Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659

Part 15

Chapter 153,986 wordsPublic domain

Hasan Beg Zádeh says, that when the serdár had arrived in the plains of Philippopolis he received some account of some manœuvres carried on between his royal highness the khán of the Tátárs and his predecessor, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. They had concocted a scheme prejudicial to the interests of the Ottoman empire; the result of their manœuvring, however, was fatal to Satúrjí. The serdár passed through Philippopolis and arrived in the plains of Sofia, where he halted, and sent for the ághá of the Janissaries, who was a stage or two in advance, and held a consultation with him relative to some important affairs connected with the object of the expedition. The ághá afterwards returned to his troops. The commander-in-chief, it is to be observed, however, had received injunctions from the court of Constantinople to deprive Satúrjí of his life, the execution of which was committed to the ághá above-mentioned, who was also instructed to accomplish this commission on his arrival at Belgrade, where Satúrjí then was. This said ághá made all the haste he was able; and on the 12th of Dhu’l hijja, when he reached Hisárjik, near Belgrade, the serdár, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, sent some of his ághás and other officers with their troops as far as the plains of Belgrade to meet the ághá; unconscious all the while that his head was devoted. His friend, the khán, had sent him an invitation to come to him, and even warned him of his danger, but his mind was totally indifferent to all danger; in consequence, moreover, of his having received some friendly letters which had been sent him in the name of the new serdár, though the serdár neither wrote nor sent them, he heedlessly confided himself to the very person instructed to take away his life. The ághá, to accomplish the deed, prepared a feast and invited Satúrjí and his great men to dine with him at Hisárjik. On their arrival they were individually presented with a robe, and other tokens of respect which were conferred on them. Whilst they were thus cheered and elated by the kindness of their host, and harbouring no suspicion in their minds, this very host suddenly drew out of his pocket the royal document or rather death-warrant, and caused his soldiers, who were in readiness to obey, to slay the whole of his guests in cold blood. Thus ended the unfortunate and afflicted life of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The cheerful feast became to him and his associates the feast of death. His lieutenant, Ibrahím, was sick, and did not accompany his superior; and when he learned his fate, he went on board a vessel with Satúrjí’s khatíb, his friend, and put himself under the protection of his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea. He so terrified the khán with the horrible stories he related to him, that he resolved on setting out for his own country, and was only prevented from doing so by some of his own mirzás, who were not so easily alarmed.

In the meantime the commander-in-chief continued his march towards Belgrade; and when he arrived at Batchina a messenger from the ághá met him and informed him of the fate of Satúrjí. His whole property, and that of his lieutenant, were seized and registered; at the same time orders were also given to take possession of Etmekjí Zádeh’s property, who was still at Belgrade, in order that that, as well as the property of the other two, might be examined. On the 17th of Dhu’l hijja the grand vezír and commander-in-chief reached the plains of Belgrade.

Etmekjí Zádeh, who, we have seen, was ordered to be imprisoned and his property confiscated, lay without hope at this very time in prison at Belgrade; but some who were well acquainted with the state of affairs, and the necessities of the army in regard to their being properly supplied with every thing requisite for their expedition into the enemy’s country, as well as Etmekjí Zádeh’s fitness for this and similar objects, obtained his release, and had him reinstated in his former office. By the vigilance which he manifested in the discharge of his duty he afforded no ground of uneasiness or discontent to the Moslem troops, as he had done in the late campaign. He took good care that the treasury and other departments under his inspection and management were properly attended to.

The grand vezír remained at Belgrade till about the end of the month last-mentioned (Dhu’l hijja), and saw that all the magazines and storehouses were well filled with all sorts of provisions: he also put a number of boats into a state of preparation.

_Strange conduct of the new Grand Vezír Ibrahím Páshá._

It is related by Alája Mohammed Aghá that he himself, at the time Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was killed, was present with Ibrahím Páshá when on his way to Belgrade. His words are: “I was present in an assembly, called together by the Páshá, when it was announced that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was murdered. The Páshá fell into a great rage, and asked furiously who had brought the intelligence. ‘It is false: it is totally without foundation,’ said he, and then again asked the person who announced it: ‘whence and from whom have you received this story?’ When the informer was about to say that he had been a witness to the deed, the commander-in-chief broke out again in a furious rage and said: ‘behold, this infidel utters falsehood in our presence; by the head of the emperor, if this story turns out to be false you shall be punished with death.’ After having thus exhausted his fury upon the informer, he turned to the persons who composed the assembly, and thus addressed them: ‘Muselmans, what an unlikely story is this! That an ághá of the Janissaries should be guilty of the murder of so celebrated a vezír as Satúrjí, without the emperor’s permission and unknown to me, is unworthy of a moment’s belief: it is false.’ So great, indeed, was the rage into which he put himself, that he actually foamed at the mouth like a rabid animal.” The same historian goes on to say, that at this time he stood before him, and on the páshá’s beckoning to him to approach him he obeyed. “Go,” said the grand vezír, “and whereever you find Etmekjí Zádeh take him to your tent and make him your prisoner.” The narrator adds: “I immediately went in search of him and found him in the tent of the ketkhodá. On asking him to accompany me he got up, and we talked together till we arrived at my tent, when I invited him to step in. He immediately appeared confused”—for this Alája Mohammed Aghá was the chief executioner—“and asked the reason of his inviting him into his tent. On informing him of the nature of the firmán which had been sent to me regarding him, he instantly sent a person to inform the ketkhodá of what had happened to him. The ketkhodá got into a violent passion at the conduct of the ághá, and went directly to the serdár and complained of him. The serdár swore he knew nothing of the matter, and said it was false. ‘What is the ághá of a regiment,’ said he, ‘that he should, without my permission, be so bold as to put a defterdár into confinement;’ and many more words to the same effect. He then called the ághá, asked him if he had done so and so, and by whose authority he had so acted; and turning to the members of his diván, said: ‘look, ye members of the diván, what times have appeared, that an ághá of a regiment, without right or necessity, should take it upon him to imprison a public functionary of so high rank as that of Etmekjí Zádeh! I will certainly have him slain.’ After having thus poured contumely on the poor ághá, he looked him in the face, and exclaimed: ‘you infidel;’ then pressed his thumb in the palm of his hand, and ordered him to be conveyed to prison: but he soon caused him to be released again.” The same narrator says, there was no end to the strange, deceitful, and injurious actions of which this ághá was guilty. Etmekjí Zádeh found opportunity afterwards, however, of getting the aforesaid ághá examined; his property, even to his bed, sold, and himself degraded in the public estimation.

_Some other events of this year._

By some delusion of the devil, a fellow, under the pretext that he was Sultán Soleimán, son of Selím II., who had been put to death, began to exercise royal authority in one or two cities and villages in the neighbourhood of Constantinople; but he was seized, his head cut off, and his miserable body suspended from a tree.

This year, in the month of Rabia II., five French galleys, laden with troops and military stores, entered by mistake into the harbour of the island of Scio, and overpowered the garrison of that place. In consequence of a strong gale of wind, however, these galleys were driven from their moorings, and finally out to sea. Four hundred Frenchmen were thus left upon the island, and these the inhabitants, after the galleys had disappeared, slew with the edge of the sword.

In the month of Ramazán the emperor of Túrán (Scythia), Abdulkhán, by means of his superior army took possession of the kingdom of Khorasán, but was soon afterwards called to visit the world of spirits, when his son Abdulmo’min reigned in his stead. The Usbek Tátárs not having been satisfied with his administration, however, murdered him, and called Núrud-dín Mohammed Khán, surnamed _Telún Khán_, to the government of Túrán and Khorasán.

This same year also, the sháh of Persia, Sháh Abbás, marched his forces against him into Khorasán, and slew him at Herat. He subdued also the whole of that province, which contained twenty-four places of strength. Under a show of justice, and of fidelity to the Ottoman court, he sent an embassy to Constantinople, making an offer of them as a present to the emperor.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1008. H.

_Account of Ibrahím Páshá’s further operations._

In the beginning of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year) the commander-in-chief Ibrahím Páshá, after having given orders respecting all the boats and vessels at Belgrade, marched forward in the utmost haste to the plains of Zimnún, where he encamped. On the 18th he reached Usk, where he remained nearly a whole week. On the 24th he crossed the bridge of that place, and reached the plains of Mehaj on the 27th. Here he was joined by Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and by Alí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Rika. On the 29th the serdár reviewed his army.

His royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, having been much afflicted in consequence of the death of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and having been also very much perplexed on account of the share he had had in his affairs, did not, on this occasion, join the grand army with his auxiliary Tátárs. The fear he had entertained on this score, as well as on account of some other parts of his conduct, strongly inclined him to retire to his own country, lest he should be incarcerated, and thus meet a fate similar to that which his late coadjutor, Satúrjí, had met. In this moment of perplexity and doubt his mind was completely relieved by the sight of handsome presents, which were brought him by Ahmed Páshá, of Michaelej, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and by the ághá of the Salihdárs, who also, with great deference and respect, invited him to join the grand army.

After a week’s halt at Mehaj, the grand army, on the 7th of Sefer, moved forward to Banús, and were there met by Bálukjí Zádeh Mustafa, accompanied by a messenger from Transylvania. On the 11th, the army encamped at the head of a lake near the banks of the Danube, where the commander-in-chief was apprized by letters from his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, that the court of Vienna had sent him proposals of peace. On the 21st he encamped in the plains of Ján Kúturán. On this day (about the 19th of August) commenced the season of autumn. On the fourth day after the above date, his royal highness reached the opposite shores of the Danube, when his excellency the commander-in-chief stepped into a boat and crossed over to pay him his respects. At this stage, two pieces of cannon, which had been abandoned by the enemy, were brought to the royal camp by the warriors of Alba Julia. On the 27th, the army encamped with great eclat in the plains of Kiris Elias, near Buda, and the Tátár army went to Pest, which lies on the other side of the Danube. The navy which was ordered from Belgrade also arrived. The inhabitants of Buda were inspired with courage and joy at the sight of such an army and fleet as those which now presented themselves before them. The beglerbeg of Buda having also arrived with provisions from Kupán, orders were issued that same day for commencing a bridge across the Danube. For accomplishing this object, a considerable body of men were sent to Kizil-hisár to cut down trees. Orders were also issued to put the grain and flour which had arrived into granaries in Buda. The bridge above-mentioned was finished in four days, and the grand army passed over to Pest. The serdár crossed over on the 7th of Rabia II., having previously formed the resolution of attacking the contemptible infidels, who happened to be posted at Jegirdilin, opposite to Osterghún. On the same day, a beautiful horse, with rich furniture, a splendidly ornamented dagger, and a number of other costly presents, were sent to his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea. On the same day also, Jánbúlád Zádeh Hasan Páshá joined the royal camp with the troops under his command. On the 10th of the month, the grand army reached Amrúdlí. But the infidels of Wáj set fire to this place during the night, and fled. On the 21st, whilst the grand army remained encamped in the vicinity of Wáj, messengers arrived from the enemy’s camp, proposing that the Moslem grand army should postpone any further movement for the space of three days, in order to bring about, if possible, a pacification. When the third day arrived, the messenger waited first on the khán, and afterwards on the serdár, when Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, belonging to his royal highness the khán, and Mohammed Ketkhodá were appointed commissioners, and ordered to proceed to the enemy’s camp or tábúr, and negociate a peace. They returned, however, in two days afterwards without having accomplished any thing; and the Moslem army, without any further delay, put themselves again in motion, passed under Novograde, situate on a hill, without having sustained the least injury from the cannon of that fortress; and arriving at a new palanka near Waragil, on the banks of the Danube, opposite Vishégrade, they found it deserted by the enemy’s troops who had held it in possession. The inhabitants endeavoured to escape, but were all either killed or made prisoners. This palanka was surrounded on three sides with a morass: the whole of its cannon and powder fell into the hands of the Moslems, who set fire to the place and burned it to the ground. Waragil, on the following day, was evacuated, in like manner, and burned: nothing but the badness of the roads saved the infidels of Waragil from experiencing the fate of those of the palanka.

By this time, the infidel army discovered, as they thought, that the Moslems meditated an attack on them about the 20th, and conjecturing they would endeavour to cross by the two bridges which they had erected below Osterghún, they stationed some of their bravest men in that quarter, in order to resist them. The serdár, however, pursued the plan he had first formed, and without a moment of unnecessary delay, made towards Jegirdilin, where a considerable number of the enemy was concentrated. Mohammed Khetkhodá thought it would be more advisable to postpone any attack on the enemy for a day or so, and the khán was of a similar opinion. The serdár, therefore, delayed; but on the 22nd he entered with his grand army the plains of Jegirdilin, which so terrified the infidels that they quickly crossed the river and concentrated themselves somewhere below Jegirdilin, but found that the two bridges which had been erected there had been cut down. A number of sick men whom they had left behind were all put to the sword: the grand army advanced upon Osterghún.

In order to deceive the Moslems, and to retard their progress, the project of negociating a peace was again had recourse to. The serdár having received letters to this effect, he appointed Murád Páshá, Mohammed Khetkhodá, and Ahmed Aghá to proceed to the head-quarters of the enemy and negociate with the Archduke Matthias, the Palfi, and the Groof. The Moslem commissioners laboured to get Agria exchanged for Osterghún, but their proposals were received with coldness, and insurmountable objections started, so that the Moslem commissioners had to return without accomplishing any thing. Both parties, indeed, withdrew from the conference, and the enemy retired to Komran.

The commander-in-chief, in a council of the khán’s omerá, determined, in consequence of the royal firmán for carrying on the war this year having restricted him to a depredatory mode of warfare, on putting this method into execution. Accordingly, he sent off a number of warlike troops along with a Tátár army into the enemy’s territories, to destroy and seize what they could.

On the 2nd of Rabia II. the army crossed the rivers Abyúl and Warad, and on the 5th reached the lake of Segmehal, near Uiwar. The predatory army before-mentioned succeeded in making a number of captives, and seizing some cattle, but by no means to the extent so powerful an army was expected to have done. Whilst the serdár remained at Segmehal, the beglerbegs went to Uiwar, and there learned for certain that the enemy had retired to Komran.

As the winter was setting in, the ághás of the regiments were put in mind of this, and instructed to return home. In the Nokhbeh Tarikh it is said, the grand army returned on the 28th of Rabia II. to Jegirdilin, passed by Filk and Khutván, and arrived at Pest on the 6th of Rabia II., when each hired soldier received, in lieu of provisions, two pieces of gold. On the 14th they reached Buda, when his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Tátárs of the Crimea, took his leave, and set out for his own dominions. The exalted commander-in-chief did all he could to dissuade him, but in vain. His royal highness was certainly not well pleased, and when he was urged to remain he replied, that the time for the Tátár army to retire had arrived; and accordingly he set off. It does not appear that there was any particular intimacy between the khán and the serdár, though the latter was not wanting either in politeness or attention. The fact is (for what reason does not appear), that the khán was never once pleasant, nor even showed an agreeable countenance. He never once entered the serdár’s tent, and their intercourse, for the most part, was on horseback.

The grand army, after passing through Geshgæmida, Sonbúr, and Baj, arrived on the 22nd at a place opposite to Fúidwar, where they were met by kapújís from Constantinople, who brought the serdár intelligence of the death of the learned and reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, and of the appointment of Sinán Effendí in his stead; also that Yúsuf Páshá, whilst conducting back the boats and vessels to Belgrade, had been attacked by a party of the enemy, in which struggle Yúsuf Páshá fell to rise no more. On the 25th the army reached Agria, of deceitful name,[6] where they halted a few days to thwart any further mischievous purpose which the enemy might have against their boats. It began to be reported that the odious Michael had subdued the whole of Transylvania. On the 29th letters were brought to the serdár which confirmed this report. On the 3rd of Jemadi II. the serdár crossed the bridge of Waradin, at which place he caused the household troops to be paid their wages. On the 7th he reached the plains of Belgrade. Here the ághá of the janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, took his leave of the serdár and departed for the metropolis. The troops of Anatolia and the rest of the army were allowed to go into winter quarters at Belgrade.

By the good providence of God the army, notwithstanding the great heat and droughts, returned without having sustained any particular hardships in this campaign.

_The French soldiers stationed at Papa join the Osmánlís._

About three thousand of the French troops who had been sent to assist the Germans against the Osmánlís, were appointed to garrison the fortress of Papa. Having been in this fortress for about a whole year, and having received no wages for the service which they had rendered, they quarrelled with the Hungarian soldiers of that place, had frequent sharp skirmishes with them, and at last slew them. On this account they applied to Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, who was at Buda, and offered to deliver up Papa to him if he would agree to pay them the wages which were due to them. They made a similar application to Dervísh Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, and who was stationed at Alba Julia. Mohammed Páshá complied with the request of these Frenchmen, and sent his lieutenant, Abdí Aghá, with four hundred men, and also the beg of Alba Julia, Arnáúd Hasan Páshá, with his troops to support the above renegadoes against all who came against them, and to avenge the death of their brethren. The Moslem aid which was thus sent them did it effectually; for they slew all who came to oppose them, carried away with them all their wives and children, and distributed them for slaves among those of the troops who had been most active. Three of the most respectable and most honourable of these captives they sent, under the charge of Hasan Páshá, to Belgrade. In the meantime a statement of the amount of wages due to the Frenchmen by the Austrian government, and which amounted to fifty thousand pieces of gold, and for which they had stipulated to deliver up Papa to the Osmánlís, was sent off to Constantinople without any unnecessary delay. The government readily agreed to the proposal; but before the money could be sent to them, the Germans surrounded Papa with cannon and soldiers, so that, in fact, neither the money nor any thing else could be sent to them. The poor Franks remained more than a month in this besieged condition, and thinking it hopeless to wait any time longer in this state of suspense and danger, they, under covert of the night, secretly left the fortress, and tried to escape to the mountains near Alba Julia, about six leagues distant. Not being acquainted with the road, they were soon overtaken by German and Hungarian soldiers, who slew the greater part of them. Nevertheless, five or six hundred of them, who escaped falling into the hands of their pursuers, eventually found their way to Alba Julia in a very weak and wounded condition. Five hundred of them remained at Alba Julia, and the remainder went or were sent to the serdár or commander-in-chief. This account of the Frenchmen of Papa is taken from the Fezliké, but Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír relate the story somewhat differently.