Part 13

The wooden mortars or guns above alluded to were something in the form of a cannon—large mortars made of bronze, and surrounded by five or six iron rings on the outside. Each mortar had two ears of the same metal with itself, and the whole piece or apparatus was placed in a wooden frame or case about as large as a small mat or carpet (about the size of a hearthrug) and four or five fingers thick, and in which these ears were fixed. The point of the mortar was seen outside of the frame, and when it was charged with powder a circular plate was firmly fixed to its mouth by ropes or straps. These mortars were placed on two-wheeled carriages, which were provided with a long rod or pole behind them to prevent the wheels or carriage, when the mortars were discharged, from diverging from the proper line. Such were the instruments employed on the above occasion.

_The Moslems determine on attacking Warad._

When the winter season was nearly over, and the approach of spring at hand, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had taken up his winter quarters in Belgrade, and still retained the office of commander-in-chief, though in the last campaign he had accomplished nothing of importance, but permitted Yanuk to fall, and who seemed pleased with the apology which the Tátár khán thought proper to offer for his negligence, determined on renewing hostilities as soon as the season should permit. Accordingly every preparation necessary for the undertaking was seen to, and his camp was soon pitched in the plains of Belgrade. A great quantity of money and of troops were on this occasion ordered to be sent to him.

In a council held at Constantinople it was declared, by persons well acquainted with the state and condition of the frontiers, that the fortresses of Lipa, Yanwa, Warad, and Jena, in the jurisdiction of Temiswar, had been seized on by the enemy, and that if active measures were not timely adopted, Temiswar would most assuredly be wrested also from the Moslem grasp.

Whilst the council was employed in consulting about these matters, official documents were received from the commander-in-chief, which confirmed the statements before made. It was the opinion of the grand vezír, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, that as the enemy was in possession of the districts about Yanuk and Osterghún, the commander-in-chief should direct his movements against the Transylvanians, who had, as before observed, invaded the jurisdiction of Temiswar. As the frontier fortresses in that quarter were all well furnished with men and provisions, he observed, it seemed most prudent on this account to make Transylvania the scene of the war. They all agreed that unless the Transylvanians were thoroughly chastised, it would be impossible to keep Valachia and Moldavia in a state of subjection. The royal mandate for commencing this war was issued and sent to the commander-in-chief, accompanied by a robe of honour. At the same time letters, and also money, according to ancient custom, were sent to the khán of the Tátárs, desiring him to assist the serdár with a Tátár army. The feudal tenantry in Turkey who held superiorities sold them, received double wages, and took their dependants. Five hundred yúks of money from the imperial coffers were sent along with the camp, and the above tenantry for the serdár. They departed from Constantinople for Belgrade in the beginning of Shabán, which happened to be his majesty’s birth-day. The camp of the serdár was erected on a hill called Khúnkár, in the plains of the last-mentioned city, on the 12th of Ramazán. On the 23rd of Shevál Válí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, who had wintered at Uskúb, joined the commander-in-chief’s camp at the above place. On the 14th of Dhu’l kada the serdár himself joined his army; and, after having had information as to the certainty of the Tátár khán’s approach, sent off couriers to the different cazís along the Danube, ordering them to have provisions in readiness.

After it had been fully resolved on to carry the war into Transylvania, a bridge was commenced on the 9th of Dhu’l hijja at a place or promontory on the Danube called _Táshluk Búrún_, somewhere below Belgrade, and which was completed in eighteen days, though it extended 1,850 cubits in length.

On the day the army began to cross over into the country of Transylvania the serdár received certain information that the Tátár khán with his army had reached Rusjuk. The provincial troops of Caramania and Merœsh, with their respective chiefs, who had been sent to garrison Buda, passed through the plains of Belgrade and followed the grand army into Transylvania. Towards the end of Dhu’l hijja the Moslem serdár or commander-in-chief joined his army, which halted in the plains of Petcheva; but we must defer relating the history of this war till we review the events of the following year.

_State of affairs in Bassra._

It was during this year that the hidden natural corruption and depravity of Seyid Mobárek manifested itself, and when thousands of detestable and wicked wretches joined in the rebellion which he was the means of exciting in the jurisdiction of Bassra, who committed every sort of devastation in the cities, towns, and villages throughout the provinces of Bassra and Lahsa, killing, destroying, and plundering where they were able. The government of Baghdád having been conferred on the celebrated vezír, Hasan Páshá, about the commencement of Ramazán, he was also appointed commander-in-chief over all the forces in Baghdád, Sheherzúl, and in all the places appertaining to them.

Some time before this appointment took place, however, the inhabitants, when they first became aware of the cruelties practised by these rebels, sent an embassy to the Sháh of Persia, beseeching him to send them succour to enable them to resist the encroachments of the rebels. Their request was complied with: he sent them three hundred Kizilbáshes under the command of three leaders, but who in fact became more terrible oppressors than the faction had been whom they came to repel. The cure was worse than the disease. A representation of this circumstance was communicated to the court of Constantinople, who about the end of Dhu’l hijja wrote expressly, and in the most peremptory manner, to the sháh in reference to these matters.

Among the appointments to office which took place when Jeráh entered on the premiership, the following may be mentioned. Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was created kapúdán or lord high admiral; and Khezr Páshá, from among the vezírs, was honoured with the government of Egypt. It belongs to this period to mention, also, that in consequence of the beglerbeg of Caramania having been employed with his provincial troops in the Hungarian wars, the country was in a great measure left naked and without protection. About three thousand insurgents took advantage of this, and collected together in the absence of the governor and his troops, and committed the most horrid excesses; but the inhabitants uniting together opposed them and slew the greater part of these reptiles.

But of all the remarkable events which had taken place during this period, the following is the most astonishing. It has been recorded by the pen of some one in a collection of facts, that on Friday the 18th of Rabia II., about mid-day, the lady of Bekerbeg, the beglerbeg of Shám Sheríf (the noble city of Damascus), a woman of high rank, called Ayesha, the daughter of a respectable officer in the army, was delivered, after only three months pregnancy, of two male children, and shortly after she brought forth twelve more, fully formed, but not living, female children; in all two males and twelve females. Such a phenomenon as this was is certainly not beyond the range of possibility; but physicians denominate such occurrence _an error in nature_.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1007, H.

_Account of the late expedition continued from last year._

We have already, in a former section, noticed the purport of this expedition, and left the grand army encamped in the plains of Petcheva. On the 25th of Dhu’l hijja of that year they reached Betchgarak, where they halted for some time.

About the middle of the thousand and seventh Moharrem (_i.e._ about the middle of the month Moharrem, 1007 of the Hijrah), Válí Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, died; and Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had been stationed at Usk, was appointed to succeed him, and immediately joined the grand army. Mohammed Páshá was succeeded at Usk by Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria; and he again was succeeded by Bektásh Páshá, governor of Solnuk.

At Betchgarak, a place rendered sacred by the death of the late beglerbeg of Romeili, the army remained full fifty-five days waiting for the arrival of the Tátár khán and his subsidiary troops.

During the stay of the grand army at this place, it happened that messengers arrived from Buda who informed the commander-in-chief that the fortress of Tata had been taken by the enemy, and immediately after this other messengers brought him intelligence from Alba Julia that Pulata was besieged. Without loss of time, therefore, and in the utmost haste, he issued orders to the troops of Semendria to march to Buda and strengthen that garrison.

In the meantime, information reached the Moslem camp that Ghází Gheráí Khán, with his Tátár troops had arrived in the neighbourhood; and on the 26th of Moharrem the khán joined the royal army with forty-five thousand men. The Moslem serdár, on his approach, went out with great pomp and shew, to meet his royal highness, and to perform the honours due to him, and which were usual on such occasions; he also prepared a splendid entertainment for him and his suite. The royal khán, in his turn, made a suitable acknowledgment to the serdár and to the other magnates of the Moslem camp. After the entertainment was over, the serdár conducted his royal highness to his pavilion, and returned to his own. He caused, however, another tent to be erected for the khán near his own, and one for his females; and provided them with every thing necessary for their accommodation and comfort. To each of one hundred of the khán’s mirzás a robe of honour was given: but to the royal auxiliary himself a splendid robe, an embroidered coat, two Agria horses, and a saddle and bridle richly ornamented with gold and precious gems were presented.

On the 27th, the commander-in-chief or serdár, the princes and commanders of regiments went to pay their respects to his royal highness, when a royal mandate which had been received from Constantinople was read in the presence of these august personages. After the mandate was read, the khán, the serdár, and the other dignitaries present, stood up, offered up a prayer, and then immediately entered into consultation as to the best means for accomplishing the object of the expedition. The question as to the route they should take formed one of the topics which occupied their minds on this important occasion. After a good deal of conversation on this subject, the chiefs of the borders observed, that there were three roads which penetrated Transylvania. The first led to the fortress of Lipovah; the second, to Sibish and Loghúsh; and the third, to Warad. His royal highness Ghází Gheráí observed, it would be most proper to go by the one which could be shown to be the most eligible for the transporting of cannon and heavy baggage, and on which they could most easily defend themselves in the event of being attacked. One of the most distinguished of the border leaders replied by saying: “Sire, the roads of Sibish and Loghúsh, and of Lipovah, are both difficult and dangerous, and afford no means of defence against the enemy should they be disposed to attack us. The road leading to Warad, on the contrary, is broad and open, and on this account, as well as others, it is the most preferable one: besides, it is the only one of the three in which we can most efficiently as well as conveniently, accomplish our object—the chastising of the Transylvanians.” “But,” said the khán, “will the infidels of Warad not endeavour to intercept or ensnare us? In the event of their attempting any of these expedients, is there no danger, and shall we not be obliged to relinquish our object? In the event of our succeeding in reducing it, can we keep possession of it after we have taken it?” He asked further, whether the reduction of the place would likely occupy much time. With the view of doing honour to the prowess of the serdár, it was replied, though falsely, that two or three pieces of ordnance were quite sufficient for the purpose of accomplishing the reduction of Warad; and that, afterwards, they could advance against Zighmund (probably the prince of Transylvania). This representation weighed with the council. Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár of the expedition, attended to every thing necessary for the attempt, and provided the army with apparatus for occupying the fortress.

In consequence, however, of the great length of time which had elapsed, since leaving Belgrade, including the fifty-five days they had to wait for the khán, the half of the season for carrying on hostilities was past, but still they were determined to do what they could. About the middle of the month Sefer, one Yúghen, an ághá of Temiswar, and one who was well acquainted with the roads, was appointed to conduct the Moslem army to Warad. They reached a fortress on the river Murish, called Jenad, before which they sat down and prepared for laying siege to it. After the firing of a few guns, however, its inhabitants and garrison became dismayed, abandoned it, and fled to the mountains and thickets adjacent. This fortress, of course, was immediately taken possession of, whilst the Tátár troops pursued the fugitives; killed some, and took most of the rest prisoners. One hundred and fifty of these vile wretches were brought to the door of the serdár’s tent, and there beheaded. Jenad was put under the jurisdiction of prince Ibrahím Shikshái, inspector of Belgrade.

From Jenad the army marched to a palanka called Dilagúsh, and thence proceeded to Arad, of which, finding it deserted by its inhabitants, they took possession.

Shortly after this, messengers arrived from the prince of Transylvania with letters to his highness, the khán of the Tátárs, requesting conditions of peace, or rather requesting the khán to intercede with the Ottoman emperor and endeavour to bring about a peace. About the same time also a great quantity of rain fell, which exceedingly annoyed the Moslem troops.

On the 9th of Sefer Mustafa Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, joined the grand army with his provincials. On the 11th, the whole army crossed the Murish, but experienced the greatest difficulty in doing so. They marched along its banks for several stages, and stopped at a bridge near a deserted palanka, called Ordúbek. At length, after experiencing a thousand hardships in crossing rivers and passing through extensive marshes, they arrived in the plains of Warad on the 24th of the month, where they were joined by the beglerbeg of Wán, Yúsuf Páshá having previously been joined, whilst at Ordúbek, by the army of Gula. Two badlooshkas also, the one from Gula and the other from Temiswar, were sent to them. The Tátár khán, on the army’s leaving Jenad, took a different route with the intention of distressing and annoying the peasantry throughout the country, and joined the grand army again at Warad.

The fortress of Warad, before which the Moslem army took up its position on the 29th, was situate on the boundaries which separate Germany and Transylvania, was very strong, and surrounded by suburbs and villages. So very large and extensive a place was Warad that it could easily contain twenty thousand troops. Its gardens reached from the suburbs to Pest, and its country houses and other dwellings were no less extensive in number, it is conjectured, than the number which at that time were between Constantinople and the gardens of Dávud Páshá. It is impossible to describe accurately the whole of the gardens and orchards, and the multitude of the inhabitants of Warad. Some one or two years before the period we are now speaking of, a German army of several thousands took possession of it, and had it in subjection when the orthodox army, under the grand vezír and commander-in-chief Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, appeared before it. The suburbs and villages were inhabited by Hungarians.

_Warad besieged._

When the Tátár troops advanced to attack the suburbs of Warad, the inhabitants came boldly forth, and for a whole day and night fought with courage. But the Tátárs no sooner succeeded in setting fire to their dwellings than they retired, put their families into waggons, and tried to escape through their postern gates. The Tátárs pursued them with vigour, slew the grown-up, made the young prisoners, and returned with immense booty.

Immediately after these things, the khán of the Tátárs, and the serdár of the Moslems, and other great men in the army formed themselves into a council of war, and took into consideration whether they should proceed onwards and desolate the country, or stop where they then were and endeavor to vanquish the fortress of Warad. The whole council were unanimous in thinking the latter plan the most advisable. So important and so strong a place, and so very near the frontiers of the Ottoman dominions, and which at once formed a key to Germany and Transylvania, they unanimously considered ought not to be allowed to remain in the hands of the enemy, and they therefore determined at once on reducing it.

On the first of Rabia II., therefore, the army entered the suburbs, the houses of which were well-built and handsome, and instead of preparing themselves trenches, took possession of them. With the three pieces of ordnance which they had brought along with them, they began battering the fortress; but they found, when it was too late to rectify their mistake, they had commenced a work far beyond their strength, and one which they had not maturely considered. They discovered their rashness, but not in sufficient time to correct their mistake. The object of the expedition into the country, at the commencement of their operations, was to lay it waste, and therefore they did not encumber themselves with many cannon, that they might the more conveniently traverse the territories of Transylvania, and thoroughly chastise the inhabitants. They had no more cannon, therefore, than the three now mentioned: neither were they provided with any apparatus for carrying on a siege. This want they now began to feel when it could not be easily and speedily remedied; and to subdue a place of such great strength as Warad possessed, would require, they saw, an immense length of time. The serdár was most sensibly touched when he discovered his error, and was seriously affected by the mistake he had committed. He now began, though too late, to reflect, that this same fortress, in former days, had withstood, for the space of forty-five days, the utmost efforts of one of the earlier kings, without being vanquished. Seeing he had no chance of succeeding without a sufficient number of cannon, he wrote to Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria, to join his camp, and to forward without delay ten pieces of ordnance and other apparatus from the fortress of Agria. In consequence of remissness or fraud, however, this order was not complied with; or if complied with, was too late to be of any use to the besiegers. All the powder and ball which could be found in Gula and in the palankas round about, were expended without making any impression on Warad. Two mines were also sprung, but with no better effect.

The Tátárs, at this time, requested permission to range the country, and commit what devastation they could, but the serdár refused to give his consent; saying, he hoped to God they would yet take Warad, and they would afterwards proceed together. It happened also, in the mysterious providence of God, that for the space of forty days it rained successively, and the rain which thus fell ran in torrents through the plains and valleys. The ground everywhere round Warad became soft, and in several places marshes were formed. The ditches which the Janissaries had prepared were all filled with water and clay, and the Janissaries themselves were forced to retire to their tents. The whole of the army in these adverse circumstances became completely discouraged, particularly the officers. The stream which issued from the city swelled to such a degree as to become unpassable. In fact, it was at last impracticable to go from one tent to another. The winds also rose so awfully high as to tear away the very poles of the tents out of the ground, and the cattle sunk to their bellies in the mud. The troops also were for several days without meat, but this want was supplied by a great number of sheep which had been driven to the plains of Warad. The most of these sheep were sent thither by the peasants of Solnuk, and nearly filled the whole country round Warad. The cursed prince of Transylvania, they were also informed, had secured himself in inaccessible mountains.

The Moslem army were thus exposed to all the inclemency of the weather, and to every possible hardship, and distressed and annoyed by the water which ran in torrents through their camp. In short, all this accumulation of adverse circumstances completely overcame the spirit of the Moslem troops: they became totally heartless, and could do nothing. In the midst of all these indescribable distresses they were informed by messengers from Buda that no fewer than 80,000 of the enemy had attacked and destroyed Old Buda, and that at that very moment their large cannon were employed in battering Buda itself. They added, that if immediate aid were not afforded, Buda could not fail to fall into the enemy’s hands. They had heard at an earlier period of the same day on which this news was brought them, that a heavy body of the enemy had passed through Yanuk and Wáj, and had gone to Old Buda. The persons who brought the above intelligence maintained it was of no use to send one or two thousand men; it was absolutely necessary, they said, that the serdár should go in person with his whole army.