Part 33

On the 14th of the last mentioned month (_viz._ Rajab), about four or five thousand spáhís, who had fled to Anatolia to escape the vengeance of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, which had been excited against them in consequence of the tumult which the spáhí legion had raised in Constantinople in the days of the late emperor, and for which many of their superiors had been put to death, returned to their obedience, and were again received into favour. These spáhís were as great rebels as any in Anatolia, and committed every species of robbery and spoliation. On making their submission they appeared armed and accoutred before Súfí Sinán Páshá, the vezírs and the military judges, and preferred the grounds on which they conceived they had been aggrieved, and which had led them to act as they had done. Their case was laid before his majesty, who not only forgave them, but also restored their officers to their former situations, rewarded them with tokens of favour by conferring robes on them, distributed to them their pay, and dividing them into two bodies sent one division to Kutahia to remain under the orders of Dávud Páshá, and the other under Nesúh Páshá.

Dervísh Aghá, who had been appointed in his majesty’s absence to the commandership of Constantinople, was forbidden to exercise any further authority in that capacity, on account of some misconduct which he had been guilty of. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, was sent back to act in his stead.

On the 16th his majesty, after having paid a visit to the sepulchres of his ancestors, and the tombs of the venerable saints, returned and bathed himself in a fountain. On the 19th he set sail from Modanieh, and arrived in the imperial city on the same day.

_An overture made to Túyel._

On the 9th of Shabán of this year, a conciliatory letter was sent to Túyel, the chief ring-leader among the insurgents, and also the offer of a beglerbegship; but no answer as to his having accepted the offer made to him, was returned: on the contrary, acting under the influence of his brother, his violence and cruelty increased beyond all bounds. The káímakám, in order to put a stop to the enormities which this rebel and others were guilty of, and which were every day increasing, tried to ensnare this terrible rebel. To induce him to throw down the weapons of his rebellion, the deputy proposed joining Anatolia, Sivás, and Haleb into one, and to offer the government of these united districts to Túyel. When the deputy presented this proposal, and also a letter he had received from Túyel, on the 17th of the last mentioned month, for his majesty’s approbation, however, he met with a serious repulse, and for his temerity was turned out of office. Khezer Páshá was raised to the deputyship.

On the 24th, the chief butler, Mohammed Aghá, was raised to the government of Syria. On the 9th of Ramazán, the bostánjí báshí, Dervísh Aghá, was created admiral: he was highly esteemed by the emperor. On the 9th of Shevál, the cazí of Constantinople, Rezván Effendí, was degraded, and Hasan Effendí, son of Akhí, succeeded him in the cazíship.

_The grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, is recalled to Constantinople._

When tidings of the disgrace and ignominy which befell Jeghala Zádeh in the east, and of his death at Diárbeker, had reached the royal ear, it was resolved on, in council, to send a statement of the affairs of the east to Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief at Belgrade, and to request him to return to Constantinople, in order that he might proceed to the east and take the command of the troops there. In the royal communication which, in conformity to the above resolution was sent to him, it was thus stated: that in the event of his declining to accept the proposal sent him, he might remain where he was, but only in the character of second vezír, and to return the seals of office. But before these communications had reached the grand vezír he had petitioned to be allowed to return to the seat of government.

_A commotion among the Janissaries and Spáhís._

A little after the commencement of the month of Ramazán, the janissaries, in consequence of not having received the pay and clothing that were due to them, began to show signs of impatience and insolence. The spáhís, following their example, the very next day began to talk loudly about their own dues, and soon acquired a most dangerous aspect. Without ceremony, and in no way intimidated by their vicinity to the royal palace, they threw stones at their officers before its very gate, gave the most abusive language to the treasurer, and threatened him in no measured terms. They complained of the person who had formerly weighed out their money to them, and got him turned out of office. His friends, however, interfered, and asked the reason of depriving him of his official situation, but to no purpose. The discontent and tumult increased, and at length reached the ears of the emperor. On the 23d of Ramazán, early in the morning, the emperor, dressed in a scarlet robe, very indicative of the state of his mind, for he was enraged, came forth and sat down in Báyazíd’s portico; called together his vezírs, ághás, notaries, and other principal officers, and delivered a very warm and animated speech, in their hearing, to the mob; and in which he severely rebuked them. He said, that though he had written to them, that so soon as his treasurer, who was engaged in collecting the taxes, should return, their wages and all their just rights would be punctually attended to, they, instead of giving credit to his royal word, as they ought to have done, and behaving themselves orderly, became unruly, turbulent, and abusive, and that, too, before the very portals of his palace.

The multitude, at hearing the emperor’s speech, were completely confounded, and not one of them was able to say a single word in reply, or in justification of the conduct they had manifested. One Yúsuf Aghá, however, head of the Moghreb and Yemin regiments, advanced and thus addressed his majesty. “May it please your majesty, the sole cause of the unreasonable conduct which has been manifested is attributable to the slaves brought up in the royal haram, and those foreigners who have been introduced into the spáhí legion at the request of the khán of the Crimea.” His majesty, on hearing the sentiments expressed by Yúsuf Aghá, enquired the names of the persons who had excited the irregularity and tumult which had prevailed. The vezír pointed out to him the ringleaders, and immediately a sign was given to take vengeance on them for their folly and temerity. Shahbáz Aghá, chief of the salihdárs; Koorgha Zádeh, notary to the spáhí legion; and Yek Cheshm Mohammed Effendí, were made the objects of imperial vengeance on this occasion. Others who had been involved in the same condemnation with the above were also visited with a similar punishment. The comptroller of the cavalry, after he was conducted to the place of execution, escaped the death which awaited him by the intervention of the grand vezír, who interceded in his behalf. The ketkhodá of the spáhís escaped in a similar way.

The grand sultán, after these various instances of his severity and justice, concluded his harangue by warning the tumultuous soldiery (spáhís) of their danger; assuring them, that if ever afterwards they should manifest a similar spirit of insubordination, he would take vengeance on their whole legion; and dismissed the crowd, desiring them at the same time to remove the bodies of their companions from the place of execution.

The officers belonging to the spáhís were all changed; and the treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, no sooner arrived than the wages of the spáhí troops were forthwith paid them.

_The commander-in-chief arrives at Constantinople._

When the hostilities which for a long time had raged on the frontiers of Hungary, had ceased to threaten the peace and security of the Ottoman dominions, the rebellion in Anatolia began to wear a much more serious aspect than it had done at any former period. The grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, as we formerly mentioned, was fixed on to take the chief command in Anatolia, with the view of bringing the troubles of that country to a termination. The celebrated Mohammed Páshá no sooner received the royal intimation on this head than he appointed Teryákí Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, as his deputy at Belgrade, whither he had called him; and Kúski Mohammed Effendí as defterdár in his absence. Having committed the management of the affairs of the frontiers to these two officers, he left Belgrade on the fourth day of the grand festival (_i.e._ Easter), and arrived at the Sublime Porte on the 7th of Dhu’l Kadah, when his majesty showed him every token of esteem and respect.

_Delí Hasan killed at Temisvar._

We have had frequent occasion to advert to the history of Delí Hasan, the brother of Karah Yázijí (Scrivano). We have mentioned how he had been raised to the government of Bosnia; the evil deeds he had been there guilty of; his expulsion thence; and his subsequent appointment to the government of Temisvar. Here he acted nearly two years in the character of válí, and had it in his power, by good conduct, to remove the unfavourable impressions which his former deportment had but too justly given rise to.

After the reduction of Osterghún, his excellency the commander-in-chief, sent word to the inhabitants of Temisvar to have an eye on Delí Hasan, and to watch his movements. This hint was enough. One day some of the garrison of Temisvar went out as if they had meant to follow the chase, but instead of this fell upon Delí Hasan and his suite, the latter of whom they killed. Delí Hasan fled to Belgrade, where Ghází Hasan Páshá, the káímakám, received him as his guest. He afterwards, however, placed him within the fortress, and sent an account of his arrival at Belgrade to Constantinople; whence a sentence of death against Delí Hasan, his brother’s son, Kúchuk Beg, was instantly returned, and both of them underwent that sentence accordingly.

It has been reported, that whilst Delí Hasan was in Bosnia, he had attempted a most daring crime against the Ottoman government, which however had failed. As this story is not less wonderful in its development than it was audacious in its contrivance, we shall here relate it. Delí Hasan, it would appear, wrote letters to the Venetians and to the pope, asking them to have a fleet in readiness opposite the fortress of Rasna; promising, in these letters, that he would deliver up that fortress to them, and that he would afterwards reduce several other places of strength on the shores of the Archipelago, and deliver them over to them also; but it was necessary, he added, that they should pay him a hundred thousand pieces of gold in advance. It was in this manner he proposed to stipulate with the enemy. No answer to these proposals having reached him whilst he was in Bosnia, he, after his translation to Temisvar, hired a fellow for a hundred pieces of gold, and sent him off with a duplicate of his former communications to the two parties above-mentioned. This hired peasant, or whatever he was, instead of fulfilling his engagement, went and waited upon Murád Páshá, the then commander-in-chief, told him all he knew, and showed him Delí Hasan’s letters. The commander desired him to proceed without delay and deliver them in the proper quarter, but to be sure to call on him when he returned. The messenger set out as he had been desired, and delivered his papers in the manner he had been directed: when the king of Spain and the pope sent, each of them, an agent along with Delí Hasan’s messenger, who was to communicate to him the views of these personages. These two agents and the messenger reached Zimnún, where the two former took up their lodgings in a certain house, whilst the latter proceeded to inform the authorities of their arrival, and the purport of their message: and which, among other things, went on to say, that they, the bearers, were the accredited agents of the two personages formerly mentioned, that the words of these men might be as much relied on as if they had been heard proceeding from the lips of their principals; that they had sworn fidelity to the trust reposed in them, and that, therefore, every apprehension of fraud being practised ought to be banished. Such, in fact, was the story these agents themselves delivered before Abdí Alí, Murád Páshá’s deputy, whom they actually supposed was Delí Hasan himself. These messengers, or agents, were moreover commissioned to say, that as soon as they returned with an answer to the pope and the king of Spain, a draft on the Franks residing in Belgrade for one hundred thousand pieces of gold would be instantly sent to Delí Hasan. Such is the version of this story: and it is hardly necessary to say that these two accredited infidels were immediately put to death.

Tobacco, which had been introduced in Turkey from Frangistan, had been made the subject of much discussion, and seems, this year, through the bitter contention which the use of it had occasioned, to have become more in vogue that at any former period since its introduction; though it had been productive of certain evil to those who received it, or who had any thing to do with it.

_Concerning the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá.—His death.—Dervísh Páshá raised to the vezírship._

Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, the reader will remember, returned to Constantinople: and though the affairs between Austria and the Sublime Porte had not been finally settled, yet such was the necessity of restoring the peace and tranquility of Anatolia, that every other consideration was made subservient to this. It was maintained, in a council held in the imperial presence, to be of paramount importance that two chief commanders should be appointed: the one to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary, the other to the east; that the grand vezír, in order to have it in his power to send efficient supplies to both quarters, should remain at the seat of government, and there discharge the duties of his high office.

In this council reference was made to the inefficiency, ill-management, and ill-success of former commanders in the east, and therefore the members of the council proposed Nesúh Páshá as the person who was by far the most competent to perform the duties of commander-in-chief in the east. It was moreover alleged in his favour, that he was son-in-law to the emperor; a circumstance which could not fail, it was said, to secure the affections of the Kurds. Nesúh was, accordingly, made third vezír and commander-in-chief of the forces in the eastern provinces; and Murád Páshá was appointed to the command and management of the affairs on the frontiers of Hungary. After these deliberations had been fully attended to, the emperor expressed his approbation of the resolutions which had been adopted, and issued orders for drawing out a commission for each of the two newly-elected commanders, defining the power and authority they were to exercise. The government of Baghdád was annexed to the vezírship and dominion already possessed by Nesúh, and he was, moreover, made commander-in-chief against the Persians. The válí of Romeili, and the princes of the borders, with their respective armies, were ordered to march towards Hungary. The government of Aleppo was conferred on Hasan, ághá of the janissaries, who was expected to repress the disturbances which afflicted that portion of the Ottoman dominions. The káímakám, Khezer Páshá, was appointed to the guardianship of the fortresses on the Danube.

The grand vezír, the heroic Lálá Mohammed Páshá who most scrupulously attended to all these new arrangements was, notwithstanding, thwarted in some of his purposes by Dervísh Páshá, who had succeeded to the admiralship in the room of Jeghala Zádeh. By his intrigues the brother of Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá was deprived of his ágháship, and ordered to proceed to the government of Aleppo, although the grand vezír intended to confer on him the province of Romeili as a reward for his heroism at the taking of Osterghún, of which he was the principal cause. Dervísh was obstinate, and conferred, or was the means of conferring, the ágháship of the janissaries on Maryol Hasan Aghá. Poor Hasan Páshá was obliged to set out for Aleppo, and had scarcely got to Adrianople, which was about half-way, when he was attacked by a monstrous rebel of the name of Jemshíd, who murdered him.

Dervísh Páshá, still bent on evil purposes, expressed his disapprobation of the appointments conferred on Nesúh Páshá; and, in short, wrought so effectually on the mind of the emperor by his representations, that he succeeded in procuring him to issue an order for the grand vezír himself to repair to the east and take the chief command in that quarter. When Mohammed Páshá entered the council, the emperor addressed him by saying that it was found necessary that he (the grand vezír) should be the person who should take the command of the forces employed against Persia, and ordered him to commence preparations for the journey. He concluded this speech by saying farther: that it was expected that this year a peace with Austria would be concluded. The grand vezír, when he heard the emperor’s sentiments, was speechless and confounded. The emperor repeated his commands, and the vezír, without making any reply, returned to his own house, where he in vain endeavoured to collect his thoughts and calm the agitation of his mind.

On the following morning Nesúh Páshá waited on him to congratulate him on his appointment, and spoke to him in as consolatary and soothing a manner as he was able. “Let us,” said he, “go together: let us render all the services we can for the welfare of our country: God willing, you will find in Asia so many things to comfort and delight you as will cause you to forget your northern campaigns.” Nesúh, by this mode of address, succeeded in bringing the mind of the afflicted grand vezír to some degree of peace and tranquillity.

In the council above alluded to, Dervísh Páshá preferred several accusations against the grand vezír, but which he, the grand vezír, rebutted by giving a circumstantial relation of all the services in which he had been engaged, and concluded by saying he had some reason to fear that the negociations with Austria might still prove abortive—“and thus,” said he, weeping, “our last twelve years of war will end in nothing.” He again requested the emperor to permit him to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary and conclude the peace, the preliminaries of which had been entered into during his own active service in the north. Nesúh, he said, was the emperor’s son-in-law, was every way competent for accomplishing the emperor’s wishes in the east, and therefore earnestly besought the grand Sultán to stand by his first appointment. All, however, was in vain. The emperor remained inflexible, and forced Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whether he would or not, to erect his tent at Scutari. In consequence of these circumstances, so repugnant to the mind of the grand vezír, as well as others which carried along with them their vexations, his health became very much impaired, and yet notwithstanding, he was forced that very week, by repeated orders, to repair to Scutari. It so happened, in the providence of God, however, that whilst he was presiding in his own diván he was struck by a paralytic stroke. His ághás carried him to his tent, and immediately his physicians were called in to administer what aid they were able. An account of this circumstance reached the metropolis, when the wicked Dervísh Páshá had the audacity to represent to his majesty that the grand vezír’s disease was wholly feigned; and instigated him to send a violent and threatening letter to Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the very next day, accusing him of feigning himself unwell, and ordering him, in the most peremptory manner, to begin his march without delay.

The afflicted Lálá Mohammed Páshá caused a humble petition to be written out and laid before his majesty; in which he stated that he required above all things, if his majesty entertained any doubts as to the ill state of his health, that he would send any one of his most confidential servants to see him, and report accordingly. It was utterly impossible for him, in his weak state of health, he said, to leave Scutari unless he was carried in a couch. The emperor was induced by this to send the ághá of the palace to the prime minister, who, when he returned, informed his majesty that the minister was so very weak as to be under the necessity of keeping his bed; in short, that he was seriously and dangerously ill. When his majesty received this report of his minister’s state of health he ceased pressing him any farther.

When the official messenger above referred to first waited on the prime minister, he, the minister, became so much affected that he could not restrain his tears. “Are my services,” said he, in the bitterness of his spirit, “are my services to my country so little thought of that doubts of my veracity should be entertained? Kiss the border of my emperor’s robe when you return, and tell him the weak state in which I am. When I die I leave behind me six orphans, and I hope God will reward the emperor for whatever kindness and favour he may show to them.” The officer, on hearing the grand vezír express himself thus, and having had besides the evidence of his senses to convince him of the dangerous state of his health, he, too, was so overcome with sorrow that he returned to his master, the grand Sultán, and declared to him, weeping, that the worth of this minister was unknown, and therefore not appreciated. “Why is it,” continued the ághá of the palace, “that your majesty has hearkened to the calumny of his enemies? The consequence is, you see, that he is likely to be prematurely cut off.” The answer to all this was, that if he died another would be found to fill his place.

On the third day of this grand vezír’s illness—an illness, there is every reason to believe, wholly occasioned by the treatment of the emperor—his troubles terminated with his life: he gave up the ghost. The rest of the vezírs, the great men of the state, and ulemá, assembled together and attended his remains to the temple of Sultán Mohammed Ghází, where the funeral service was performed; and he was afterwards interred in his own burial ground in the neighbourhood of Abí-eyúb. Among the procession which accompanied the bier of Lálá Mohammed Páshá to the place of interment, was Dervísh Páshá, the lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet, the bitter and relentless enemy of the deceased, but who had his eye on the premiership. He returned to his own house, joyfully anticipating that the seals of office would be conferred on himself. This was what he wished and what he strived for, but at the expense of every honest virtue and upright feeling.

Muftí Siná-allah Effendí relates, that a Portuguese physician who attended Lálá Mohammed Páshá in his illness, had, through the instrumentality of Dervísh Páshá, administered to him, in the form of medicine, what proved mortal to the patient.

When the testament of the late grand vezír was presented to the emperor, he ordered the sums of money that were mentioned in it to be applied to the defraying of the war, but the rest of his effects he permitted to be given to the afflicted children of the deceased. Out of one hundred and fifty thousand ducats and one hundred yúks of dollars, which had belonged to Lálá Mohammed Páshá, and which had been seized at the instigation of Dervísh Páshá for the purpose above explained, only a small portion of his extensive wealth fell to the share of his helpless orphans.