Part 12

Towards the end of the month, the household troops were divided into two divisions. One division was stationed near Osterghún, and the other near Komran, as armies of observation. Mines were laid with the utmost diligence; but to enter the breaches which had been effected was found too difficult a task, owing to the steepness of the place. When the attempt was made, the veterans who did so were driven back by the bursting of shells, and by the stones which were hurled at them. But though they did not succeed in entering the breaches, they did not fail to distress the besieged by their field-pieces and mines. Such, in fact, was the effect this mode of operation had on the minds of the besieged, that they supposed that if they continued to hold out one day longer, they would fall victims to their own temerity and obstinacy; and, therefore, under cover of night, they left the fortress, fled through the rushes and long grass, which grew in abundance about the place, and made their way towards the fortress of Komran. Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, having that night the charge of the watch, perceived their motions, pursued them with vigour, slew a number of them, and made others of them prisoners. But it is necessary to observe, that in consequence of the abundance of rushes and long grass which grew along the sides of the lakes and in the channel between it and Komran, many of these heathens escaped by hiding themselves among them.

The place was taken on the 1st of Rabia II. after the enemy had abandoned it, and those of the enemy who besieged Yanuk also fled. The breaches made in the fortress of Yanuk were repaired in about eight days, and afterwards about a thousand measures or bags of flour were deposited in it. The garrison who had charge of it, and who were hired to keep possession of it, came with their officers to the commander-in-chief, and told him they had fulfilled their engagements, demanded their stipulated hire, and, at the same time, to have their names enrolled as worthy of promotion. They were continued in the garrison for another year, and their case was represented to court.

On the 8th, the grand army was joined, whilst encamped at the head of the lake, by Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Caramania, and on the 10th the whole camp removed to Old Buda.

_A Council held.—The army marches on Wáj._

In the meantime the inhabitants of Buda sent in a representation to the Serdár of the danger in which they considered themselves. They stated, that ever since the reduction of Osterghún, Buda became, by that event, a frontier city, and was, therefore, more in danger from the enemy. They insisted that that was the only time for recovering so important a place. “The summer,” they said, “is nearly at an end, and the enemy are not so numerous as on former occasions. God willing,” they added, “the vanquishing of it will not be difficult. If, on the other hand,” the Budians still speaking, “you will not attempt what we think you should attempt, we will in such a case send letters of complaint against you to court. This is what we will do.”

In consequence of this representation by the Budians a council was immediately held, and the subject seriously discussed. The Janissaries decidedly opposed the measure as altogether out of time. They alleged that the time of the year for making trenches and raising mounds was past. Osterghún, they said, was not of such importance as some other places, and therefore they did not think the request of the Budians should be complied with. The Serdár, when he perceived that the Budians insisted on his following their advice, turned round upon them and said: “if you all come forth and assist in making the trenches and mounds requisite in such an enterprise, and with heart and hand engage to labour in the undertaking, we with the whole of our Moslem army will return to lay siege to Osterghún.” The Budians promised to comply.

It so happened, however, that, after the head of artillery had embarked twenty badlooshkas (a kind of ordnance) and ten pieces of large cannon on board the transports which lay in the river (Danube), and all were in a state of readiness to march, a heavy fall of snow, about a cubit deep, fell during the night, which at once put a stop to the whole of the enterprise. It was agreed on all hands to postpone the expedition to some future but more advantageous period.

On the 12th of the month Teryákí, Hasan Páshá arrived in the camp and informed the Serdár that the prince of Transylvania had attacked Temiswar. In consequence of this intelligence, the beglerbeg of Sivás, Mahmúd Páshá, the beglerbeg of Ruka, Alí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Adna, Mohammed Páshá, were all ordered with their respective troops to march to the aid of Temiswar. About the same time, also, the Moslems learned that a body of the enemy’s troops had passed Osterghún, and had gone towards Wáj. This determined the Serdár to alter his plans, and to march against them. In the space of five days the Moslem army passed through the plains of Pest; and on the 15th of the month crossed the bridge of the above place, when a tremendous fall of snow, the very next day, began to fall, and occasioned much pain and uneasiness to the troops. On the 18th, the army halted at a place called Armúdlí. Here they waited for the arrival of their ordnance, which had been embarked as before mentioned.

In the meantime a party of Tátárs brought into the camp about twenty prisoners they had seized, and who informed the Serdár of the state of the siege carried on against Temiswar. On the 21st, they encamped before the fortress of Wáj. A considerable body of the enemy lay encamped on a narrow kind of pass a little above Wáj, on the Danube. On the land side they were guarded by a ridge of high mountains, and by an extensive ditch in front. Within this trench or ditch they had erected ramparts and bastions, and were every way supplied with all sorts of implements of war. The Moslems finding it impracticable to attack them in front, or on the mountain side, determined to attack them from behind. They, accordingly, made arrangements with this view. The advance guard of the Moslems, after four days’ march round the mountain, advanced on them in the rear within the range of their artillery, and were met by a few companies of Hungarian troops who feigned resistance, but who soon retired within their works—thus seeking to bring the Muselmans within the range of their artillery.

The beglerbegs of Anatolia, of Caramania, of Bosnia, of Sivás, with their respective provincials, formed the right wing: the troops of Romeili and of Buda formed the left: the Janissaries, with the commander-in-chief at their head, formed the centre: the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Murád Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Uskudár, Delí Nasúh Páshá, were attached to the advance guard. On the following morning (_i. e._ the morning of the fifth day after commencing their march round the mountain), and just as hostilities were about to begin, a celebrated Spanish captain belonging to the Spanish infantry in the enemy’s army submitted himself to the Osmánlís and embraced Islamism. In the meantime, the Moslems considered that if they could succeed in dispossessing the enemy’s foot soldiers of their position on the heights of the mountain, who were very annoying to the Moslems, they would be sure of gaining the victory. To accomplish this desirable object, some of the most daring of the Janissaries and _Atoghláns_ rushed upon them with knives and other similar instruments in their hands. These were supported in their attempt by the Bosnian and Budian troops who were engaged with those of the enemy stationed on the out works. The beglerbeg of Romeili was sent forward with a detachment to succour those combatants, and by his dexterity succeeded in forcing a considerable number of the enemy into the open field, where a great many of them perished. This, however, only made room for more of them. They issued forth, troop after troop, and by their cannon and muskets, it must be acknowledged, committed serious mischief among the Moslems immediately in contact with them, and whom it was found absolutely necessary to aid by a body of Salihdárs. On this detachment having been sent forward to aid the Moslem combatants, Maximillian, the commander-in-chief of the infidels, came forth with his mighty hosts, who, along with the guns on the fortifications, very much distressed them; though they continued to fight manfully till night came on, when the drum warned them to retire.

Those troops who attacked the infidels on the heights of the mountain were led on by Delí Nasúh Páshá, the páshá of Uskudár, and who, descending from his horse, fought on foot with the utmost bravery. It would be impossible to relate all the heroic deeds which he and his veteran associates achieved on that day. The day following, however, the Moslems offered no battle, but attended to their sick and wounded, and interred those martyrs who had fallen in the mortal contest. On the second day they again commenced their military operations. The troops of Romeili and Buda, supported by other divisions, presented themselves before the enemy’s fortifications, when another desperate struggle commenced, which lasted till night, as on the former day; but which, alas! brought no victory to the Moslem arms. The Osmánlís now thought it advisable, seeing they had been unable to conquer, and because the winter had set in, which was unfavourable for warlike operations, to retire and seek their safety in retreat. But lest injury should happen to the bridges on the Danube and the Drave should they retire in confusion by them, they chose another way of saving themselves; and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage on the 28th, and soon afterwards commenced their retreat, which they accomplished without sustaining any serious injury. Such was the result of this campaign.

The orthodox troops, with their Serdár at their head, returned by Armúdlí and Pest, and encamped before the mills near the island of Koyún (or Sheep Island).

Whilst the camp continued at this place, another deputation arrived and presented themselves before the serdár, and informed him of the progress of the Transylvanians against Temiswar. The beglerbeg of Sivás Mahmúd Páshá, with the Bosnian troops and some Romeilian chiefs, were appointed to march to the aid of Temiswar, which they did on the 2d of the second Rabia.

The troops under the serdár, however, began to murmur about their pay; yet those of Yanuk were very active; for they erected a bridge across the Danube in the space of three days, which the serdár crossed on the 5th of Rabia II., and marched to Kiris Elias, where he halted. Here he learned that the enemy had broken up their camp, and had returned to their own dominions. On the 8th he reached the plains of Hamza-beg, where the beglerbeg of Buda took his leave of him and departed. Here also the Serdár granted the whole of the troops leave to disperse, and went himself directly to Belgrade, which he reached towards the end of the month; and from that city he sent a statement of the campaign to the court of Constantinople. The beglerbeg of Caramania, Nasúh Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Bosnia, Teryákí Hasan Páshá, remained at Buda: as also did the válí of Merœsh. A thousand of the troops were placed in the garrison. The rest of the troops, after they were allowed to disperse, sought winter quarters, some in Romeili, some in Anatolia, some in Bajka, some in Súmber. The menials of the camp were also permitted to disperse, but their ághás remained at Belgrade.

Proposals of peace with the infidels were at this time attempted, but without any happy result. Khoja Murád Páshá, Hábel Effendí, cazí of Buda, and Alí Páshá, the son-in-law of Murád Páshá, went to the plains of Wáj, after the retreat of the Moslems, and endeavoured to negociate an honourable peace: but the infidels’ noses were in the wind (_i.e._ exercised caution), and the Moslem negociators were obliged to return without accomplishing the object of their mission.

_The Grand Vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, deposed.—Khádum Hasan Páshá succeeds to the premiership._

Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief in the late campaign, in order to exonerate himself from any blame which might attach to him for not having been so successful in the late war as had been expected, represented his want of success to the failure of the Tátár khán’s fulfilling his injunctions to come to his assistance, and to the smallness of the number of troops which acted under him. This statement made no pleasant impression on the mind of the emperor, who was by this time but too much displeased with the grand vezír for the part he had acted towards this khán on a former occasion, as we have already related in a preceding chapter. On this account, therefore, as well as for some offence which the grand vezír had given to the queen-mother; and also on account of some handsome presents which Khádum Hasan Páshá had made: and moreover, because Ibrahím’s capacity for governing had become more and more disputed, the emperor, for these reasons, one day called the mufti into his royal presence and began his conversation thus: “I purpose,” said the monarch, “to make a change in the premiership: whom do you think worthy of being elevated to that station?” The reverend mufti replied, that if he meant to dismiss his servant Ibrahím, it must, of course, be for some crime. What is that crime? The emperor, having thought a little, said “that there was no end to his crimes,” and adverted to the part he had acted with regard to the two Tátár princes. “Was it, think you,” said the sublime monarch, “a crime of small magnitude that he should have been the means of the death of Fateh Gheráí, and all its consequent evils?” The reverend mufti, after hearkening to this apostrophe, proposed Jeráh Páshá, the senior vezír. The emperor demurred, and said Jeráh had no capacity for managing affairs; and that therefore he preferred giving the office to Khádum Hasan Páshá, whose superior wisdom and prudence was spoken of through the whole city of Constantinople. The reverend mufti bowed, joined in his praises, and exaggerated his endowments.

On the 23d of Rabia II., after the sitting of the diván, the ketkhodá of the household troops, Abdullah Aghá, was deputed by his majesty to wait on Ibrahím and receive back the seals from him, and to present them to Khádum Hasan Páshá. Ibrahím Páshá went to live in his own garden, near the new emporium at Uskudár.

Khádum Hasan Páshá, in consequence of his splendid gifts and presents to the queen-mother, and of his many promises of rendering service to the state, was raised, in the course of that passing week, to the dignity of grand vezír. This man, as might easily have been anticipated, was attentive to nothing but his own aggrandizement, and how to increase his own wealth. During the whole time he continued in office, he sold places, received immense bribes, and amassed vast riches. When any one asked him for a situation he used to say: “Do you know to whom I shall give the presents you have sent me?” and other similar impertinent questions. This exalted personage, however, soon fell under the execrations of the people, and became every day more and more hated and despised, but yet no one was able to oppose him.

One day, when his majesty went to St. Sophia, to offer up his devotions in that temple, some desperate fellows approached him and requested permission to slay his minister. His majesty, thinking it was out of mere ill will they had so petitioned him, did not give his consent, and they immediately desisted from their purpose. The emperor, however, mentioned the circumstance to his mother, who let Ghaznafer Aghá into the secret, and with him she concerted the overthrow of the prime minister. He maintained that Hasan Páshá not only openly received bribes, but that he had also cut off the supplies of the queen-mother; that he had published complaints against her among all ranks of the community, and thus made her the subject of conversation; that by these and similar means he sought to rouse her servants to rebellion, and herself to be removed to a distance from the court, in order that he might obtain absolute power. All this representation, or rather accusation, was confirmed by the ághá of the Janissaries, Ternakjí Hasan. The emperor issued orders to investigate into the fact. But those who were appointed to do this returned a verdict similar to the above statement of accusation, or at least confirmatory of it.

In the meantime the reverend mufti, Bostání Zádeh, died, when Hasan Páshá conferred the duty of expounding the law on the poet Bákí Effendí, in conjunction with Karah Chelebí Zádeh. But the emperor not approving of his choice, appointed Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, with a part of whose history we are already acquainted, and whom we saw lately condemned to live the life of a hermit, to be mufti in room of Bostání Zádeh. Notwithstanding this, however, Hasan Páshá wrote three times officially on this subject to Bákí Effendí, and tried what he could to prevent Sa’d-ud-dín succeeding to the muftiship; a circumstance which awakened old but buried animosity and unpleasant correspondence between the old prelate and the grand vezír. The conduct of the latter roused the emperor’s anger, and without further delay he installed the old reverend prelate into the office of mufti.

Khoja Effendí (_i.e._ Sa’d-ud-dín), the new mufti, Ghaznafer Aghá, and Ternakjí Aghá, all three joined in accusing Hasan Páshá. They represented his conduct with regard to the queen-mother, and the other enormities of his life, in such a clear light before the emperor, as showed him to be worthy of death. He was accordingly seized on the 2d of Ramazán, conveyed on board a vessel, and was conducted to the Seven Towers by Ferhád Aghá, the chief of the Bostánjís, and in five or six days afterwards he was strangled during the night. The ághá of the Janissaries, Ternakjí Hasan Aghá, sealed the doors of his palace, and transferred the whole of his property to the imperial coffers; but it did not amount to what was anticipated.

_Jeráh Mohammed Páshá raised to the premiership._

The grand vezírship having again become vacant, there was some disposition shown to recall Ibrahím Páshá to that important office; but by the dexterity of the reverend prelate, his old enemy, this was thwarted, and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to fill that high station.

_The enemy gains advantage at Yanuk by stratagem._

The city and fortress of Yanuk about this time was put under the government of Mahmúd Páshá, who had formerly been ághá of the Janissaries, and subsequently beglerbeg of Fajir. The enemy permitted no grain of any kind to be brought or conveyed to Yanuk, but in order to corrupt and pervert the inhabitants, as well as the troops who were in it, they permitted great quantities of wine to be carried thither both in boats and waggons. In consequence of this traffic in wine, the people of Yanuk acquired the habit of drinking, and so very relaxed did they become, that their ramparts and gates were no longer watched with that care and vigilance which was the case before wine was introduced amongst them. Regardless alike of the Páshá’s warnings as of every other advice, they vainly confided in the natural and artificial strength of the place, and were no longer the active vigilant men they used to be.

The beglerbeg of Yanuk was in the habit of receiving from the sanják of Petcheví an annual quantity of grain, amounting to two or three hundred waggons, but which, when returning, were frequently intercepted by the enemy, who on all such occasions carried off the oxen. In this way above five or six thousand of these animals had been stolen at various times, and driven away into the enemy’s dominions. This great loss the people of the sanják of Petcheví were obliged to sustain; but other districts fared worse, and had not even so much as one left them. In fact, some of the peasants were under the necessity of ploughing their lands by their own strength and that of their wives.

About the commencement of the month of Ramazán this year, the enemy committed great cruelty and excess. They attacked several hundreds of waggons which were carrying provisions to Yanuk and Agria. The escort of cavalry which accompanied these waggons, on seeing the enemy, fled, leaving the poor drivers to shift for themselves. The number of these amounted to about three hundred, who were either killed or made prisoners. Between one and two thousand oxen and waggons were carried off by the enemy.

The two thousand regular troops, and the two thousand Kúl-oghláns, which had been left to garrison Yanuk, had most of their families in the districts of Petcheví, Koban, and Alba Julia, and were therefore strongly inclined on this account to abandon Yanuk altogether. The fortress of Tata, which the year before had been demolished, and its inhabitants destroyed, was allowed to remain in its state of ruin and dilapidation.

The people of Yanuk appeared to be bound over by some spell or infatuation not easily accounted for, if we except their propensity for wine, which brought its own punishment. A swine of the name of Palghi, kapúdán of Komran, sent some thousands of his foot soldiers to surround Yanuk, whilst he himself with a thousand or two of cavalry made his way towards its gate. The inhabitants and garrison were in a profound state of inactivity and carelessness, and knew nothing of the enemy’s approach. The gate was barricaded only with a single bar of fir wood, and their drawbridge was not let down. Some few of these apostate infidels who came to attack the place approached about midnight to the gate, and feigned an alarm. The centinel, a boy, awaking from his sleep, asked, “Who’s there?” They replied: “We are come from Petcheví with provisions, were very near meeting the enemy, and have with much difficulty escaped to this place. They are still in hard pursuit of us, and will soon have us in their power, unless you open your gate and let us in. Open then the gate, and let in the waggons loaded with provisions.” As this conversation with the watch ended, the rest came forward with their wooden mortars and placed them in front of the gate, whilst the boy said he would run and inform the kapújí, and did so. The treacherous enemy lost no time, for the centinel was scarcely gone when they attacked the gate, splintered it to pieces, and rushed in on the devoted people: some were lying drunk, some asleep, and all in a state of total negligence and unconcern. Now the work of destruction commenced. The troops in it saw when it was too late their danger, but the sight of the enemy only roused them to madness. They fought with the most desperate fury, and perished in the conflict. Thus did Yanuk fall into the hands of the execrated enemy. The stratagem succeeded.

It has been said that the commander of the Janissaries of Yanuk was brought alive, but in a state of drunkenness, before the above-mentioned impious Palghi, kapúdán of Komran, and that ten or fifteen thousand pieces of gold were found in his possession. After interrogating him, the story goes on to say, as to what he meant to do with such a quantity of money, and asking him why he had not laid it out on the garrison, or if he thought that his money would watch the fortress, the commander caused his head to be cut off and fixed upon a pole. The same account also states that, notwithstanding the general carnage, five or six Muselmans made their escape to Buda; the rest were totally annihilated. The beglerbeg of Buda sent a report of this disastrous affair to the commander-in-chief, which reached him on the 29th of Shabán.