Part 25

Dervísh Páshá, who had been deposed from the government of Bosnia, was finally fixed on to conduct the expedition. On his reaching a bridge which the Moslems had just constructed for his use, he broke out into a rage when he saw it, and declared it altogether defective and dangerous. Mohammed Páshá, when the fact was explained to him, smoothed him down by telling him it should be, without delay, put into a proper state. “I need only tell you,” said the serdár, “in order to secure your services, that the janissaries in Constantinople, in consequence of their having met with the emperor’s countenance, and that of the prime minister, have become excessively tyrannical and turbulent. When you reflect on this, and when you consider that those of the same body of men amongst us here have manifested a similar spirit, you will not, I am sure, flinch from the duty assigned you.” This speech had the desired effect. Dervísh swore that he regarded his own life no more than he did a draught of water. “My reflection forbids me,” answered he, with no small degree of generous warmth, “to feel concern about self, but it demands of me, on the other hand, to be every way alive to the interests of my government, and to the glory of my religion. No sacrifice can be too great for either of these.” Thus saying, he proceeded. By means of boats four or five thousand horse and ten thousand foot were conveyed across to the above island under covert of the night.

It is very singular, as well as very remarkable, that at this time Mohammed Páshá was visited by a sort of deep lethargy, which seemed extremely alarming; so much so, in fact, that he could not raise his head, and when he opened his eyes he spoke nonsense. In the meantime midnight had passed away, and the troops, which had effected a descent on the island of Chíl, had made no trenches nor erected any bastions. The segbáns who formed part of the expedition obstinately refused to open trenches. “We fought on the other side,” said they, “without the use of trenches, and we will not use them here.” The other janissaries, however, dug trenches for themselves.

On the morning of the 4th of the month Sefer these unruly troops stood forth without order, and without any preconcerted plan, just like an army of locusts; and instead of acting in concert, and under regular authority, they spread out into small parties, and began to harass and plunder the country round Pest. They killed a few in these excursions, and seized a handful of others, with whom they returned to their camp. The bridge above referred to, though immense labour had been used in getting it ready, was not as yet fully finished. The enemy, who had been watching the movements of the Moslems, now put themselves in motion. They resembled a horde of swine following each other. The Hungarian cavalry attacked with fury those of the Moslems, and the bloody contest continued for several hours. It was very awful to see so many thousands of men in battle-array, some dying on the field and others drowning in the Danube. An auxiliary force of some hundreds of Moslems was conveyed over to the aid of their brethren in the island, whilst the cannon in the camp were made to play on the enemy with some effect. Dervísh Páshá, who commanded the expedition, was left with only ten pages around him; but he maintained his ground with matchless heroism. He tried, though in vain, to rally around him his troops, who were flying in all directions. Seeing himself abandoned by his men, and having no hope of succour from any quarter, he rushed in among a body of the enemy with the few who had remained faithful to him, and died sword in hand.

In this very disastrous attempt no less than six thousand of the turbulent segbáns perished. The enemy, on perceiving the advantage they had gained, advanced their guns to the edge of the river, and destroyed the bridge which had cost the Moslems so much trouble in constructing. This was not all. They soon after sent over in boats a host of troops to the Moslem side of the river, and during the night effected a number of trenches. They also commenced constructing a bridge, and every thing seemed to pronounce in favour of the enemy. The Moslems had met with a severe check, and the enemy was advancing upon them. For three successive days they remained (_i.e._ the Moslem army) in a state of apparent inactivity, and the enemy had nearly finished their new bridge, when, on the fourth day, Delí Hasan Páshá, by order of the serdár, advanced with his troops to the very edge of the enemy’s new trenches; but finding it impracticable, from their great depth, to penetrate them, he returned. He contrived, however, a more effectual method; this was, to divide his men into two bodies, and cause them to enter in at the two ends of the trenches. Never was any thing more decisive. Out of ten thousand of the very best part of the enemy’s troops, and which had occupied these trenches, only about two hundred of them escaped the edge of the sword: all the rest perished. The two hundred who did escape, made towards their boats; but had scarcely reached the middle of the river, on their return to the Chíl, when their boats upset and all on board sunk to the bottom.

After these wonderful and auspicious events, the serdár, Mohammed Páshá, raised his camp and directed his steps towards Buda; but the enemy, not in the least awed by the heavy loss they had just sustained, sent another body of several thousands to attack him in the rear. Few of these returned to their camp. Mohammed Páshá, who had fortunately received an augmentation of two thousand men from Buda, attacked the pursuing army from two points, and utterly defeated them. On the 12th of the month, when engaged in throwing provisions into Buda, the enemy again advanced, in the hope of thwarting the páshá’s purpose; but they were met with such vigour, that they were obliged to retrace their steps as fast as they were able. The enemy now retired upon Pest, removing, as they advanced on that place, the bridges which they had constructed on the Danube.

The winter season having set in, the serdár directed his thoughts towards making arrangements for the better protection of Alba Julia and Buda. With this view, Hasan Aghá, the túrnají báshí, was left with a number of troops to watch the movements of the enemy. The válí of Romeili, Murád Páshá, with his provincials, was left to garrison Buda itself; and Delí Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, was sent to Usk. On the 14th of Rabia II. the commander-in-chief, with the remainder of his army, returned to Belgrade, which he reached about the end of the month. The troops were allowed to retire into winter-quarters, and a report of the whole of the campaign was sent off to Constantinople.

In the month of Moharrem of this year, Súfí Sinán Páshá was recalled to Constantinople, and raised to the dignity of vezír. The government of Shám (Syria) was conferred on Ferhád Aghá, who had been deposed from the ágháship of the janissaries. Núh Páshá was appointed commander-in-chief in Anatolia, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was recalled from Kutahia to Constantinople. He arrived there on the 24th of Sefer, and brought fifteen thousand ducats along with him, which were all seized by the government. The day after his arrival he went and took his seat in the diván; but towards the evening of the same day, Kásim Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, seized him in his own palace, sealed up his effects, and conducted him to the Seven Towers, whence, after eighteen days’ confinement, he was set at liberty, and sent off to his own villa in the neighbourhood of Mikhalij (Moalich). The whole of his property in Constantinople was taken possession of in the name of the emperor. Had it not been for the interposition of the vezír, Hasan Páshá, and others, he certainly would have been put to death. In the month of Moharrem, also, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of Erzerúm, and was sent away during the severity of the winter by sea to Tribazond. Núh Páshá, who had been appointed commander-in-chief in Anatolia over the troops who were to act against the insurgents in that quarter, was displaced by the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, in consequence of an old grudge which he still continued to cherish against him, and Nesúh Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, was appointed in his room. Nesúh Páshá was a man of great worth, probity, and experience. He was ordered to go to Larenda, in his native country.

_The grand vezír Yemishjí Hasan Páshá is deposed.—Dies by a violent death._

The grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, took care to appoint skilful commanders every where on the Turkish frontiers; succeeded in crushing the sedition which had broken out in the city, and in restoring tranquillity; tamed the spirit of his factious and turbulent troops, and took ample vengeance on all his enemies. In short, Hasan Páshá, the prime minister, was without a rival, and acted with absolute authority. His success was his ruin. His insolent vapouring pride and vanity grew to such a height, that even the friendship of those who were most attached to him was turned into hatred and enmity, and their esteem into disgust. The reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, Mustafa son of Rázieh, the ághá of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, besides other persons of note, began now to cherish an utter aversion towards this unsufferably proud and haughty vezír. These great men, and others of their order and rank, ventured, at last, to make a communication of his tyranny and misrule to the emperor; who, on receiving it, immediately wrote to the mufti, and others learned in the law, with regard to the nature of the misconduct charged against his vezír, and requested their opinion. These great and wise men acted their own part, and the result was, that both secret and open hostility began to be exercised against the grand vezír. It was alleged that he had the settled intention of banishing the queen-mother; that to accomplish this he had secured the concurrence of the janissaries, by promising to break open the treasury-chest of St. Sophia, and distributing the money in it amongst them. Kásim Aghá, to give this story the appearance of veracity, pretended he was able to substantiate the whole by credible witnesses. In short, the emperor and his mother were thoroughly persuaded of the truth of these allegations, and the following assertion had the effect of strengthening his majesty’s convictions: “If your majesty,” said his accusers, “were just now to send for the seals of office, he would refuse to deliver them up.”

One day, when the grand vezír, without entertaining the least suspicion of what was going on against him, went to Dávud Páshá on a visit to the emperor, and not finding the ághá of the palace, felt some concern as to how he might be introduced to his majesty, and therefore sent in a note intimating he had important communications to make to his royal ear; instead of having been graciously invited to enter, as he expected, he was coolly told, he would have an opportunity of laying his communications before the diván. This cold reception, as well as the answer which was returned him, he was at no loss to interpret: he perceived at once a change had taken place in his majesty’s mind towards him. He waited, therefore, with anxiety for the meeting of the diván, which took place on the Saturday following. Prior to the meeting of the diván, however, the ághá of the janissaries wrote a note to his majesty, which insinuated that there was great danger to be apprehended from the grand vezír, and that if prompt measures were not immediately taken with him, a serious tumult would most certainly ensue. In the diván, he stated the same things at great length, and concluded by saying, “that if instant precaution was not taken to thwart the purposes of the proud vezír, the seditious doctrines he had sown among the janissaries would soon, he was afraid, be felt in all their mischievous consequences. Try,” continued the ághá, “and require him to deliver up the seals of his vezírship, and I am willing to forfeit your majesty’s good-will if the janissaries do not rise to a man in resistance.” This speech excited his majesty’s anger.

In the meantime, the ketkhodá of the kapújís went to the grand vezír, and informed him how matters stood, and of the part Kásim Aghá had acted; and also that the military judges demanded his presence in the diván. The grand vezír, however, did not think proper to appear in the diván; but this ághá, bent on ruining him, did not leave a stone unturned in trying to accomplish his purpose. Towards evening, one Turk Ahmed Aghá, a kapújí báshí, brought the vezír a written message, which purported to be from his majesty. On reading this document, he set off in a sorrowful mood towards the imperial gardens, but contrived at the same time to send word to those ághás who were his friends, of the emperor’s purpose to deprive him of his office; and who immediately went to stir up the janissaries to offer resistance. They assembled themselves together in a tumultuous manner, hastened to Kásim Aghá’s gate, and charged him with being the cause of the emperor’s change of mind towards the grand vezír, shut him up in one of his rooms, and made his gate fast with locks and bars: thence they proceeded to the mufti and military judges, and threatened that if they did not immediately induce the emperor to restore Yemishjí Hasan Páshá to the premiership they would burn down their dwellings, and shed the blood of any who should venture to oppose them. They also wrote out their own sentiments, in order to present them to his majesty, but which they delayed sending till the following day. After having menaced the reverend and learned gentleman above-mentioned, they returned to pay Kásim Aghá a second visit; but he had effected his escape, and had gone to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá. On not finding Kásim Aghá a prisoner in his own house as they had left him, the enraged janissaries took the seals of his ágháship, and conferred them on Turk Ahmed Aghá. The vezírship they conferred on Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of Wán; but the seals of the premiership they meant to confer on Yávuz Alí Páshá, who was expected from Egypt.

Such were the transactions which took place on the above occasion, and such the result. The diván, as a matter of prudence, was forbidden to meet for a week.

On the following morning the infuriated janissaries, with one accord, proceeded to the emperor’s palace, and demanded with a loud voice that Yemishjí Hasan Páshá should be reinstated in the premiership. This demand, however, was only made to the officers and servants of the palace, but no doubt with the view of their communicating the desire of the janissaries to the royal ear.

It happened that on that day the reverend mufti, and other spiritual dignitaries, had gone with their retinue to the royal palace, where they met the new-made ághá of the janissaries, Turk Ahmed, and whom they earnestly exhorted to retrace his steps, and not follow irregular courses. In short, this mode of address made an impression on the mind of Turk Ahmed, and it seems to have communicated itself to the rest of the mutineers; for we find the janissaries suddenly changed their minds, and said, “It is no matter of ours who is at the helm of affairs: the emperor may appoint whom he pleases.” The unfortunate grand vezír’s friends among the ketkhodás and chief chávushes, and some others, still maintained his cause, and continued for a while longer to persevere in his behalf; but they, too, when they saw that their perseverance would end in no good in his behalf, followed the example of the others.

This unsettled state of things continued for the space of ten days, when ten eunuchs, under the command of the bostán báshí, by supreme authority suddenly seized on Yemishjí Hasan Páshá in the royal mint, dragged him forth into the garden of Khundán Aghá, and there despatched him, leaving his friends and followers to lament over him. Thus ended the life and activities of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.

It may not be improper briefly to advert here to the cause of that enmity which excited Kásim Aghá against the grand vezír, and which had its origin in the following circumstance.

When Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was sent to the Seven Towers, and his property seized, that part of it which was not considered fit to be appropriated to his majesty’s own use was ordered to be sold. Kásim Aghá was the person appointed to execute this business in the first instance; but the grand vezír, on the part of the diván, associated with Kásim the son Poghacha, the third treasurer. The latter, perceiving some disposition to purloin in the former, withstood him. Kásim, fired with indignation, said that the emperor had committed to him the sale of the confiscated property, and asked him, with an air of disdain, by whose authority he had ventured to mix in matters that did not belong to him. The other defended himself, and maintained that it was the special duty of the defterdárs to attend to matters of that kind, and not to ághás. “Why,” said Kásim, in wrath, “I hope it will be my lot one day to dispose in this very way of your property, and of the property of him who sent you hither.” The treasurer, who was not possessed of superabundant meekness, communicated these unguarded sayings to the grand vezír, and of course displeased him exceedingly. When Kásim, some time afterwards, appeared before him, he reproved him for his conduct, and threatened to be revenged on him. This, then, was the cause of that hostility and ill will manifested by Kásim Aghá, as above related, and which also led him to other actions not less vindictive and cruel. After the murder of the grand vezír had been perpetrated, he not only got the treasurer, Altí Poghacha’s son deposed, but succeeded also in keeping him confined in the Seven Towers for a considerable time, and caused the whole of his property to be confiscated—thus verifying, in part at least, the truth of his own prediction. Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s secretary he caused to be arrested, and made him advance security for his future conduct. Yáishá Zádeh Hamzah Effendí, the _reïs-ul-ketáb_, or _reïs-effendí_, was by his means sent to prison, and the whole of his property would also have been confiscated, had it not been for the good offices of the ághá of the salihdárs, who interfered in his behalf. Kátibmim, the secretary to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, was made reïs-effendí in room of Hamza Effendí.

This Kásim, though only an ághá, seems to have acted with as much authority and controul, in fact, as if he had been possessed of absolute and supreme dominion over the lives and fortunes of men. We shall hear more of him just now, and still more afterwards.

_Kásim Páshá is made Governor of Constantinople._

In consequence of the káímakám having been afflicted with the gout, he found himself unable to attend his duty in the diván, and therefore did not appear there, except on the days on which petitions were presented to his majesty. Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, acted for him, and gave him a detail of all such matters as usually came before that assembly.

One day, however, Kásim Páshá (very lately only an ághá) invented some means or other of getting the reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, invited to the royal palace, where the emperor conversed with him on topics of a general nature, and afterwards suddenly adverted to the case of the afflicted Jeráh Páshá; spoke of the excellent fitness of Kásim Páshá for the despatch of public affairs, and so forth. It now began to be circulated abroad that the mufti had said that Jeráh Páshá, the most laborious and active of all the emperor’s servants, and the most beloved among the list of vezírs, was, in consequence of disease, unable to attend to the arduous services which his responsible situation demanded, or even to be present in the diván. The part which Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, had acted in the diván, was mentioned with approbation, and, in words, encouraged; but the affairs of government, it was said, had become so very great and numerous, that it was absolutely impossible for him, however willing he might be, to fulfil the duties of the governor or deputy of Constantinople; and therefore it was considered more advantageous to the state to allow Jeráh Páshá to retire, and appoint another able person to the deputyship. It was urged that Kásim Páshá was a man every way qualified for the high situation, and on the 8th of Jemadi II. Jeráh was informed that his further continuance in office was dispensed with, and that Kásim Páshá was appointed to succeed him.

Kásim Páshá entered on the duties of his high station with zeal and alacrity, and, along with the mufti, attended incessantly to all the variety of business which came before him, with the most consummate skill and prudence. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, on account of some impropriety which appeared in his conduct, was sent to Anatolia, and Kúrd Páshá was appointed to fill his situation in the diván.

The mufti and the new deputy took care, however, to get their own friends and favourites into comfortable and snug places, by turning others out.

Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was deposed in the month of Rabia II. and assassinated in Jemadi II. following of this current year. In consequence of there having been no vezír in the diván at the death of the late grand vezír, who was considered worthy of wearing the robes of the premier, the seals were deposited, in the meantime, in the treasury of the Soleimáníyeh. Jeráh Páshá, the deputy of Constantinople, and his successor Kásim Páshá, attended to the duties peculiar to the premier’s office till a new one was appointed, which was not long after. Yávuz Alí Páshá having been recalled from the government of Egypt, he appointed the oldest of the emírs of that province to act as his deputy, and immediately commenced his journey towards Constantinople. His near approach to that city was no sooner ascertained, than the seals of the grand vezírship were sent him by the hands of Kúlí Dilsiz, a relation of his own. This took place in Jemadi II., about the time the late grand vezír was assassinated.

_The commencement of a rupture with Persia._

This year, one thousand and twelve, is recognized in the history of the empire as a year of defection and rebellion. It was this year that the ungracious Sháh Abbás, the king of Persia, violated his engagements with the Sublime Porte, by stirring up rebellion and exercising tyranny and oppression on her frontiers. The governors and commanders on the frontier provinces had hitherto manifested the strictest obedience and good government, but now became tyrants through the influence of Persia. Neglecting the law of God and despising the commands of the emperor, they began to exercise their tyranny and oppression not only on the peasantry but even on those in power. In short, the Persians succeeded amazingly in perverting and corrupting the hitherto faithful Moslems on the frontiers.