on him, and the admiralship on Khalíl Aghá, ághá of the janissaries. The ágháship of the janissaries was conferred on Mohammed Aghá, Spáhí Zádeh, of the artillery department.

_Concerning Mohammed Páshá in Egypt._

After the murder of Ibrahím Páshá in Egypt, in the year 1012, the disturbance in that country became every day more and more serious and alarming; but by the prudent and efficient measures employed by Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who, in 1016, was sent thither to quell the tumults which had been raised there, they were to a considerable extent allayed. He slew a vast number of the insurgents; whilst, at the same time, he brought the others for the most part, under subjection, at least to all appearance. But Mohammed Páshá having been succeeded in office by Hasan Páshá, from Yemen, a man of extraordinary mildness, the insurgents, subdued though not crushed, were again emboldened to rise in rebellion, and to commit outrages more terrible than they had formerly been guilty of.