Part 37

Whilst Toktamish Gheráí was waiting with anxiety for the return of the messengers from the Sublime Porte, who, he hoped, would bring him intimations of the emperor’s approbation, his expectations were suddenly blasted by receiving, through some other channel, the unexpected news that his uncle, Salámet Gheráí, had been declared his father’s successor. Thinking to save his own life, he set out for Turkey, accompanied by his next eldest brother, Sefer Gheráí. On passing the river Uzí, and arriving at Akkerman, he employed the utmost precaution to avoid falling in with Kalkái, who was travelling by land: yet notwithstanding all his watchfulness, he actually did meet with him, when instantly a combat ensued, in which encounter the followers of Toktamish were all dispersed. He himself, and his brother, fell into the hands of Kalkái, and were murdered, but not before they had slain a host of their antagonists.

Kalkái, pursuing his journey, arrived in the Crimea, and took possession of the high office assigned him; but soon began to manifest symptoms of corruption most derogatory to his exalted station; and for which Salámet Gheráí meditated his death. Kalkái was some way or other informed of his brother’s intentions, and, to escape what he had thus reason to fear, set out with his brother, Sháhin Gheráí, to the Circassian country, where he wandered about as an outlaw, and where he was afterwards visited by retributive justice for the murder of Toktamish: but we shall have to return to his history afterwards.

In the meantime, the new khán, Salámet Gheráí, was not allowed to enjoy his elevation for any length of time, having been carried off by death. He was succeeded in the khánship by Jánbeg Gheráí.

Hasan Beg Zádeh observes with respect to this portion of history, that it was no sooner known that Toktamish had usurped the regal dignity, than the admiral of the Crimean sea, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, and the son of the emperor’s tutor or chaplain, represented to his majesty, that Toktamish Gheráí was not acceptable to the people, and that they wished Salámet Gheráí to be made their khán. The pure and disinterested mufti, deceived by Etmekjí Zádeh, spoke to the emperor in favour of Ghází Gheráí’s son, Toktamish, and assured his majesty, that the Tátárs would not accept of Salámet Gheráí as their khán. It turned out, however, that, after Salámet Gheráí, accompanied by a cup-bearer, had arrived in the Crimea, and succeeded to the possession of the Tátár throne, without any opposition having been offered, the emperor, hearing of it, and urged by an imperfect judgment, contrary to every principle of rectitude, deprived the mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, of his high office, and gave it to Mohammed Effendí, a son of his own chaplain. This office continued long afterwards to be occupied by one of his sons.

_An ambassador arrives from Poland.—A former treaty is renewed._

Zighmun (Sigismund), king of Poland, at this time sent an ambassador to Constantinople, with the view of negotiating a continuance of the friendly relation which had subsisted betwixt Turkey and Poland since the last treaty of peace, entered into during the reign of Sultán Mohammed Khán III. In this treaty it was stipulated, on the part of the Turkish government, that none of the countries over which Sigismund reigned should be invaded by either the grand sultán or the khán of the Crimea: and in like manner it was stipulated by Sigismund, that none of the princes under him, or any of his rebellious Cossaks, should ever transgress the Moslem boundaries. In conformity with the above treaty, it was now stipulated, that the king of Poland, after strict examination and search, should return all the prisoners who had been taken during the interval of the peace, and that the Ottoman government should act in a similar way, by returning such of his infidel captives as the Ottomans had seized, to officers appointed by the king: that all traders, whether by sea or land, were to pay the accustomed dues in all such places as they should happen to visit: that Poland, according to ancient custom, was to continue to pay to the khán of the Tátárs what it was in the habit of paying: that when the khán and his Tátárs are required to join the Ottoman army, they shall not pass through any part of the dominions of Poland, but take some other way: that in the event of any foreign enemy attacking Poland, the Tátárs are, in such a case, to aid the King of Poland if required to do so: that the Walachian and Moldavian nations shall not make inroads on the frontiers of Poland: that the inspectors or commanders of ports and the collectors of the revenue in Silistria and Akkerman shall permit no traders or merchants, except those trading with both countries, to enter Poland by any of the above-mentioned places: that should any slave or captive be found in the possession of any of those traders, whether crossing or recrossing the frontiers, all such traders shall be deprived of them, and the captives or slaves shall be sent to the proper quarter: that all traders or merchants shall pay whatever lawful impost is or may be fixed on; but no tax shall be laid on the money or specie which they may have or bring along with them to either country: that though the dollar, bearing the impression of the lion, which is current in Poland, be less in weight than the proper standard, it shall still be received, and the loss arising from this circumstance shall be mutual: that the royal firmán shall prohibit the receiving of usury within the Ottoman empire in future, and ordain, moreover, that hereafter the standard of the dollar, for the purposes and advantage of trade, shall be of various values: that should any of the Polish merchants choose to set free any slave or slaves, by ransoming them with money, they may do so; but no Muselman shall be either bought or sold. All the above articles having been approved of by the emperor, were signed on the 20th of Rabia I. of this year.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1017, H.

_The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, pursues Kalander Oghlí._

On the return of spring, about the commencement of Moharrem, the commander-in-chief caused his tent to be erected outside of Aleppo, between the two gates called Bankúsa and Kizil, where it remained until towards the end of the month Sefer, and at which place the various corps assembled.

In relating the events of the last year we referred particularly to the turbulent state of Anatolia and Caramania, and we mentioned the names of the principal insurgent-chiefs who had every where committed deeds of violence and of oppression in those districts. Some of these chiefs, we saw, were reduced by the skilful management of Murád, and by promises of lucrative and honourable situations; some were slain, and some turned their arms against one another. The most formidable of these rebel-chiefs was Jánbulát Oghlí, whose history we have already related. There remained still, however, one or two others who had escaped the vengeance due to their misdeeds; these were Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, his associate. Around the standards of these two rebels the followers of the other chiefs had rallied, and during the winter season ravaged the neighbourhood of Brúsa and Magnesia, perpetrating acts of cruelty and oppression wherever they went. We have before related the burning of Brúsa by Kalander Oghlí, and how he thought of intercepting Etmekjí Zádeh, who, he supposed, was carrying funds to the grand army under Murád. The number of infidels that had collected round him and Karah Seyed amounted to 30,000.

An account of their number and plans having been transmitted to the commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, he, without waiting until the whole of his troops had joined his camp at Aleppo, removed from that place on the 1st of Rabia I. with the janissary and household troops, and marched towards Merœsh, where he was joined by the army of Egypt under the command of Kansú Beg. On arriving at the river Jeihún (Oxus or Bactrus) he threw some bridges across it, by means of which he passed over with his army, and afterwards pitched his camp in the plains of Koksú, where he was again joined by Emír Hasan, son of Yúsuf, son of Seif, who, besides his own soldiers, brought along with him the Syrian troops from Tripoli.

When Kalander Oghlí saw that Etmekjí Zádeh had escaped the snares he had laid for him, and that all hope of capturing the money, the great object of his heart, had failed, he and thirteen others of his associate rebel-chiefs, besides Karah Seyed, held a council in order to consider how they should act. “Without further delay,” said the principal rebel-chiefs, “let us at once march against Murád Páshá, and should we happen to be successful in our attack upon him, and defeat the old man, all the country on this side of Scutari will be ours.” This proposal, however, did not meet the approbation of Seyed Arab, one of their number, who said in reply, “The province of Anatolia is very extensive. If the Osmánlí serdár should come and attack us, it will be our wisdom to avoid coming in contact with him; for it would be most hazardous to venture a battle with him.” This counsel of Seyed Arab was far from meeting with the concurrence of his associates, who were all bent on encountering the Osmánlí hero, for their cup of pride and arrogance was now full.

Mesli Chávush, who had been sent with a body of men from Larenda to oppose the rebels as formerly mentioned, but who had been unsuccessful, received a letter from Kalander Oghlí, proposing to Mesli Chávush that he should join him, and that they should unite their respective forces, and attack the Ottoman general. This letter was couched in the most friendly terms; but as a specimen of the vanity which the author of it possessed, we shall transcribe it verbatim. He begins: “The commencement of my transactions is known to the world. The Ottomans, by exciting rebellion and breaking treaties, have acquired a superiority, and therefore their arrogance has attained the very highest pitch. Inured, as they are, to the practice of open daylight tyranny and oppression, I have relinquished all connection with them. I despise their friendship, and have turned away my face from them. Having taken my measures, I entered into Mekhalij, Aydin, and Sarúkhán; I have ravaged and laid waste all these places, and am returned with immense spoil. Our numbers increased daily. When we went to Iconium, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Zulfekár Páshá, the governor, shut himself up in the fortress, and permitted the whole country-round to be plundered and ravaged, without once endeavouring to do any thing to save the property of the inhabitants. From Iconium we proceeded to Caramania, where we took up our residence. Had not the Osmánlís cut off all hope, these excesses had not taken place. After what has happened to Jánbulát Oghlí there is no submitting to them. By the help of God, I, and the numerous active and heroic veterans that accompany me, shall soon finish that old dotard (Murád Páshá). Should fortune declare against us, however, and he become victorious, why, even then, the fame of our deeds will sufficiently immortalize our names.” Mesli, by this letter, was induced to associate his fortunes with this notorious rebel, and secretly entered into compact with him.

These secret transactions, however, being made known to the commander-in-chief Murád Páshá, he, in order to prevent the junction of these two robbers, gave Mesli the government of a sanják on the condition of his not accompanying him in the war. The emperor also, in a short time afterwards, sent him a promise of the government of the province of Caramania.

When Kalander Oghlí had learned that the Osmánlí general had come half-way from Aleppo on his march against him, he harangued his rebel-troops thus: “The Osmánlí general has no troops, except the Pretorian bands. They, too, in consequence of the hardships they have suffered from hunger and cold at Aleppo, are very much weakened. Moreover,” continued he, “the whole of his treasures and the archives are in his train. Be courageous, therefore, and acquit yourselves like good soldiers, my brave companions. Fall on his camp with heroic ardour, and your fame will be remembered till the resurrection. By taking this step of intrepidity and boldness, which I recommend to you, you will put yourselves in possession of both arms and treasures.” This speech had the effect intended. The spirit of his rebel army—amounting to twenty thousand foot and horse—was roused to thirst for the achievements held out to their view. They accordingly commenced their movements, traversed the country of Caramania, passed through gardens and corn-fields, robbed and plundered the Turkmans, and at length approached the plains of Koksú, where the Osmánlí general was encamped. Murád Páshá, who had been watching the movements of the rebels, was informed, by means of his spies, that Kalander Oghlí, with twenty thousand rebels, had made a considerable advance upon him with the intention of disputing with him the pass of Koksú, and of checking his progress. Murád made instant preparation for battle; but as the mouth of the pass of Koksú, to which the rebels, he was informed, were fast approaching, was still four stages distant from him; and as it was of the utmost importance to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it, he sent a few companies of musketeer janissaries and about thirty Chorbájís under the command of Delí Pírí Aghá, to take possession of it before the arrival of the rebels. They accomplished the journey in three days, and took up their position within the mouth of the pass. Murád erected his pavilion on a rising ground, whilst his pretorian bands extended their camp along its declivity: the troops of Egypt encamped in the plains to the left of the serdár, contiguous to the hill on which his tent was erected. On this hill also the whole of the baggage was properly disposed of: ditches, at proper distances, were cut, and filled with janissary troops; in short, all necessary means and precautions were taken.

In the meantime, the rebels advanced with the view of securing the pass of Koksú, but found they were too late, it being in possession of the janissaries under Delí Pírí, and, therefore, without attempting to dislodge them, they retired. Perceiving, however, the defensive aspect of the royalists, and their determination to fight, Kalander Oglí put his troops in order of battle, and prepared for the contest. Murád’s van-guard acted rather precipitately on this occasion; for, before he had issued any order for commencing an attack, they, without waiting for advice, advanced and offered battle to the van-guard of the enemy, which immediately advanced in their turn to the bank of the river separating the two armies, where a very warm skirmish took place. The main body of the royalists remained on the hill or rising-ground on which they had encamped; and the enemy thinking that the Egyptian army, with which they were now contending, was the Osmánlí force that had accompanied the serdár, rushed forth in terrific numbers, and the assault became general. Murád putting his right and left wings into motion, gave the word of command, and, like the rushing of a mighty torrent, descended from the hill into the field of battle. The right wing entered into close combat with the division under Karah Seyed, and the left with that under Kalander Oghlí himself. The battle now became general; they fought fiercely. The serdár’s right wing, composed of the valiant spáhís, and headed by the chief of Malatieh, Karah Kásh Ahmed Páshá, and the serdár’s own deputy, Omar Ketkhodá, suceeded in completely routing the accursed wretches under Karah Seyed. The left wing composed of salihdárs and the troops from Tripoli, commanded by Mír Hasan, son of Seif, and the Egyptian troops, commanded by Kansú Beg, fought the rebels under Kalander Oghlí with such unparalleled bravery as made the very heavens reverberate with approbation and applause.

The ever-watchful commander-in-chief, perceiving that a detachment of the enemy had formed the design of seizing on his baggage, very opportunely sent a party of janissaries to the brow of the hill where it was stationed, who successfully repelled every attempt on that quarter. The enemy’s squadrons, becoming desperate and furious with rage, exerted their utmost skill and force to cut down the Moslems who opposed them, but without much success. The commanding general now advanced a few paces, riding on his swift chestnut, and brought the whole of his disposable force to bear on these hateful devils; and calling to his assistance those troops he had sent to guard the baggage, in a short time the whole of the rebels were put to flight. Their defeat was most decisive. It has been said that a voice was heard in the rebel army which said, “for whom are you fighting? Murád Páshá has laid a stratagem for you. Zulfekár Páshá, with the army of Caramania has come by the way of the hills, and has seized on your camp.” This report had the effect of hastening the flight, and served to give the Moslem army the superiority.

On the second day after the battle, the commanding general took up his position in that part of the field which had been the enemy’s camp. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was appointed to pursue the fugitive rebels with a detachment of troops. Mír Hasan Ebn Seif, with his Malatian soldiers, Karah Kásh Ahmed Páshá, with the troops of Tripoli, and several other principal officers; besides ten thousand horse, composed chiefly of Turcomans and Syrian troops, made up the detachment which was sent in pursuit of the rebels. The scattered and dispersed infidels, however, were now roaming about in the fields in the wildest disorder and distress of soul, terrifying and murdering the peasants wherever they met any. The pursuing Osmánlís followed hard after them, cutting and slashing all they overtook, and at last, closed up in a corner, as it were, such of the rebels as had had the good fortune to escape the general slaughter, were necessitated to make one last effort of resistance in self-defence. This effort was not only feeble but vain; and they were again forced to flee. Throwing away the provisions they had with them, they struggled hard to escape with their lives. Many of them having been on foot, were obliged to throw away their arms and accoutrements; and those of them who actually did escape the sword of vengeance, made their way through the province of Erzerúm to Ardehán, experiencing the most dreadful privations. Notwithstanding the hot pursuit after these wretched fugitives, in which so very many of them perished, some few of them, besides those who had made their way to Ardehán, escaped to Emír Gunah Khán. Their arrival, and their requesting the sháh’s protection, were no sooner made known than they were cordially received; but when they were afterwards questioned as to the motive they had in rebelling against their lawful sovereign, and when, at the same time, they were told that their unfortunate coming into the sháh’s dominions might, eventually, be the means of bringing foreign troops into his country, they seemed quite at a loss, and said some few incoherent things in justification of their conduct. A representation of their circumstances, and of their wicked rebellion against the Ottoman government was laid before the sháh, but they, after having their clothes altered after the Persian fashion, and agreeing to become kizil báshes (red heads), were promised the protection they sought for. The apostates cheerfully embraced the alternative offered them, looking upon it as a real favour, and instantly became incorporated with the kizil báshes. They were, in all, two thousand in number, and were sent off by one hundred and two hundreds to a country of misfortune, where they were dispersed, and left to experience the evil effects of their own misconduct.

His excellency the commander-in-chief, after having defeated and routed the rebel-army, as before described, marched towards the country of Cæsarea and Sivás, and encamped at a place called Chubuk Awásí, where he waited ten days for the return of the detachment which had gone in pursuit of the rebels. Whilst remaining at Chubuk Awásí messengers from Baghdád brought him letters which informed him that Jeghala Zádeh Mohammed Páshá had fully succeeded in vanquishing the rebel called Mustafa Ben Túyel. This account has been recorded by one of the poets of that time, who enumerated the achievements of Murád Páshá both in the east and west.

_His Excellency Murád Páshá hastens after the brother of Túyel Mahmúd._