Part 11

Being now, as he thought, firmly established in the office of prime minister, he caused himself to be congratulated as such, and to have his hand kissed. It was not long, however, before it began to be rumoured that Jaghaleh was the very first who had taken flight. In the meantime, the grand vezír also arrived and confirmed the joyful tidings which had just a little before been communicated to the emperor; but this had not the least effect in making him alter the resolution he had come to with respect to the seals of office: neither did he give any hint of it to the grand vezír himself, who, soon afterwards, returned to his tent and devoted himself to the duty of conferring gifts and presents on those who had signalized themselves with him in the battle, not knowing that he was deposed. He also sent off couriers to recall such of the Moslem fugitives as had not returned to their duty.

The following day, as Ibrahím was on the eve of accompanying Jeráh Mohammed Páshá and Ja’fer Páshá to the field of battle, and examining the ground lately occupied by the enemy’s camp, as well as all the tents and other furniture which they had been under the necessity of abandoning, the reverend prelate hastened to the royal tents to enquire of Ghaznafer whether Ibrahím still retained the seals or not, and wondered much whether his majesty was sincere in what he yesterday proposed: “it would have been better,” he added, “if his majesty had rejected Jaghaleh’s request.” The other replied, he did not know what the emperor had done with respect to the seals. The prelate observed that the change might occasion, at some future period, a disagreeable tumult and uproar. Ghaznafer Aghá, the emperor’s chamberlain, said he was afraid to say any thing further about the matter to his royal master, but that he was a witness of his royal master’s attachment to Ibrahím.

In the midst of this conversation between the emperor’s spiritual guide and his chamberlain, the grand master of the horse went boldly into his majesty’s presence, and related to him the whole of the prelate’s conduct in this affair, and asked what evil he had seen in Ibrahím that he should be so summarily dismissed. “As for this Ghaznafer,” said he, “he is a Frank by birth, and of the same race with Jaghaleh, the son of Sinán Páshá. It is right and proper therefore,” continued this grand master of the stables, “to make enquiry into Ibrahím’s conduct. Let him be called into your own presence, hear his account, and you will then be convinced that the insinuations which have been made are false.” Whilst this officer went out to order a horse for his majesty, that he might go forth and examine matters on the field in person, the reverend prelate renewed his efforts in favour of Jaghaleh; and the result was, that the emperor, after a few moments of reflection, ordered an officer of the Kapújís to proceed and take the seals from Ibrahím and give them to Jaghaleh. This latter officer hastened to Ibrahím’s tent to fulfil his commission; but not finding him there, he proceeded towards the field of battle whither Ibrahím had gone, and met him returning to the Moslem camp. He told him the purport of his mission, received the seals, and went and delivered them to Jaghaleh.

The late victory and glory acquired by the Moslem army having been acquired under the auspices of Ibrahím Páshá, it may easily be conjectured that Jaghaleh did not much enjoy his promotion. His imprudence and mismanagement, in short, his whole conduct created him many enemies; but we shall hear of him afterwards.

_The Fugitives punished._

After Jaghaleh was confirmed in the premiership, he commenced an inquiry with respect to those of the Moslems who had fled in the day of battle, which inquiry continued for the space of three successive days. The result of this inquiry was, that 30,000 were discovered to have deserted their colours, and were therefore not only cut off from receiving pay and provisions, but permission was given to slay them wherever any of them might be found. Those who did return, in consequence of the late grand vezír’s invitation, were miserably and cruelly put to death. Yúnus Aghá, in whose tent the emperor took refuge during the action, the Aghá of a regiment and many other worthies, he caused to be beheaded. This Yúnus was master of the horse to the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, and was honoured by his majesty’s entering his tent on the day of battle, as already related. Much innocent blood was made to flow by the instrumentality of the new vezír, which roused a spirit of general murmuring against him. By his imprudent and violent conduct in trying to rectify the evil, he not only gave greater prominency to it in the sight of the enemy, but confirmed those Muselman troops who fell into the hands of the enemy in their terror of him, and inclined them to stay where they were, or caused them to seek refuge in their provinces. He executed all those who fell into his hands, and confiscated their property. When he returned to Belgrade he degraded Sohráb Páshá of Egypt, a man of great rank and office, and made him wear old and tattered garments.

So great indeed was the consternation into which his intolerable government plunged every one of the military, that very many of them fled to Anatolia, which so roused the inhabitants of that country that they were constrained to rise in their behalf, and thus caused a rebellion which only terminated with his downfall. Among the many instances of his maladministration, the following was by no means the least: He removed Ghází Gheráí Khán, Khán of the Tátárs, from holding the supreme authority, and placed Fateh Gheráí in his room, a circumstance which caused great disorder and tumult among the Tátárs, and finally led to the murder of the latter.

_The conquering Moslems return to Agria._

After the contemptible enemy had been defeated and routed, as before related, the drums were kept beating and rejoicings celebrated till supper-time that night. Next day a diván was summoned, and congratulations offered on account of the success which the Muselmans had achieved. They remained three days in the valley of Mehaj after the troops were all gathered together. The command of the Janissaries was conferred on Tarnákjí Aghá. The ninety-seven pieces of ordnance taken from the enemy were transported to the fortress of Solnuk, or distributed among the Beglerbegs and Begs of Sanjaks, and other divisions of the army. On the 11th of Rabia II., the whole army returned to Agria. About the middle of the same month, Alí Aghá, Aghá of the household troops, was sent to Constantinople to announce the success of the Moslem arms. One thousand Kúl Oghlí and one thousand Agria Janissaries were registered and left as a garrison at Agria: and Tarnákjí Aghá, and three thousand Janissaries were left there also as an army of observation. The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí Páshá, and one thousand Janissaries were appointed to garrison Buda.

_The Emperor returns to Constantinople._

Towards the end of Rabia II., the emperor, the asylum of the world, left Agria, and passing through Solnuk, Segdin, and Waradin, arrived at Belgrade, where he rested two days, appointed the fourth vezír, Hasan Páshá, commander-in-chief of the army, and afterwards set out for the metropolis.

_Jaghaleh, the grand vezír, deposed.—Ibrahím is re-appointed._

Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá’s maladministration secured him, as might easily have been prognosticated, the hatred and aversion of all ranks, high and low, prince and people. As soon as the emperor had reached the place called Khurmán, near Adrianople, he dispatched Omar Aghá, secretary to the Chávush Báshí, to receive back the seals from Jaghaleh, and to deliver them to Ibrahím Páshá, his predecessor in office. Jaghaleh himself was exiled to Aksheher, beyond the Hellespont, where he was doomed to spend his days in obscurity and inactivity.

Ibrahím Páshá was no sooner reinstated in the premiership than he waited on his majesty, and paid him all due acknowledgment for the honour conferred on him. On returning to the camp, he banished Mohammed Aghá, master of the horse, the writer of this account; besides several other favourites of the late grand vezír, whom he turned out of office. Ghází Gheráí, the ex-khán, was reinstated in the regal dignity over the Tátárs of the Crimea. Hasan Páshá, the son of Mohammed Páshá, who was lately made commander-in-chief, was deposed, and Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá appointed in his stead. Thus did Ibrahím Páshá compensate his own friends for the injuries they had sustained in consequence of his deposition. Even the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was not allowed to escape without feeling the effects of the new vezír’s displeasure. He was deposed from his high office, and to prevent him from carrying on intrigue and fraud with the learned body of which he was a member, he was obliged to live a recluse life, even that of a hermit.

The services and heroism of Jaghaleh Zádeh we have already contemplated. We have seen how he attributed the victory gained over the infidels at Mehaj to his own bravery and proper management; how he endeavoured to throw the services of Ibrahím Páshá into the shade, and, in short, how he succeeded by fraud and artifice to get himself created grand vezír. It is said that the emperor, when he first petitioned to be made prime minister, demurred; and that it was only after he represented the great interest he possessed among the troops, who doubtless would create a tumult in his favour, if he was not raised to the dignity of the premiership, that his majesty at last agreed to confer the seals on him. In fact, he did not scruple even to assert that there were not wanting signs of this disposition in the soldiery at the very time he was speaking to the emperor, and thus urged him to a compliance with his wishes. Jaghaleh was a man of great intrepidity, but wrathful. His heart was unacquainted with gentleness and compassion. In consequence of his reckless and horrible cruelties towards the unfortunate fugitives, and other crimes, the hearts of all were turned against him, and his downfall was sought. When Ibrahím was again raised to the grand vezírship, new life seemed to be transfused throughout all ranks; and all rejoiced at Jaghaleh’s misfortunes. The chancellor, Alí Chelebí, who wrote a detail of the victories obtained in the conquest of Agria, and in the battle of Mehaj, wrote it in the name of Jaghaleh, as if he really were the conqueror, and praised him in the most extravagant manner. For this he was not only sharply rebuked, but also deposed. Okjí Zádeh was appointed in his stead.

When his majesty reached Dávud Páshá, on his return, he was there met by the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, and the mufti, who came thither with a splendid escort to congratulate his majesty on his return, and on the successes which had attended the Moslem arms. On the 6th of Jemadi II. the grandees and nobles preceded the army in solemn procession to the imperial city, and conducted his majesty to his royal palace, and for three successive days and nights the whole exhibited nothing but demonstrations of joy. Núh Páshá was appointed to the government of Caramania; and as a mortification to the reverend prelate, so frequently mentioned in the course of this history, and latterly so very unfortunate, his eldest son, Mohammed Effendí, was deprived of his office of cazí, in Anatolia, which was given to Kúsh Yahiah Effendí, who had been deposed from the jurisdiction of Mecca. Two days after these changes and new appointments had taken place, the prelate’s son-in-law, the governor of Romeili, Yahiah Effendí, just mentioned, and the poet, Bákí Effendí, met and consulted together how they might succeed in again bringing Sa’d-ud-dín into notice and favour. They got the chancellor, Okjí Zádeh, to draw out a document in his favour, recommending him to the cazíship of Mecca. But the grand vezír, the prelate’s enemy, succeeded in getting some of the Aghás about the queen-mother to hinder this document finding its way to the royal presence, and kept it back two days.

In the meantime the reverend prelate was made acquainted with what was going on in his favour, and sent his slaves and other property to the empress, supposing she would, by her interference, prevent his being sent to any place distant from the metropolis. He was mistaken: for an answer to the above document or petition was sent to the petitioner, which intimated that the reverend prelate, to prevent his exercising fraud and deceit in future, should retire to a cell, and there pass the remainder of his life in religious meditation. The learned body of the Ulemá, however, ventured to oppose the grand vezír, and therefore entered into consultation with the mufti, Bostán Zádeh, as to the way they should act.

_Concerning Fateh Gheráí._

After the conquest of Agria, and the subsequent victory gained at Mehaj, when Jeghala Zádeh Sínán Páshá was raised to the premiership, as recorded in former sections of this work, he, in his imprudence, caused Ghází Gheráí Khán to be removed from holding the khánship of the Crimea, and put his brother, Fateh Gheráí, in his place; alleging that Fateh Gheráí had rendered very great and important services in the late war, and therefore ought, as his reward, to ascend the throne of the Tátár kháns. Fateh Gheráí, more virtuous than the prime minister, strongly dissuaded the premier from his purpose, urging as a powerful reason, that were he to accede to the proposal, he would thereby be invading the rights of his brother; of one who had been to him, he said, not only a kind brother, but a father also. The grand vezír’s solicitations, however, were too powerful to be long resisted, and therefore he consented to be made khán. The new vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, however, reversed this arrangement, for he was no sooner reinstated in the premiership, than he meditated the re-installing of Ghází Gheráí in his former dignities. He therefore called a council of the vezírs and the other magnates of the state, and laid this subject as a matter of discussion before them. This council prepared papers, which stated that Ghází Gheráí had filled the Tátár throne with dignity, that he had the esteem and good will of his tribe, and that the whole of the tribe had paid a cheerful obedience to his sway; whereas, the papers went on to say, that if Fateh Gheráí were allowed to usurp his authority and place, a rebellion would doubtless be the consequence: besides, it was further stated, that to place Fateh Gheráí on the throne of the Tátárs would be to deprive the other, the lawful sovereign, of his just rights and titles without his own consent, or even without any shadow of reason whatever, and thus make him appear unworthy of holding the office of khán.

Accordingly, letters were prepared in the name of both these princes and committed to one Khundán Aghá, a Circassian, with instructions to act according to circumstances. He was instructed, for instance, that if he perceived, on his arrival in the Crimea, that the Tátárs still adhered to Ghází Gheráí, he was to deliver to him the letter addressed to him; and on the contrary, if he saw that they were in subjection to Fateh Gheráí, he was in this case to deliver to him the one addressed to him, and invite Ghází Gheráí to come to Turkey.

Khundán Aghá set out with these two royal letters and landed at Kafa, in the Crimea, but found on his arrival there that Ghází Gheráí had already embarked for the imperial dominions, though he had not yet sailed. The officer, forgetting his instructions, attached himself exclusively to the interests of the ex-khán, and without further inquiry delivered the packet addressed to him, and exercised, besides, other unwarrantable liberties. The ex-khán, on receipt of the above packet, disembarked and returned to Kafa, took advantage of the frauds exercised by the officer, showed the documents from Constantinople of which the officer was the bearer, and, lastly, announced himself as recalled by these documents to the exercise of the khánship.

When Fateh Gheráí perceived what was going on to his prejudice, as now mentioned, he bestirred himself in order to thwart the purposes and endeavours of the ex-khán. He, too, produced a royal mandate, which he said had been sent to him, and which confirmed him in the khánship. Hence arose a very serious dispute between these two royal brothers respecting the khánship: the Tátárs became divided. Abdur-rahmán Effendí maintained, that as Fateh Gheráí’s document was more recent, it ought to be regarded as the only one which had any claim, and as dispossessing Ghází Gheráí for ever of the throne of the Tátárs. The mufti of Kafa thought otherwise. He said that all the imperial commands which had been received acknowledged Ghází Gheráí as the legitimate sovereign of the Crimea; that they confirmed him in the exercise of regal authority; and that the document which Fateh Gheráí had presented was altogether doubtful, if not an artifice to impose upon them. One single paper, letter, or written document, he further maintained, was not sufficient of itself for them to act upon; and to do so would be both injudicious and imprudent. There can be no doubt, continued the mufti, that to disobey or disregard the imperial authority, as vested in the person of Ghází Gheráí, will be considered as obstinacy and rebellion. After having delivered this speech he gave forth judgment in favour of Ghází Gheráí, rejecting Fateh Gheráí’s pretensions altogether as spurious. The whole of the tribe followed the high priest, and declared in favour of Ghází Gheráí, leaving Fateh Gheráí the victim of astonishment and surprise. Some forward persons, more zealous than prudent, insisted that he, Fateh Gheráí, should do homage to his elder brother and make an apology to him. The simple-hearted prince, influenced by the arguments which were employed to incline him to do so, went to his brother and did as he was required; but it proved fatal to him. On coming out from his brother’s presence he was met by a body of mirzás, adherents of the former, who fell upon him and murdered him, cutting him to pieces. Not satisfied with this, they also extirpated the whole of his family, leaving neither root nor branch.

Ghází Gheráí having been reinstated in the regal authority, the Mirzás and Tátárs yielded obedience to his firmáns, and all rancour and dispute was at an end. Fateh Gheráí, it must be acknowledged, was an excellent man, a great hero, and well qualified to fill a throne. By Jeghala’s uncalled-for interference in his favour he eventually lost his life, and his whole family were rooted out from the face of the earth.

Ghází Gheráí, now absolute and supreme, commanded a fortress to be erected in the heart of Circassia, which was afterwards fully completed. Khundán Aghá returned with great joy to Constantinople, and related the success of his mission to the Crimea; but the emperor was so very much displeased with him for the conduct he had pursued, that his case was deferred for future consideration.

_New appearances of hostilities._

The loss of Yanuk on a former occasion, the conquest of Agria, and the immense loss sustained in the valley of Mehaj this year, were disasters, no doubt, which must have sensibly affected the Emperor of Austria. He soon showed that this was really the case; for the grand sultán had scarcely returned to his metropolis, when the Austrian emperor again assembled another vast army, which was ordered to march on Yanuk. Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who was appointed commander-in-chief, wrote a statement of the ill condition of the troops under his command to the grand vezír, who again laid it before his majesty. Accordingly, stores of all kinds and ten thousand ducats from the imperial coffers were immediately voted for his use. The grand vezír himself made a present of his own horses and beasts of burden, and the other vezírs followed his example. Five regiments or legions and ten thousand Janissaries, under the command of Alí Aghá, the deputy of the ághá of the Janissaries, were appointed to take the field. Ahmed Effendí, son of Etmekjí, was appointed military treasurer, and one thousand yúks of money were put under his charge for the purpose of defraying the expense of the war. The troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, of Caramania, of Sivás, of Diárbeker, of Merœsh, and of Ruka, were all ordered on this expedition. Letters were also issued to the Tátár Khán, ordering him to be present with his troops.

The serdár or commander-in-chief, after the above arrangements were fully attended to, commenced his march to Adrianople, reached Sofia on the 7th of Dhu’l hijja, and the plains of Belgrade on the 29th of the same, which concluded the year.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1006 H.

On the 2nd day of the new year, _i.e._ the 2nd of the month Moharrem, the commander-in-chief entered Belgrade with his army, and there they rested for the space of twenty days, during which time provisions and other necessaries were distributed among the various troops.

The beglerbeg of Anatolia, Mohammed Páshá, joined the grand army with his provincial troops on the 8th of the month, on which day the whole camp moved forward, crossed the Save, and marched towards Serim. The Serdár followed on the 23rd, and joined his camp in the plains of the last-mentioned place. The beglerbeg of Bosnia, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, joined himself and his provincials to the grand army at Zemún, and Murád Páshá, the válí of Diárbeker, at Usk. The beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, met the grand army at the head of the lake, near Buda.

Information having been given that the enemy had laid siege to Yanuk, it was determined, in a council of war, to march to the relief of that fortress. Ten pieces of ordnance, small and great, taken from the fortress of Buda, were put under the charge of the troops under Válí Páshá and Ahmed Páshá. The grand army reached the plains of Dál on the 20th of the month, where it encamped; and here also it was joined by the beglerbegs of Sivás and Ruka, with their respective troops. Here also they received information confirming the intelligence they had formerly obtained respecting the siege of Yanuk. By some prisoners which were brought in they were assured that Maximillian, with forty or fifty thousand troops, was busily engaged in the reduction of that place. This information induced the Moslem army to go over to the little island called Komran.

In the meantime, however, the veterans of Yanuk having a favourable opportunity offered to them did not let it slip. They impetuously rushed out of their strong-hold, seized about one thousand prisoners, and slew twice that number.

As soon as the pieces of ordnance were brought forward, the Moslems removed to Tata, placed their guns against it, and commenced firing them on the 26th of the month Sefer. This fortress had undergone the same fate with Yanuk, and was now in the hands of the enemy. It was therefore considered of importance to attempt its reduction.