Part 14

These sad and unwelcome messengers astonished and confounded the afflicted serdár and his suffering army by the intelligence they brought him. But his misfortunes were only increasing. The very adverse circumstances in which the Moslem army were placed, and the advance of the enemy against Buda, afforded a favourable opportunity to the treacherous Michael, of cursed memory, to cross the Danube, to attack the vezír Háfiz in Nicopolis, causing him to seek his safety in flight; and to commit the most dreadful depredations. This information became no sooner public, and its truth confirmed, than it increased, of course, the embarrassments of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief. But they had still to increase: Tata, Besperim, and Papa also fell into the hands of the hateful infidel enemy. These things were more than sufficient to confound all judgment. They were awful, terrible, and afflictive beyond expression: nevertheless, the serdár still bore up under all the misfortunes of the campaign. He determined, notwithstanding his perilous condition, to afford what aid he could to the quarter above mentioned. Yet in a council afterwards held, and in which the khán and the other magnates of the army were consulted, the difficulty of sending foot soldiers became quite apparent. Not only the distance but the difficulty which such troops would have to encounter in crossing rivers like seas, the Danube, and the Tise (Tibiscus), was clearly discerned to be beyond the power of any but horsemen to accomplish. It was therefore agreed that a party of some thousands of the Tátár rangers should be despatched without any further delay as far as Pest, where they were to spread a report that the khán and the serdár would soon appear with their respective troops, and afford them effectual aid. This measure, it was conjectured, would have the effect of strengthening such as had not fallen into the hands of their enemy, and of discouraging, if possible, the latter. The Tátár detachment proceeded.

In the meantime, the commander-in-chief was still looking in vain for the arrival of the cannon from Agria. But, alas! he was disappointed. Súfí Sinán Páshá arrived in the camp empty-handed. On being interrogated why he did not send the ten pieces of cannon as commanded, he returned for answer the senseless excuse, that no buffaloes could be had to transport them. It can easily be imagined what was the grief and affliction of the Moslem army, but it cannot be described. The whole of the provisions which they had been able to find in the vicinity of Warad was consumed, and the Tátárs were obliged to bring from a great distance to the camp what flour or grain they were able to find. A keil (measure) of barley was sold from three to five pieces of gold.

The serdár, it must be acknowledged, was the cause of the long delay of the Moslem army before Warad, and of course, at least in some degree, of the evils to which they had been subjected. We have already observed how he refused to allow the Tátárs to go on a predatory excursion through the country, saying he hoped God would give him the victory in a day or two. He was miserably mistaken in his hopes, and accomplished nothing; at least nothing good, as we have seen. The weather now became so very cold that the men could keep neither hands nor feet warm. Perceiving, therefore, that Warad was not to be subdued by the means which he possessed, and as he had caused it to be reported about Pest that he had raised the siege and had gone to Solnuk with the view of succouring Buda, the serdár began to retreat. In consequence, however, of the rivulets every where having swollen into rivers from the late rains, the páshá of Temiswar, Ismael Páshá, was instructed to advance and erect bridges for the army; but he did not erect even one; the army had therefore, in consequence of this neglect, to do the best they could. They crossed no fewer than twelve rivers, three of which, however, had bridges over them, of the above description, by means of rafts, and underwent immense difficulty and danger at every one which they crossed. Numberless poor animals perished in these waters, and the troops suffered most severely from the cold. The flour which they carried along with them was spoiled and caused disease among the men, and they were therefore obliged to throw it away. Their three pieces of ordnance they succeeded in getting across these rivers by means of strong ropes, and Khoja Murád Páshá, who was beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, and Súfí Sinán Páshá, in order to encourage the troops, put their own necks into yokes, and helped to drag them onwards. The distance between Warad and Gula was about three days’ journey, but required twelve days on this occasion to accomplish it, during the whole of which time they suffered a thousand difficulties. Hundreds of men were left on the road by reason of the cold or hunger, or sunk into the mud.

The army was met by Iskander Beg, who was afterwards created páshá, and the ketkhodá of Teryákí, Hasan Páshá, in the plains of Gula, who confirmed the intelligence they formerly had received that Besperim, Polata, and Tata had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and earnestly requested the serdár to send off, as soon as possible, what succours he was able to the aid of those places which had been enabled still to hold out. The serdár gave him fine promises and sent him away next morning.

The army moved from Gula (Julia) to Solnuk. At both these places they were obliged to pay a piece of gold for a loaf of bread. They expected that at the latter place, where they halted a whole day, boats with provisions would have been waiting for them; but in this also they were grievously disappointed. When the troops saw that no boats with provisions had arrived by the river Tise (Tibiscus), they were roused into rage and commenced a tumult. Some of the Janissaries rushed upon the serdár’s tent and pulled it down about his head. Each of them had taken a piece of wood in his hand, with which they so belaboured the poor commander-in-chief that he lay half murdered. They broke his skull with their bludgeons and his arm with a stone, and afterwards commenced the work of spoliation in his kitchen. It is certain that if some of the other officers had not come to his assistance, they would have cut him to pieces. The tent of the treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, shared the same fate: it was not only thrown down but robbed, and he himself only escaped with his life, which was entirely owing to the intervention of some of their superiors. They now abandoned the idea of proceeding to Buda. Towards evening the serdár was seen stepping round the tents, and seemed as if afraid and ashamed to enter his own.

In consequence of all these disastrous events and distressing circumstances, the strong fortress of Buda was committed to God, and the Moslem army marched towards Segdin. Here they fortunately fell in with a number of boats loaded with provisions on the Tise, when a distribution of provisions immediately took place, which refreshed and recruited the much-weakened strength of the army, at least in some degree.

The accounts of the burning and destroying of the city or suburbs of Buda, and all the evils which befell its inhabitants, must be reserved to a future chapter. In the mean time, however, the unfortunate serdár, pressed down and grieved with the misfortunes which had befallen his orthodox army, became quite changed in his constitution. His soul was vexed within him: his body became poor and lean; and in this broken-down condition he retired to Belgrade. His royal highness, the khán of the Crimea, went to Sonbúr, and his troops went into winter-quarters in the sanják of Segdin. The beglerbeg of Romeili was sent with his provincials to the sanják of Petcheví. The Janissaries and other troops, after having been paid their arrears, were also sent into winter quarters. The money necessary for paying these arrears had to be borrowed from the rich men and merchants of Belgrade.

These arrangements were no sooner over than a very heavy fall of snow fell, and a most intense cold commenced.

Thus ended this unfortunate campaign. No advantage was gained, but much loss was sustained.

_Concerning the fall of Besperim, Polata, Tata, and the siege of Buda._

At the time it was first determined to carry the war into Transylvania, the five thousand cavalry and the twelve thousand foot soldiers, sent last year from Europe to Maximilian, the commander-in-chief of the infidels, and an army of more than sixty thousand foot and horse soldiers, composed of Germans, Hungarians, and other nations, under Maximilian’s brother, the archduke Mathias, assembled near Yanuk, and resolved on aiding and supporting the prince of Transylvania. When the Moslem serdár, however, laid siege to Warad, as before mentioned, the prince of Transylvania retired to the mountains, and there fortified himself among inaccessible rocks. On this account the imperial troops were not so necessary, at least such a powerful augmentation as that above alluded to; therefore when the enemy perceived that Buda was left in a defenceless state in consequence of the expedition which had entered Transylvania, they immediately marched against that place. This was the most proper time, said they to themselves, to endeavour to take Buda; and though they should not happen to be successful in the attempt, yet they would at least effect a manœuvre in favour of Warad, and thus save it from the grasp of the Moslems, who had now commenced laying siege to it.

These mighty hosts of the enemy on their way to Buda reduced the fortresses of Besperim, Polata, Papa, and Tata, all of them places of strength which belonged to the Ottoman empire; and in Rabia II. they encamped before Old Buda with more than forty pieces of ordnance and other apparatus of war. The greater number of the enemy’s troops was transported thence in boats on the Danube to Buda itself, to which they laid siege in this same month. After a few days of hostile operation they laid the walls of the city even with the ground. When they had accomplished this they commenced attacking the citadel both from the land and water at the same time. On the seventh day of the siege the bloody contest was renewed at sun-rise, and continued till the going down of the same. The beglerbeg of Merœsh, Sinán Páshá, and the ex-beglerbeg of Papa, Semender Páshá, who had come from Alba Julia to aid the Budians; these two heroes from among the besieged died martyrs on this day of unparalleled cruelty and blood. Teryákí Hasan Páshá, governor of Bosnia, and Mohammed Beg, beg of Semendria, were wounded; and many others whose days were numbered fell by the hands of these infidels.

This numerous host of vile idolators continued their attacks unremittingly, and maintained a continual brisk fire, which so completely annoyed the besieged that they found themselves necessitated to give way and retire from the city, and seek shelter in the inner fortress. This movement they accomplished during the night season, but by doing so they left the city entirely naked and defenceless. The following morning the infidels occupied the vacant city, and with all imaginable speed erected their forty pieces of heavy ordnance on batteries against the inner fortress, and commenced directing more than one thousand shots per day against it, besides the springing of numerous mines. Night and day this machinery was employed without interruption, and every other effort they could devise, in trying to reduce the inner fortress. The besieged, however, held out manfully. The place had been previously strengthened and put in a condition of defence; but they sent off one messenger after another with letters to the serdár and to the khán, when lying before Warad, calling on them to come to their aid; and assuring them if they did not come, Buda would fall a prey to the enemy. But the serdár was unable to afford them the relief they required. With part of their forces they lay before Warad, and the rest had scattered themselves through the country. However, the khán sent them a chosen body of about seven thousand Tátárs under the command of Shubá Mirzá. These were soon followed by Bektásh Páshá, governor of Agria, with his Agrian troops; and these again by two Tátár sultáns, with twenty thousand Tátár troops, which his royal highness had succeeded in collecting for the same purpose. Kalkái Selámet Gheráí, the brother of the khán, who had just at that time returned from a plundering excursion, was likewise sent forward to Buda with the party under his command, and which amounted to several thousands. The beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, succeeded to the beglerbegship of Sinán Páshá, who perished in the siege of the city as before observed; and Soleimán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temiswar, who was at that time in the Moslem camp along with the serdár, succeeded to the beglerbegship of Buda. This last, and a few hundred chosen veterans, besides seven Sanjak begs, set out for Buda, which, by the time they had reached it, had been forty days exposed to the efforts of the infidels. It was the opinion of the acting commander-in-chief in Buda, Ahmed Páshá, that it would be impossible for them to maintain Buda, and, at the same time, protect Pest; he recommended, therefore, that the garrison and people in Pest should join the besieged in Buda.

Whilst this imprudent project was in contemplation, the beg of Solnuk, commonly called the _Earless_ Osmán Beg, a chief who had formerly manifested a variety of heroic deeds at Timúr-kapú, reached Buda with a valiant band of borderers from Solnuk in sufficient time to frustrate the proposed project. Taking some of the men of Pest along with him, he hastened towards Buda; forwarded a number of cannon; the other troops formerly mentioned joined him: and, on his appearing with this accumulated army before the citadel of Buda, the troops within it were encouraged to come forth and receive their deliverers. All these together formed a very considerable army, and were now in a condition to cope with their enemies. Accordingly they were not long in employing the force they had thus mustered, and with one consent attacked their bitter foe with such vigour and resolution that they soon forced them to raise the siege and to retire. Before they were expelled the city, however, they burned and destroyed its temples and mosques, large buildings, and public streets; and then withdrew to the valley of Wáj.

Thus, God Almighty saved the fortress of Buda from the hand of malice and injustice.

_Khádem Háfiz Ahmed Páshá routed at Nicopolis by the odious Michael._

Háfiz Ahmed Páshá having been appointed to guard the banks of the Danube, made Widin his head-quarters. Ramazán Zádeh, the governor of Adna, who had been appointed along with him to the same service, removed from Widin in Rabia II. of this same year, and went along with a number of Sanjak begs towards Rusjuk and Selistria, places within the jurisdiction allotted to them, but stopped at a place not far from Nicopolis, called the plains of Sinadin.

When the odious and hateful Michael had learned that an expedition had been sent into Transylvania, he feigned to have repented of all his wicked deeds, and retired from public view. But he no sooner heard of the fate of that expedition than he again began to exercise his cunning to the prejudice of the Osmánlís. Accordingly, he sent a messenger, a despicable wretch called Dimoo, to crave in the most humble and abject manner conditions of peace from Háfiz Páshá. The deceitful messenger had no sooner found access to the Páshá, and told the purport of his errand, than he granted permission to the odious wretch Michael to come and prostrate himself before him.

On that same day, the Páshá was employed in fitting up and adorning his tents on the banks of the Danube, but ordered a boat to be held in readiness for conveying Michael across when he arrived. Soon after the deception had thus far succeeded, a number of waggons covered over with scarlet cloth appeared at some little distance from the Páshá’s camp, which the fraudulent messenger when interrogated concerning them said were waggons conveying presents and treasures to the Páshá.

Whilst the Páshá and his men stood contemplating the loaded waggons as they approached nearer, and suspecting no danger, suddenly a body of troops made their appearance, and fell upon the astonished gazers without allowing them a moment’s warning for self-defence. These were Michael’s troops, and they amounted to more than twenty thousand, whilst those under the command of Háfiz did not exceed three thousand, and most of them, at that moment, were without any sort of defensive weapon whatever. The waggons which were said to have been conveying treasures and presents to the Páshá, turned out to be cannon which they carried. The Moslems finding themselves thus miserably duped, and seeing they were unable to resist such a force, had no alternative left them but either to perish by the hands of these barbarians, or to seek their safety in flight. This last appeared the most advisable, and they endeavoured to accomplish it. The Páshá, in a state of madness, mounted his horse, and all who were fortunate enough escaped to Maternevi. Alas, many of the followers of Mohammed fell martyrs on that sad day. The whole of their property and wealth fell into the hands of Michael the apostate, and of those wretches who followed him.

The odious Michael, after having gained the advantage in the manner above described, marched on Nicopolis, and laid siege to it; but he was at length repelled. The struggle between the besiegers and the besieged lasted twenty days, but the barbarians were at last obliged to retire without having effected their purpose, and went towards Bekrish.

The unfortunate Páshá, like the rest of his men, lost all he had. It has been said that some of Michael’s men brought him the garments and shash which Háfiz usually wore, and that in derision of the Páshá he put them on a decrepid old woman, whom he presented, thus dressed, before his men, telling them, that he had caught the Moslem Páshá, and thus excited their mirth at the poor Páshá’s expence.

The Páshá, however, made his way to Nicopolis, and repaired the breaches which had been effected by Michael on that fortress. When on the point of going into winter-quarters at Hazargrade, he received information from the court of Constantinople that he was succeeded in the command on the banks of the Danube by the fourth vezír, Mahmúd Páshá. He accordingly returned to the metropolis about the middle of Jemadi II., and was honoured with the dignity and office of fourth vezír in room of Mahmúd.

_The grand Vezírship conferred a third time on Ibrahím Páshá._

When the want of that success which had attended the late campaign had been fully considered, and that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had effected no good, or had acquired no advantage whatever, but, on the contrary, had been the cause of much evil; that it was owing to his want of military skill that Buda was allowed to be laid siege to, and in a great measure destroyed; and, in short, that it was to him and to the grand vezír, Jeráh Páshá’s, mismanagement, conjointly, the whole of the misfortunes which befell the orthodox troops during the late campaign were to be attributed, it was considered wise to remove both from their respective offices. Ibrahím Páshá, though more than once deposed from the grand vezírship, was yet considered a man of great talent and strength of mind, fully competent to fulfil the duties of the premiership, and at the same time those of commander-in-chief. He was therefore again created grand vezír, and the seals were accordingly sent to him. This appointment took place on the 9th of Jemadi II. Jeráh Páshá was sick when this resolution passed, and did not of course attend the diván on that occasion. He was, however, carried to the palace of the chancellor, where the accusation against him was read to him, and he was informed, pro formâ, that he was deposed.

Four months after Ibrahím’s appointment to the premiership, it was determined that he should assume the office of commander-in-chief also, and proceed to Hungary. Kapúdán Khalíl Páshá, the káímakám, and Jeghala Zádeh, Sinán Páshá, the second kapúdán, attended to the necessary arrangements for the new army, which the grand vezír and commander-in-chief was to conduct to Hungary. This new army left Constantinople on the 27th of Shevál. Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, ághá of the Janissaries, commanded six divisions of the household troops: the victorious banners were unfurled, and a declaration of war was immediately issued.

Hasan Beg Zádeh informs us in his history that the winter was so excessively cold when Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the late commander-in-chief, commenced his journey back, that it was with great difficulty he was enabled to reach Constantinople. On his arrival there, he found Ibrahím Páshá firmly installed in the office of grand vezír, and busily employed in the discharge of the duties of that high and important station. It was said, however, that in consequence of the asylum of the world having hesitated about advancing from the home treasury the necessary supply of money required for carrying on the war, the noble commander-in-chief delayed his departure for some time; and that, as a last resource, he had applied to the emperor’s spiritual guide in the most earnest manner to get his master to grant the supply required. The reverend effendí, in the greatest haste, and under the pretext of calling a council, wrote to all the great men to meet, and to them he made a representation of the urgency of the commander-in-chief’s demand. The empress-mother also lent her aid, and the thing at last was agreed to. Borhán Effendí was appointed defterdár to the army: Lám Alí Chelebí defterdár to the governor of Constantinople: Okjí Zádeh was made secretary: and Mudehí Chelebí was appointed Reïs-ul-ketáb. Other appointments also took place. The all potent commander-in-chief and the ághá of the Janissaries proceeded on their march towards the seat of war. On reaching Selivría, Abúlsa’úd Zádeh Effendí died, and the Muftí Effendí, through the intercession of the father of the emperor’s principal eunuch, was appointed to the presidency of Romeili; the grand vezír had, however, appointed before this Ma’súm Effendí to the same office. Músá Chelebí, son of Mohammed Effendí, was deposed from the office of high treasurer, and Borhán was appointed in his stead. The latter, after having provided for the army as far as Adrianople, returned to the metropolis. The ághá of the Janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, separated from the grand army at Chatalija, and marched his troops by way of Kirk Kilis to Belgrade.

_Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá murdered. Etmekjí Zádeh imprisoned._

Ibrahím Páshá, on his journey to Hungary, reached Adrianople in the space of twelve days after his departure from Constantinople, whither Etmekjí Zádeh Mohammed Páshá, who had been degraded from the office of treasurer, which he held during the last war, had also come, but who kept himself concealed. By means of Ibrahím’s lieutenant, Mohammed Ketkhodá, he was introduced to the serdár or commander-in-chief, and by means of large presents he got himself appointed high treasurer in room of Borhán, whom the serdár contrived to send to Uskúb. But this, however, was only the affair of a month; for a royal letter soon arrived which ordered him to be apprehended and the whole of his property to be confiscated. This order was issued in consequence of a report which had been sent to his majesty respecting his conduct and demerit; and the result would have been equally the same some time before it did take place, had it not been secretly delayed for awhile.