Part 30

On the 27th of Jemadi II. these two sorts of infidels (_i.e._ the Germans and Hungarians) met, and fought a tremendous battle, in which Botchkai, supported by Ottoman arms, was completely victorious. More than ten thousand Germans fell on the field of battle, and their heads, besides a number of prisoners and several standards, he transmitted to the Moslem royal camp. The Moslem general eulogized the Hungarian hero for his uncommon bravery, and sent him a sword and a robe of honour as tokens of his high esteem for him, which, of course, had the effect of stimulating him in his career to greater deeds of valour. Warad, which had been wrested from the Hungarians, and which Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá had endeavoured in vain to reconquer, as before observed, fell into the hands of Botchkai, who put every infidel German he found in it to the sword. He dispersed or overcame with immense loss to the enemy every army the Germans brought to oppose him. He reduced the city and fortress of Tokay; subdued Wakasha, and took several German provinces; and in a very short period, the greater portion of Hungary fell under his dominion. Still bent on further conquest, Botchkai sent a number of princes he had taken prisoners, and also some splendid presents, to the Moslem general, accompanied by letters requesting further aid against the Germans; in compliance with which request, the Moslem commander ordered four thousand Tátárs under the command of a nephew of Toktamish Gheráí to accompany Bektásh Páshá, and a portion of the feudatory troops under him, to his assistance. On the same occasion, or soon afterwards, a diploma for exercising regal authority over Transylvania, a robe of honour, some ammunition and standards were also sent him on the part of the Ottoman government.

The rise and exploits of Botchkai are, however, differently related. Petcheví says, that the former emír, with whom Botchkai had been conjoined, was taken prisoner by the infidels, the Germans, but had made his escape. One day, as he was dressing his garden, Botchkai began to converse with the ex-emir about the Germans, when the other replied: “Send me to the Ottoman general, and I promise you I will bring the whole of the Moslem army to your assistance; and, moreover, I pledge myself to get you made king of Transylvania.”

The speaker, it may be observed in passing, had himself some thoughts of throwing off the German yoke some time before this, and it was for a rumour of this kind which had reached the ear of the emperor of Austria that he had been imprisoned; but as no sufficient evidence of this his intention had been produced, he was set at liberty. But to return. Botchkai replied that the inhabitants of the country were in general Christians, and would not on that very account humble themselves so far as to put themselves under the Turks. “Why,” said the ex-emir, “they did so in the days of Soleimán, and it was well with them. Why not do it at this time?” After having conversed for some time on this subject, Botchkai yielded to the advice of his adviser and sent him to the vezír; who was introduced to his excellency by Mohammed Páshá’s nephew, at that time interpreter to Bektásh Páshá. He spent a few days in secret consultation with his excellency, to whom he explained the object of his mission, and then returned. But it was not till after three or four such interviews were held and a contract entered into, that Botchkai unfurled the standard of rebellion against the emperor of Austria. It was not, moreover, till Botchkai had completely subdued the whole of the German fortresses on both sides of the river Tise (Tibiscus), that he came forward to seek that aid from the Muselmans which, no doubt, had been promised him.

The emperor of Austria was no sooner apprized of Botchkai’s revolt, than he sent a person of the name of Báshtái Yúrkí with German forces to chastise the rebel; but the former were totally defeated in the very first engagement. Botchkai, in the meantime, having received a reinforcement of Tátár and Temiswar troops from the grand vezír, his courage was amazingly increased, and he followed up his victory with rapidity and zeal. Every town and village which owned subjection to the German despot he exposed to all the horrors of war and rapine, and returned with immense booty, and joined the Moslem army in the capacity of a vassal of the Ottoman empire.

The promise which the vezír had made to obtain for him the royalty of Hungary (not of Transylvania, as before mentioned) he also punctually fulfilled after he returned to Constantinople, as we shall afterwards see. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who, in consequence of the part he had acted in the tumult which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, as formerly mentioned, had fled in disguise, and had lived all this interval in a sort of monastery or cell belonging to some Súfis, received his majesty’s pardon, was raised to the dignity of his former vezírship, and afterwards married Ayesha Sultána, the widow of the late Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, for whom he paid a dowry of four thousand akchas (pieces of money).

_Concerning the defeat of Kásim Páshá._

We noticed sometime ago, that Kásim Páshá, on the 22d of Rabia II., had been appointed to the government of Baghdád. We referred particularly also to his conduct towards Alí Páshá, and to the tyranny and oppression he had exercised at Scutari. In the neighbourhood of Brúsa, whither he had gone after leaving, or rather after he was obliged to leave Scutari, he committed the same kind of shameless excesses he had been guilty of in other places. Complaints against his cruelty and tyranny having been laid before the emperor, a bostánjí báshí was forthwith dispatched with orders to cut him off, but who was so overawed by the páshá that he had not the resolution to fulfil his mission. The grand vezír, because he did not obey the order of government, removed the bostánjí báshí from his office, and appointed Dervísh Aghá, ketkhodá of the bostánjís, in his stead. This is the same Dervísh Aghá who afterwards obtained a near access to the emperor’s ear, and was made páshá for the important services he had rendered to the state. But to proceed. Kásim Páshá not only escaped the snare which had been laid for him, and the death he ought to have suffered, but was actually appointed to the government of Kutahia. Here he also manifested a spirit of carelessness and indifference, which eventually entailed upon him the punishment which had formerly been meditated against him. In order, however, to make sure of this, it was considered wise to send him a royal letter appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople, in room of Háfiz Páshá, and an invitation to him to return and take possession of that office. Confiding in the royal letter Kásim returned to Constantinople, and was hardly one day in office, when he received three royal communications on important affairs, which, at once, had the effect of clearing away all doubt from his mind as to his being firmly fixed in the deputyship. This being the case, as he believed, he that very day appointed his predecessor Háfiz Páshá, third vezír. Ibrahím Aghá he made master of the horse, and Mím Ibrahím his remembrancer. About supper-time Chobán Soleimán, chief of the royal messengers, waited upon the new deputy, and informed him that on the following morning a council was to be held in the royal presence; and also that the emperor’s chaplain, the mufti, the vezírs, and other magnates of the state, had all been invited to attend. Accordingly, at daybreak next morning Kásim Páshá proceeded to the diván with great pomp and ceremony. On entering into the royal presence, and before all who were present, he advanced towards the emperor and did obeisance. The emperor, without any sort of preamble, began immediately to question him with respect to his conduct in neglecting to obey his royal mandates on more occasions than one. Kásim was confounded, and could find nothing to say in reply: to vindicate himself was impossible. The emperor then turned to the high-priest and consulted with him as to the nature of the guilt and crime with which Kásim stood chargeable, and from which he could in no way clear himself, when the reverend prelate gave it forth as his verdict, that Kásim should be put to death. This sentence had scarcely been pronounced, when, on a signal having been given, in rushed a number of bostánjís, who instantly severed Kásim Páshá’s head from his body. His carcass, by imperial orders, was carried in a dray and thrown into a ditch before the gates of Adrianople. Thus ended the eventful life of this ambitious and turbulent páshá.

_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is made deputy of Constantinople.—Other promotions take place._

Immediately after Kásim Páshá was dispatched, as we have just now related, the emperor of sublime dignity and glory turned to Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, and appointed him to the deputyship or káímakámship of Constantinople, saying, in the presence of the whole council, that if he should be found guilty of any maladministration, he should deal with him as he had done to him that was lying before him—pointing to the body of Kásim Páshá—and thus warned him of his danger. After this solemn address to the new deputy the council broke up, and every one went to his own house.

The new deputy, Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, began his administration by effecting various changes in the different departments of the palace. Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, chief eunuch in the royal harem, he raised to the dignity of third vezír; who, in consequence of this promotion, had it in his power to advance and befriend his own friends. Dávud Páshá, chief of the kapújís, and Mustafa Aghá, grand master of the horse, were, in about a week or two afterwards, exalted to the dignity of vezírs, and were married to two of Sultán Mohammed Khán’s daughters. Nukásh Hasan Aghá, who had been deposed from the command of the janissaries for his pusillanimity, came to Islambol, where his friends had interested themselves in his favour. He was created beglerbeg of Romeili, and soon afterwards was raised to the dignity of vezír. This deputy, amongst his other acts of administration, secured above a million of money to the royal treasury; and, in fact, every person wondered at the changes and alterations he had effected.

Towards the end of Jemadi II. a messenger arrived from Egypt, bringing to the court of Constantinople the sad intelligence that the Egyptian troops had murdered Hájí Ibrahím Páshá. The eunuch, Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had lately been raised to the rank of _third_ vezír, was appointed válí of Egypt in the room of the deceased. The galley in which the new válí had embarked reached the port of Alexandria in one week’s time; and after having entered upon the government of Egypt, he put to death every individual of those who had been in any way involved in the tumult in which his predecessor had perished. By force of arms he established peace throughout the whole of his jurisdiction, attended to the state of the finances, and inspired all ranks with terror.

On the 25th of Rajab the válí of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, was advanced to the rank of fourth vezír; Hasan Aghá, the brother of Tarnákjí Páshá, was, in the same month, made commander of the janissaries. The government of Algiers was conferred on Mustafa Aghá, who had been chief of the eunuchs in the days of Selím II.

_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is murdered.—Súfí Sinán succeeds him._

It was not very long after Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá had entered on the duties of his office as deputy of Constantinople, when some violence began to be manifested by the troops on account of the pay which was due to them. Whilst the lord high treasurer, Mohammed Páshá, son of Músá Chelebí, was straining every nerve to meet the demands of the military, some of his enemies had an interview with the emperor’s chaplain, who lodged accusations with his excellency the deputy against him. The deputy, not perceiving the evil that was soon to happen to himself, deposed him and appointed one Háfiz Mahmúd to succeed him; a man who was every way unfit for so high and important a situation as that of chief treasurer, and one, too, whom the emperor abhorred. The deputy’s infatuation did not stop here; he endeavoured, with all his might, to get Siná-allah Effendí, the reverend mufti, removed from his spiritual jurisdiction, and to place Mohammed Effendí, the eldest son of Khojeh, in his stead. The reverend mufti no sooner received intelligence of the deputy’s manœuvres, than he immediately entered, with the emperor’s chaplain, into a conspiracy against the life of Sárukjí Páshá. They used every means they could think of to blacken his character in the opinion of the emperor, and succeeded but too well in exciting his displeasure against him. One day, as he went on some business connected with his office to the royal palace, he was desired to wait on his majesty; but on his retiring he was seized, an executioner was called, and in an instant his head was cut off. His body was thrown into a well in the court of the diván,[14] and Súfí Sinán Páshá was appointed káímakám in his stead.

Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who had been restored to favour and was raised to a vezírship, again fell under his majesty’s displeasure, and was degraded. This took place on the 12th of the _first_ Rabia, and Nesúh Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Aleppo, was appointed to succeed him in the vezírship, and also to the command of the army employed in Anatolia in quelling the rebellion in that quarter. On the 2d of Dhu’l kadah, Nukásh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, reached the rank and dignity of vezír, and Tarú Hasan Páshá was confirmed in the above government.

_The emperor goes to hunt.—Sultán Osmán Khán is born._

The emperor, who was exceedingly fond of the chace, went out with his friends and great men on the 11th of Jemadi II., _i.e._ on the 24th of Teshrín evel (a Syro-macedonian month, October), to enjoy the pleasures of the chace in the country round about the gardens of Romeili, in the vicinity of Constantinople.

During the time the grand sultán was enjoying the pleasures which the chace afforded him, the ághá of the royal house arrived and announced to his majesty the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son, which filled every heart with the sincerest joy. When the young prince was afterwards named Sultán Osmán, seven days and seven nights were dedicated, by an imperial firmán, to rejoicings. On the 17th of Shevál, which was the 26th of Shubat (a Syro-macedonian month corresponding to February), Sultán Mohammed was also born to him.

_The grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returns to Constantinople._

We lately left Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the reader will remember, at Belgrade. From this frontier city he was suddenly recalled to court, and reached the Sublime Porte on the 20th of Ramazán, when his majesty condescended to show him very many expressions of kindness and respect. On the 20th of Shabán, Káfzádeh Feizallah Effendí was translated from the jurisdiction of Anatolia and made military judge of Romeili, being succeeded in Anatolia by Yehiá Effendí of Constantinople. About the end of the month of Dhu’l hijja Káfzádeh Effendí, at the request of the grand vezír, was degraded, and Yehiá Effendí was made military judge in his room. Kemál Effendí succeeded to the jurisdiction of Anatolia. Fatimah, the daughter of Sultán Murád Khán, and the widow of Khalíl Páshá, was contracted in marriage to vezír Murád Páshá, who commanded on the banks of the Danube, and who was recalled to Constantinople.

_Continuation of the affairs in the East._

The state of matters in the eastern provinces became every day more desperate. Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, two notorious rebels, laid waste the whole of the country round Aïdín and Sarúkhán, perpetrating every excess and committing every evil they were able against the followers of Mohammed. In one quarter Túyel Khalíl, and one Sachlí in another, created, by their cruelties, alarm and terror in almost every district throughout Anatolia. In consequence of these very awful disasters, inflicted by bands of ruthless barbarians, letters from all quarters flowed into the government, beseeching it for aid and protection against these lawless and merciless hordes. The káímakám, Súfí Sinán Páshá, taking the matter into earnest consideration, waited one day on his imperial majesty, and insisted with him, in the most urgent manner, that one of the vezírs should be appointed commander-in-chief of the army in Anatolia. His majesty, in the presence of the whole of his nobles, appointed Dávud Páshá, and urged him to make no delay. Dávud Páshá, however, excused himself, but afterwards began to make preparations. In the meantime Kejdehán Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, was ordered to proceed with the whole of the provincial army of Anatolia, and join Jeghala Zádeh, the commander-in-chief in the east. He was further ordered to unite in his march with Nesúh Páshá, who protected the frontiers; and both were ordered to march together with their respective armies, and overthrow the rebels, whose excesses were become altogether without limits. Kejdehán Alí Páshá proceeded according to orders; attached his troops to those of Nesúh Páshá, and marched together to meet the rebels under Túyel, who had conquered the greater part of Caramania and Anatolia. This rebel army they met in the plains of Bolawadin; but the result of the meeting of these two hostile armies we must defer relating till we enter on the affairs of the following year, which we shall immediately commence.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1014, II.

It having been considered of the last importance to ascertain the actual state of the Hungarian frontiers, Mohammed Páshá was granted full power over the troops, and to employ them in any way he thought proper. It was also the emperor’s declared determination and wish that Osterghún should be reconquered from the enemy if possible. With this view Hasan Aghá, Tarnákjí’s brother, and ághá of the janissaries, was appointed to proceed with a large body of janissaries to Belgrade, and afterwards join the commander-in-chief at Buda. This body of troops left Constantinople on the 27th of Dhu’l hijja, and halted at Dávud Páshá for the purpose of making some further arrangements for the journey. Abdul Bákí Effendí was appointed treasurer to the army; Etmekjí Zádeh had been sent to Romeili to collect the taxes; Súfí Sinán Páshá having been in full power, and deputy of the Sublime Porte, sent Dávud Páshá to command the garrison of Kostamúní; and Nesúh Páshá was made commander in Anatolia, and appointed to protect the Ottoman boundaries in that quarter.

Hasan Aghá, after having remained a week at Dávud Páshá, recommenced his march towards Belgrade, which place he reached about the latter end of the month Sefer. Having refreshed his troops and attended to the other necessary preparations for prosecuting his march to Buda, he left Belgrade and passed the plains of Zimún for that fortress on the 4th of Rabia II. The whole army assembled at Usk, where a council of war was held. The commander-in-chief proposed for the consultation of the counsellors, what measure ought first to be adopted for securing the desired success? The borderers and several of the chiefs of the army thought it was by all means most advisable to proceed directly to Buda and Alba Julia, and check the progress of the enemy in those quarters, or at least protect them against any assault which the enemy might threaten. Information had already arrived, they said, which fully announced the threatening aspect the enemy was assuming with regard to both these places. The enemy, they were aware, was making every preparation in Komran for renewing hostilities, and already had acquired some success. It was their imperative duty, continued the speakers, to march immediately to Buda and Alba Julia, and protect these places against the enemy of their country and of their faith. Such were the arguments employed on one side of the question. Others, however, opposed them, and argued differently. They, in the weakness of their judgment, maintained that Buda and Alba Julia were places of strength, and well furnished with the means of self-defence; so much so, indeed, they said, that the enemy had given up all hope of succeeding against them. These two places, the objects of so much concern and anxiety, therefore, might very well, and without any danger, they maintained, be left to their own resources. But there is Mekamúriah, said these trifling advocates. It presented a fine field for enriching the army: the inhabitants were in a state of quietness, and no way in a capacity to offer resistance: they were rich. Let, therefore, the army, reiterated these orators, march into Mekamúriah without delay.

This motion was vigorously opposed by the opposite party, and many arguments were adduced to show the danger that would arise if adopted and acted upon: but the majority of the council was in favour of it; and for no other reason, but that it promised to satisfy their thirst for wealth. The commander-in-chief yielded to the majority, ordered the janissaries to proceed towards Kaniza, not very distant from which lay the country of Mekamúriah, and resolved on following them, on the next day, with the body of the grand army acting under his command.