Part 32

In the meantime, Gusah Sefer Páshá, the válí of Erzerúm, without counsel or advice, and contrary to the orders of the commander-in-chief, and followed by Tekelí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz, Rázieh Zádeh, the válí of Sivás, his brother, Akhúyin Ahmed Páshá, Haider Páshá Zádeh, Alí Páshá, and others, amounting in all to fifteen beglerbegs, and more than twenty sanják begs, advanced to attack the advance-guard of the enemy. The commanding officer, it is to be observed, had actually cautioned them against being too hasty, and warned them not to be rash in advancing; but this advice was regarded with contempt by the persons above-mentioned, who, in other respects, had acted arrogantly and disrespectfully towards the commander-in chief, and now rushed forward with their respective troops, attacked the division under the khán, and fought the heretics till the sun had passed the meridian. Verily, Sefer Páshá, more like a lion or a tiger, committed the most dreadful havoc among these infidels and enemies of the faith. The red-heads, finding it impossible to resist the impetuosity and heroism of this valiant troop, fell back upon the division under Zulfekár Khán. The heroic Moslems, however, again rallied their little band together, and attacked this division also. The combat was most desperate, and continued till near evening, when, in the utmost confusion and consternation, they retreated upon the division which the sháh himself commanded, though not actually in person. Here they made an attempt to stand, but with no better success. It was now within half-an-hour of sun-set, and so terrible was the fear which Sefer Páshá had inspired into these heretics that they fled into the mountains, leaving their whole baggage, and even their commander, behind them.

After these singular advantages obtained over the Persians, the sháh, with those who still adhered to him, endeavoured to make his way up a mountain, but not thinking himself safe there he retreated about half a stage, where, on a rising ground, surrounded with a thousand terrors, he pitched his tent.

It turned out, however, that the Kizilbásh army, supported by the sháh’s body-guard, resolved on attacking the commanding general’s camp, which, they supposed, was left without any to defend it. But these dogs were met by a body of janissaries, salihdárs, and others, who stood ready to receive them, and who, with their arrows and small arms, drove them back. The contest, however, was obstinate, and maintained till sun-set, when the despicable wretches, after seeing many of their number wounded and perishing on the field of battle, fled back to their encampments. But Sefer Páshá, who was returning from the scene where he had performed so many and such wonderful exploits, met this horde as they were flying from the face of the Moslems, who had opposed and repulsed them just a little before, and fell upon him and his heroic followers. He and his party, of course, were much fatigued by their late exertions, which had been crowned with the most singular success; whilst the enemy, who thus attacked them, were comparatively fresh, and consequently it was not to be wondered at if they declined accepting a battle. This they did not altogether avoid, though a number of them, among whom was Tekelí Páshá, Jelalí Karah Kásh Páshá, and Kechkár Páshá, with their respective followers, fled to the camp and escaped; whilst their companions fought till they fell martyrs on the field. In this bloody contest, Sefer Páshá, the hero of the party, and whose weapon nothing could resist, was at last wounded, and shortly afterwards his horse fell with him. Some of the Kizilbáshes seized him and several other wounded veterans, and dragged them before the sháh, who ordered some of them to be killed, and to reserve the others. To Sefer Páshá he said, “if you will submit to me, and join our sect (_i.e._ the sect of Alí), I shall confer honour upon you.” The firm Moslem replied, by wishing “a thousand curses to fall upon him and upon every heretic of his sect.” The prisoner, who was bound to a stake, and exhibited to the view of the multitude, loaded the heretical sháh with every species of reproach and contumely, when immediately some of the vagabond red-heads rushed upon him and slew him. Thus ended this brave man. It is true that the commanding officer sent more than once to dissuade him and his rash companions from their precipitate measures, but it is also true that Sefer Páshá, though a very brave man, was yet very obstinate and contumacious. Karah Kásh, and some others of his desperate followers, disregarding all subordination, resolved on being revenged on their enemies.

It is remarkable, and indeed it is one of the inscrutable ways of Providence, that those who fell in these various skirmishes were for the most part those levends or volunteers who had been very lately engaged in rebellion against the Ottomans. It rarely happened, throughout the whole of these struggles, that any of the sworn and paid troops fell. The Moslem army, generally, suffered no injury. But these levends, in God’s distribution of justice, were made to expiate their former crimes and villany by making them wash their filth in this bloody fountain.—But to return.

The carnage to which we have above alluded was put a stop to by the return of night, when the contending parties were under the necessity of retiring. The Kizilbáshes, however, retreated, but the commander-in-chief maintained his ground, or at least he remained where he was (for it does not appear that he had any personal share in the actions which had taken place). During the night season the chiefs and nobles of Kúrdistán came to wait on the commander-in-chief, with the view of consulting with him as to the circumstances in which they were then placed, and of the probable result of their movements and operations; but they were refused admittance, and were told that the commanding general was fatigued and could not see them. The chiefs returned to their own camp; but it soon began to be circulated that the commanding general had fled, and therefore the Kurds, when they heard this, struck their tents, and were on the eve of retiring, when Karah Kásh struck his tents also. The rest of these auxiliary native troops followed the example set before them, and the whole body of them set out for Wán. Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was returning from the field of battle, where he had also been engaged the day before, when he met these fugitives, who informed him, though falsely, that the power of the commander-in-chief was completely broken. Believing that what they had assured him of was true, he returned; but learning afterwards that he had been deceived by them, he directed his steps towards the Moslem camp. To prevent, if possible, these fugitives occasioning any loss to the Moslem army, he from these disinterested views changed his mind, joined them, and went to Wán along with them.

The commander-in-chief collected, in the meantime, the whole of the troops who had remained with him in the camp, gave them all the cheering encouragement he was able, put them in regular order, and led them to the outside of the camp. On turning his eye towards the place which the enemy had occupied the day before, he could perceive no movement whatever that indicated their presence there. Whilst he and his army stood in amazement, and wondering what the result of so unexpected an occurrence might be, they were summoned to activity by Kechkár Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, who asked them to what purpose they were standing and gazing; when immediately the report, that the Kizilbáshes had come and taken away their cannon, was sounded. Their consternation increased, and they were unable to look at one another. Several of them fled. Of the whole of the army which the commander brought into the field, only two thousand household troops remained to him. Such of these as were foot-soldiers he mounted on camels, and in a short time, the commander and his remaining two thousand men were also on the way to Wán; having left nearly the whole of his camp, guns, and treasures behind him.

The sháh of Persia, thinking it was very probable, however, that the Osmánlís by their sudden disappearance, and by the relinquishing of their camp-ground, had laid a stratagem for him, kept aloof for two days, and was afraid to enter: but at the end of this period he received certain intelligence, that the commander had actually fled to Wán, and he then ventured to visit the place where the Osmánlí camp had stood. With the exception of a few hired servants and some trifling articles, which had been left, the sháh found nothing to reward him for his trouble.

After the commander-in-chief had reached Wán, Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá waited upon him and told him how he had acted in keeping the troops who had fled from his camp together; how he had brought them to a place of safety, and offered every apology which the circumstance of the case seemed to have demanded: thinking, no doubt, that the commander would express his approbation of his conduct. He was much mistaken. The commander was not made of such material as to be moved by a flood of tears and expressions of humiliation and contrition. Calling him, therefore, to account for his dereliction of duty he made him answer for it with his life.

It has been related of Jánbulát Zádeh that he was advised by his friends, when he purposed to wait on the commander-in-chief, not to do so, because of the ill fortune his stars had predicted at his birth, and which he himself, from his own profound knowledge in the science of astrology, had clearly demonstrated to them. His friends succeeded, in the first instance, in preserving him from having any interview with the short-tailed dragons;[19] but his lofty feeling of pride ruined him. “If I sleep,” said he, in the pride of his heart, “Jeghala Oghlí (the commander-in-chief) will not certainly have the courage to watch.” His pride brought him to his end. His death was the means of awakening in the minds of the troops, a feeling of great dissatisfaction. Thirty thousand of his troops or followers returned to Haleb, having chosen his brother, Alí Beg, and Hezer Beg as their commanders, and who, in revenge of Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát’s, death, desolated that province, and continued their rebellion till they were overthrown by the celebrated Murád Páshá at a later period, as we shall relate in its proper place.

The commander-in-chief, the sport of fortune, left Wán and returned to Diárbeker on the 21st of Dhu’l hijja, where he died of a fever which the thoughts of his misfortunes had occasioned. He was a man whose avarice had no bounds. His constantly causing responsible persons to be changed from one place to another was productive of the most serious evils. He conferred the government of Syria on Sinán Páshá Zádeh, and shortly afterwards on Osmán Páshá. Nesúh Páshá, who was válí of Aleppo, he removed, and put Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát of the sanják of Kilis, into his place, on the promise of his paying him a certain rent. And many more are the evils he occasioned, besides those we have mentioned.

_A battle between Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá and the Croatians._

Botchkai having promised to aid the Moslems against the infidels, the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, after the reduction of Osterghún, appointed his nephew, Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza, and another military commander, belonging to Botchkai, to conduct an expedition of twenty thousand men, composed of Tátárs, Majarians, and Bosnians, to invade the territories of the enemy. This expedition commenced marching on the 5th of Jemadi II., and took the road which led to Vienna. On the confines of Croatia it was opposed by a considerable body of troops, there assembled for the purpose of checking its progress. A battle ensued, and the conflict was obstinate and bloody: several thousands of the infidels perished. Three times did this mighty army of the Germans attack the Turkish confederates, but was vanquished in its third attempt.

In the vicinity of the place where the confederates vanquished the German or Croatian army there were two fortresses or castles, which were under the dominion of the Pope. The names of these fortresses or castles were Súnbúrhil and Karmand, which the confederate army reduced, and slew every living German it found in them. Afterwards ten thousand of these same confederates marched in the direction of Vienna and Allemagne on a predatory excursion, and after having ravaged the countries through which they passed, they returned in triumph. The quantity of spoil and number of prisoners which they brought back with them, it is impossible to estimate. Very many of the German nobility were among the captives, and the Hungarian gentry were glad to come and join the camp of the confederates. Nevertheless Zerín Oghlí, and Bekár Oghlí, were not among those who thus joined the camp of the conquerors. These two Hungarian chiefs considered it beneath their dignity to bow to Botchkai’s general, one of the two chief commanders of the confederates, but they sent some of their chief captains as their proxies.

_Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, killed._

Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, in consequence of his having been disappointed in his views of the government of Syria, through the ill will of Jeghala Zádeh, commander-in-chief of the eastern provinces, he petitioned the court of Constantinople, and complained against the serdár. That court, however, was pleased to confer Syria on Osmán Páshá in preference to him or any one else. When Mohammed Páshá learned that Osmán was appointed to Syria, he set out in great haste and wrath for Constantinople, where he meant to prefer his own claims. One day he entered into conversation with the vezírs, as they sat in council, about his own affairs; but he was reminded of the maladministration he himself had been guilty of in the places where he had acted as válí or governor. As he was retiring from the presence of this council, more disposed to accuse him than to hear his complaints, he was called back and conducted into the royal presence. Here he was strictly interrogated as to his own conduct, but having been unable to answer the interrogatories which had been put to him, he was put to death in the royal presence without any further ceremony.

_The emperor, whilst at Adrianople, hears further intelligence as to the state of the rebellion in Anatolia._

On the 1st of Jemadi I. the emperor went on a hunting excursion to Chetalmah, and thence, in three days, to Adrianople. He was only eight days in this city, where he had begun to distribute favours, when he received intelligence of the state and progress of the rebellion and disaffection which reigned in the province of Anatolia. In consequence, therefore, of the above unpleasant intelligence, he set out from Adrianople, reached the metropolis in six days, and immediately adopted means for curbing the rebellion and for chastising the rebels in Anatolia.

Nesúh Páshá, who last year had been transferred from the government of Haleb, was created commander of the troops employed against the insurgents in Anatolia. Indeed, it was considered of the utmost importance, by the government of Constantinople, that a vezír should be appointed to each of the eastern provinces, in order to check and subdue any spirit of rebellion which might arise, and which, in fact, seems to have been very generally the case with them all. Dávud Páshá, it will be remembered, was appointed to the east, but in consequence of his having evinced some inability or weakness he was laid aside, and Kijdehán Alí Páshá was raised to the government of Anatolia in his stead. He also, it will likewise be remembered, was ordered to join his troops to those of Nesúh Páshá, and after they (_i.e._ he and Nesúh Páshá) had succeeded in crushing the rebellion in Anatolia, they were then to join Jeghala Zádeh, who acted as commander-in-chief against the Persians.

We have to relate, however, that Nesúh Páshá, and the troops under his command, sustained a serious defeat at the bridge of Bolawadin. At this bridge Nesúh, on the 1st of Rajab, was met by one Túyel, who headed a body of insurgents: the one army was at one end and the other at the other. Nesúh made all the preparations his circumstances could allow for commencing an engagement, putting his foot and horse in order of battle. The sound of his drums and trumpets reached the very parapets of heaven: his artillery was drawn up in regular order, and made to face the enemy. Nesúh thought his formidable appearance would have deterred the insurgents from ever attempting the bridge or river; but he was mistaken. The cavalry of these long-tailed and curiously-turbanned heretics had scarcely begun to move, than they instantly crossed the river or bog and put their swords and spears into immediate requisition against Nesúh’s cavalry. These, as well as the whole of the rest of the Osmánlí army, gave way; most of them were cut to pieces, and those who fell into the hands of these barbarians were dragged into the presence of Túyel, where, for the most part at least, they suffered a more ignominious death: Nesúh himself was indebted to the swiftness of his horse for the safety of his life. He fled, and never checked the bridle of his charger till he reached a place called Bekár-báshí, in the city of Seyed.

Túyel, who was left master of the field, and of the whole baggage of the conquered Osmánlís, set fire to the city of Bolawadin, massacred the whole of its inhabitants with the utmost ferociousness, and desolated the whole of that region from one end to the other.

Nesúh Páshá, after resting himself about two days, went to Kutahia, where Kijdehán, against whom he entertained an old grudge, then was, laid the whole blame of his defeat on his shoulders, and slew the innocent without mercy.

Kijdehán was a man that possessed a bitter and scurrilous tongue, and who spared nobody. To escape, therefore, the reproaches of his tongue, _i.e._ that he and those of his men who, like himself, had escaped the general carnage, might not be made the subjects of his ridicule and bitter reproach, he slew him. This, also, is asserted in the Fezliké, that, before this, and prior to the defeat he had sustained at the bridge of Bolawadin, he most unworthily, as well as unjustly, traduced the character of the inestimable and highly-respected Mohammed Chávush of Caramania, whom he crucified at Iconium, where he had met with him. This Mohammed Chávush was son to Karah Alí, and was raised to the situation he held in Caramania from the Chávush báshás.

Well aware that his conduct and ill fame would eventually reach the ears of the emperor, and that his displeasure might easily be excited against him, so as to make him the object of his vengeance, he, in order to prevent these results, determined on going to Constantinople. Accordingly he set out for Scutari, and thence to the Sublime Porte: went to the royal palace, and caused it to be announced that he had come from Anatolia to implore further aid to be sent to that quarter. Having been called to enter the royal presence, he gave such a representation of the state of matters as actually succeeded in inclining the emperor to cross over into Anatolia and take a personal share in the war with the insurgents. He, therefore, called together the khoaja effendí, the reverend mufti and the vezírs, and confronted them with Nesúh Páshá, in order to converse on the subject with him. At this interview with Nesúh, however, there was much disputing and great contention. All were opposed to the emperor’s determination; but he himself remained inflexible. The emperor’s best friends used their utmost efforts to dissuade him from the purpose he had formed, by endeavouring to point out to him a variety of dangers; but all in vain, and the consequence was, when they saw he could not be moved from his resolution, they all withdrew very much displeased. The vezírs, however, commenced making the necessary preparations for the emperor’s intended journey, but at the same time used a variety of methods, such as representing to him that the fleet had not arrived, and that at any rate the season for safe sailing was fast passing away, in order, if possible, to induce him to alter his mind; but all to no purpose. The emperor, notwithstanding all the efforts which had been employed to dissuade him from his undertaking; notwithstanding, also, that the winter had fully set in, and the roughness of the sea, he continued bent on proceeding. A royal firmán was sent off to Nukásh Hasan Páshá to have the palace at Brúsa in a state of complete preparation for the arrival of his majesty, and Dervísh Aghá, bostánjí báshí, who was afterwards created a vezír, but subsequently assassinated, was appointed commandant of Istámbol.

In the meantime, however, the empress-mother took her journey to the other world, and her remains were conducted by her royal son and the great men of the state, to St. Sophia, where the funeral service was performed. They were afterwards interred in the tomb of Sultán Mohammed III., on which occasion charities and alms deeds were attended to in behalf of the deceased.

It was thought that the death of his mother might have so affected the sultán as to cause him to give up all thoughts of his intended expedition into Anatolia; but it had no such effect. On the seventh day after his mother’s decease, he became quite impatient, ordered the only three galleys which were then in the harbour to be held in readiness, and on the 2d day of Rajab he set sail for Brúsa. On the day after his arrival in Brúsa, he summoned his vezírs, the military judges, and other magnates, to assemble in council in the royal palace of that place, where he himself was. Súfí Sinán Páshá, the káímakám, who had taken no active hand in making preparations for the emperor’s expedition, was not called, or if called, did not attend. Dávud Páshá and Nesúh Páshá had both been previously sent to keep possession of two places on the frontiers. Mohammed Páshá, son of Ové Páshá, likewise made no movement towards Brúsa, but he wrote to the emperor’s chaplain, informing him that he had twenty thousand troops in full readiness. “If I shall be called,” said he, in his communication to the royal chaplain, “to be exalted to the vezírship, without either the aid of troops or apparatus from the government, I will go, and to the utmost of my power, endeavour to reduce the insurgents.” The title of vezír, and the appointment to the chief command, was forthwith sent him, and he was invited to wait on his majesty in his palace at Brúsa, in order that his majesty might confer with him respecting the enemy against whom he was to proceed. Mohammed, however, acknowledged neither the one nor the other of these royal intimations; nor did he think it worth his while to come to Brúsa to wait on his benefactor; or to proceed a single step against the insurgents. On the contrary, he went to Gúzel Hisár, where he gave himself up to every variety of pleasure. The reverend tutor felt disgrace and grief at the shameful way the cunning páshá had duped him, and, in fact, poor Khoaja Effendí, in consequence of this, most completely lost his influence with the emperor.