Part 24

The following day, at an early hour, the mufti, the vezírs, the grandees, the ulemá, and others, met for consultation in the house of the ághá of the palace, and continued their deliberations in reference to the interests of religion and the benefit of the state till the hour of prayer. The grand vezír then mounted his horse and went to pay a visit to his august majesty, accompanied by the new mufti and the military judge of Anatolia, Mustafa Effendí, who, it will be remembered, was recommended by the janissaries to fill the office of the high priest. The grand vezír was preceded by a body of armed foot soldiers to the imperial palace, and after having had the honour of kissing his sovereign’s hand, the emperor entered into conversation with him and the other august persons that accompanied him about the state of public affairs. The serdár, after the above interview, returned in great pomp to the At-maidán, where the janissaries, who had met there by appointment, fired several rounds, and the cavalry went through their evolutions in token of joy for the success which had attended the grand vezír.

The mufti and the military judge, after having conversed some little while with the grand vezír, retired to their own homes.

Now that peace and good order had been established, the inhabitants came forward in multitudes to congratulate the grand vezír on his escape from the snares which had been laid for him, and to express their gratitude for his having quenched the fury of the spáhís. On this same day, in the afternoon, two messengers, one after the other, arrived, and informed the vezír that Poiráz Osmán and Ohgúz Mohammed, two of the principal leaders in the late disturbance, had been seized, and that Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of the spáhís, was conducting these two culprits into his presence. In a short time they appeared bound in chains before him: the vezír addressed them thus: “Osmán Beg, I showed you much respect and attention in the late war on the frontiers; I conferred on you offices of trust and profit, and have heaped favours upon you. Is this, then, the return you make? Is this according to your solemn promises? What can be the reason that you have acted thus? Why have you joined yourself to my enemies?” Poiráz Osmán replied; “O, exalted páshá, why do you force me to speak? I certainly did not commit the evil you impute to me in order that I should afterwards offer an apology. What has happened to me has been my lot. I have not trampled on your goodness so as to banish from my view all thoughts of providence. I feel that I am every way worthy of punishment; at the same time I humbly request you, in the exercise of your consummate benevolence, not to allow me, a guilty man, to be strangled like a woman, but kill me yourself with your sword.” “God forbid,” said the vezír in return, “that we should kill a heroic man of your stamp, especially as we know you must have been disadvantageously placed. But what,” continued the páshá, “induced you to adopt the course you have taken? I wish you to give me an explanation;” and then urged him to do so. Osmán Beg replied, “When I came to Constantinople, I perceived the spáhís going on with their mischievous purposes, but at first declined taking any share in them. Kátib Jezámí and others came running about me; and when I tried to escape them they followed me, urging me to join them. They used to tell me this and that; that the mufti, all the vezírs, the military judge, and other great men were in the plot; that they should without doubt accomplish their purpose; ‘your making yourself singular,’ they said, ‘will not retard the execution of our plan, and your obstinacy will only serve to bring evil upon yourself.’ They took me one day to the mufti’s deputy, who invited me to a splendid feast; I assembled that day with the rebels, but did not, for a while, mix with them; I was afterwards invited by Mahmúd Páshá to wait on him. I did so, and he constrained me to declare my sentiments; to say on what side I was. ‘Osmán,’ said Mahmúd, ‘we have concocted this great measure, and your not taking a decided share in it is not wise; and to oppose the general voice, you know, is not safe, especially as the conspirators have thirty thousand ducats at their disposal. Do not, my friend, make yourself obnoxious;’ and much more to the same purpose. From Mahmúd’s I was conducted to the mufti effendí, Siná-allah himself, and thence to the military judge. Each of the spiritual dignitaries employed many arguments to induce me to join them. I was at last, from what I had seen and heard, persuaded that all the men of name and power had espoused this unfortunate party’s interest, and were united in carrying it forward to a conclusion. The thirty thousand ducats were every now and then referred to. To make the story short, the devil tempted me; I became one of their number, and was one of the most active in the whole of the disturbance and insubordination which have lately manifested themselves.” This seems a very candid confession, but it helped the unfortunate culprit nothing. The grand vezír looked in the poor devil’s face with astonishment, and wondered at his statement. He ordered Aghá Mustafa to conduct the culprits into the royal presence, where the whole of the above facts were again elicited, and the result was, that the emperor ordered their heads to be severed from their bodies, which was immediately complied with. A day or two afterwards the insurgent Dipa kiz Rizván met with a similar fate; so did also Ghuzáz Alí and Burnáz Mohammed; but the infamous and wicked Kátib Jezámí could nowhere be found. Strict search for him it must, however, be confessed, was not made. It appears that he had collected a great quantity of gold together, had himself put into a coffin, and was carried over from Constantinople to Uskudár (Scutari), whence, with a few servants, he fled on horseback. His servants, falling in love with his money, however, took the opportunity, when they reached a mountainous part of the country, to murder him, and took the whole of his gold to themselves. Whilst these wretches were disputing and maliciously contending as to the mode of dividing their spoil, one of their number fled from them; and thus the story of Kátib Jezámí was made known.

Hasan Khalífeh, another of the heads of the insurgents who had been previously involved in other desperate acts, thinking himself perfectly secure, entered into coffee-houses, and spent part of the nights of the month of Ramazán in gay conversation, and in the participation of good cheer along with some of his friends in the above houses; but on the 11th night of that month, whilst enjoying his pleasure in one of these cafés, he was seized and hurried away into the presence of the emperor, when he was without mercy instantly sent to the mansions of the dead. In this way the whole of the ringleaders of the insurgents were disposed of: the world was thus delivered from their mischievous existence.

As to Gúzelcheh Mohammed Páshá, the deputy-governor of Constantinople, he fled and hid himself at the very commencement of the tumult, as before observed; but he was afterwards discovered in the habit of a súfí, near the mosque built by Hájí Khosrú, a rich man, on the outside of Constantinople. He threw himself on the mercy of the sublime Sultán, and thus escaped with his life.

New troubles, however, arose. A foundation for enmity between the spáhís and the janissaries was laid by the proceedings of the grand vezír, as before hinted. Peace and order had scarcely begun to be felt, when a dispute arose between these two powerful military bodies, and was carried on with the utmost asperity. Whenever any of the one party met any of the other, a battle uniformly took place. But it was beyond the walls of Constantinople that this hostility was most fiercely manifested. The proud vezír’s passion for murder and bloodshed continued unabated: his thirst for vengeance against the remaining objects of his hatred he never failed to satiate whenever he found an opportunity of doing so. He thought that the measure he had employed in crushing the rebellion which had been raised against himself had been completely effectual. He was proud of his own doings, and began to publish abroad in the palace of the emperor Alexander (the court of Constantinople) his own mighty deeds; and supposed he was every way such a favourite with the emperor that nothing he could ask would be refused. In this exalted state of his imagination, he passed five successive inglorious fast days in the greatest transports and joy. Having fully acquired the victory and glory which he thought necessary for himself, he began to increase his own abstemiousness and piety in a corresponding measure; but his fury and malignity for promoting the purposes of his own heart were in proportion to the good qualities he had formerly manifested. In short, he exercised violence and cruelty without restraint. He shed blood, and punished to excess; any one who was so unhappy as to displease him, however trifling the offence might have been, was certain of feeling his vengeance, and that was generally death. Without even the shadow of any rational pretext whatever, he caused one Alí Aghá, the brother-in-law of the ághá of the palace, to be strangled. The very day after this deed was committed, he went to the diván, and caused Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá to be singled out from among the senators in the diván, and ordered his head to be struck off even under the sacred roof; but for what crime he suffered death no one knew. The grand vezír, in fact, was absolute and supreme, and therefore irresistible.

Hasan Páshá, formerly mentioned, was about this time appointed to the government of Baghdád, to which he repaired.

Azím Zádeh Effendí relates, what is not at all to be wondered at in those days of mourning, that this same grand vezír had formed the design also of numbering among the slain Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been formerly governor of Constantinople, but that he had the good fortune to make his escape to Trebisond. Háfiz Páshá, the eunuch, who formerly had been káímakám of the Sublime Porte, was sent by him to the Seven Towers, and he lay there without the hope of escape. Others besides these now mentioned felt his resentment, and that too for mere trifles: for neglecting to shew him the respect he conceived to be due to him, or if he had any suspicion of their acting contrary to his views of such things.

About this same time also he began to lay his hand upon the merchants, and to extort money from them. By the advice of Yázijí Zádeh, he got the ulemá to extend his powers and privileges, by which means he exercised oppression and tyranny, cruelty and rapine, in every direction.

_Other affairs of this period._

On the 11th of Ramazán, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to take the command of the troops who had been ordered to act against the insurgents; but this appointment was again rescinded on the 25th following, and Jeghala Zádeh was fixed upon. Khosrú Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Egypt, was appointed vezír over the emperor’s private property, and was ordered to take his seat in the diván; and on the 1st of Dhu’l Kadah, he was appointed to take the command of the troops who served on the banks of the Danube. Ferhád Aghá having been deposed from the command of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, deputy of the Kapújís, was appointed in his stead. Delí Hasan, the rebel-chief, who had gone to winter at Karah-hísár, sent his deputy, Sháh Verdí, to Constantinople, to solicit pardon for all his past offences, and promising obedience in future. Through the good offices of the túrnají báshí, who had recommended to employ him on the frontiers of Romeili, where he might have an opportunity of manifesting his courage, he was too suddenly received back into favour, and the country of Bosnia was rashly conferred on him. This same túrnají báshí accompanied Hasan’s deputy back, and carried with him for the reconciled chief a drum, a flag, and a robe of honour, which the government thought proper to send him. After having dispersed his rebel troops, he passed over to Romeili about the beginning of Dhu’l Kadah, and got the command of about four hundred men. The above-mentioned túrnají báshí was also sent with a body of janissaries to the camp of Mohammed Páshá at Belgrade, who had succeeded to the grand vezír in the command of the army on the frontiers, and having left Buda, had come to Belgrade. Here he collected his troops, and waited with some anxiety for the arrival of the janissaries, whom he expected the túrnají báshí would bring with him; and also for Delí Hasan. In the month of Dhu’l Kadah, Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had succeeded Jeghala Zádeh in the east, and who had been appointed to the government of Caramania, Sivás, Merœsh, Haleb, and Adna, was appointed to conduct the war against those rebel chiefs who had continued their hostility, after Delí Hasan had reconciled himself. But when these rebels, however, did make peace, the sons of the khán of the Crimea, Salámet Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Shaher Gheráí, who had gone over to them, returned to the court of their brother, the ruling khán, when their unnatural conduct was pardoned. This took place towards the end of Dhu’l Hijja. On the 27th of the same month, the emperor was exceedingly enraged against the royal prince called Mahmúd Sultán, for some vicious conduct which had manifested itself in him. The true reason seems to have been this. One of the mesháiekh, or doctors, entered into a correspondence with Sultán Mahmúd, which flattered him with the prospect of mounting the Ottoman throne. This correspondence fell into the hands of the Kizlar Aghá, who informed the emperor of what was going on. The prince was first seized, then his mother, the sheikh or doctor, and all the other persons who were any away connected with the secret. This conduct, on the part of the persons concerned, awakened, as well it might, the suspicion of the emperor, who deemed it of so serious nature, that at the end of one month after they had been apprehended they were made to feel what they had every reason to dread. Mahmúd was a youth of great bravery and heroism. When at any time he saw his father in a thoughtful mood about the issue of the rebellion, which we have lately described, he used to say to him: “Make me commander-in-chief, and I will soon bring these rebels to submit, either by the sword or by acts of kindness: the thing is by no means difficult.” The emperor, however, did not like to hear him express himself in that way, and therefore prohibited the use of such language.

Among the strange events of this year is the following. Abd-ur-rahmán, sometimes called Nedázlí, a teacher in an academy in Constantinople, was apprehended on the 10th Jamadi II., and put to death in the royal diván on a charge of impiety and atheism. Akhí Zádeh Effendí the chief-priest of Romeili, and Asa’d Effendí the chief-priest of Anatolia, were the two judges who condemned the unhappy man. Asa’d Effendí, in a letter he sent to Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, says “he had never met in all his life such another Zendik (sadducee) as Abd-ur-rahmán. He avowed most thoroughly,” continues Asa’d Effendí, “his disbelief of the resurrection, heaven and hell, reward and punishment. I asked him to reply to several texts, and employed many strong and perspicuous arguments with the view of rescuing him from his unbelief and depravity, but he would not recant. So great an unbeliever was he, in his perverted judgment on points on which there can be no doubt! But neither was he to be considered as an insane person, for he argued strongly for his own views and mode of belief. There is no hope whatever of convincing a madman; and this sadducee, when he was not brought to repentance, deserved to die, and to this doom he was subjected. If your excellency had been here you would, with your own hands, have slain him. The world is delivered from his corrupt opinions, Muselmans from his influence, and the orthodox faith from the slanders of his tongue.”

_Concerning the operations of the new Commander-in-chief Mohammed Páshá._

Soon after the grand vezír’s return to Constantinople last year, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whom he had left in the supreme command at Buda, was appointed serdár in his room, or commander-in-chief of the whole of the Turkish forces on the frontiers.

Lálá Mohammed Páshá, as before hinted, left Buda and came to Belgrade, whence he issued orders to all the troops to assemble at his head-quarters. After these orders had been attended to, and the various troops had accordingly assembled at Belgrade, he found it would be too late in the year to wait for the arrival of the janissaries, whom the túrnají báshí was conducting to him from Constantinople, or for Delí Hasan (lately a powerful and mischievous rebel). In short, the season had already been far advanced, and therefore Mohammed Páshá returned towards Buda with the whole of his army. After crossing the bridge of Usk he encamped at a place called Kúrwah, where he received a visit from Delí Hasan Páshá, now the beglerbeg of Bosnia. When this man first came over to Romeili, under the semblance of having returned to obedience, he still cherished in his heart, notwithstanding this appearance, his old sentiments of disaffection. For some small offence which the master of the vessel in which he sailed from Anatolia had given him, he got into a rage and shot him dead. His conduct at Adrianople was still more flagrant. He collected there, by violence, an immense quantity of spoil; robbed the saddler of that place of all the furniture he had in his premises; laid a heavy contribution on the inhabitants, and did not leave the place till a certain number of _yúks_ of money had been given to him. He acted in this tyrannical way at Philippopolis, Sofia, and other cities through which he passed with his troops, amounting to ten thousand foot and horse, on his way to join the commander-in-chief. These troops had a most strange appearance. Many of them were naked-looking wretches, wearing amulets and chains about their necks; others of them had camel-bells fixed to their stirrups, and also wore amulets and chains on their backs; others were without caps or bonnets, and wore long hair like women, divided into tresses; others again had no covering for their legs. Each man of this motley crew carried a sort of spear, having a white flag about two spans long at the top. Thus arranged and accoutred, they surrounded the serdár’s tent with their matches burning in their hands, and crooked daggers stuck in their girdles. After having arranged themselves properly and being put in right order, the serdár sent one hundred and forty garments for the better sort amongst them, and cloth for as many more. Four hundred of them offered to enter the ranks of the serdár; but he replied he would see about it, and afterwards dismissed this savage-looking multitude.

His royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, who had wintered at Petcheví, made an excursion into the enemy’s dominions, but had not been so successful in the enterprize as he at first anticipated. When the commander-in-chief[11] was on his way from Buda to Belgrade he paid his royal highness a visit; but on account of some misunderstanding or other, the khán returned to his own dominions without offering, in any way, to assist the besieged in Buda, which we lately left under the command of Mohammed Páshá, afterwards appointed commander-in-chief. The enemy’s camp, below Pest, was about fifty thousand strong. They had constructed a bridge across to the island of Chíl, and occupied that island with the view of preventing boats passing with provisions to Buda.

When the army under Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had taken up its position in the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, the whole of the enemy’s guns were directed against the Moslems, who, from the necessity they were under of preparing themselves trenches, were not in a condition to act on the offensive, or even on the defensive. The Moslems appeared, even to themselves, to have been in a dilemma at this time, and did not seem to know how to conduct their military manœuvres. They were aware, at least some of their leaders were so, that if they had sent out detachments to harass the country around Pest, the enemy would not fail to take advantage of this, and come and attack them when less able to offer them effectual resistance. As the recovering of Buda was their chief object, they were unwilling to retire before they had at least supplied it with a sufficient quantity of provisions, and thus encourage the Budians to maintain their heroic resistance. The opinions of the warriors, however, were various and conflictive: one party proposed one thing, another opposed this, and a third had a new plan altogether. At length, however, now that Yemishjí Páshá was no more at their head, they resolved on constructing bridges, and attacking the enemy that had taken possession of the Chíl. This was talked over and considered. Kúchuk Osmán Aghá, Fedái Beg, ághá of the salihdárs, some emírs well acquainted with the use of small-arms, and three thousand segbáns, with ten pieces of cannon, were ordered to effect a landing on the island during the night, and raise bastions, mounds, &c. The commander of the segbáns, who acted in the room of the ághá of the janissaries, came forward, and said that he had ordered three or four thousand of the common soldiers to this service, as it was unnecessary, and even improper, he said, to employ the janissaries in a species of labour which was beneath their rank in the army. These sentiments did not sound well in the ears of those veterans who thought otherwise; they said that the success of the undertaking depended on the janissaries being employed in it. A warm discussion ensued, and every one gave his own opinion. One party proposed that Serkhúsh Ibrahím Páshá, cousin to the commander-in-chief, should conduct this expedition. This was opposed by another party, who proposed that Murád Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincial troops, should be sent. This was also rejected; and it is no wonder if the conflicting opinions which prevailed in the Moslem camp on this occasion should have proved the means of its utter ruin and destruction. From this very terrible result, however, they were saved, though at the expense of many lives.