CHAPTER 15

=Begūn=, _February 26_.—The chances were nine hundred and ninety-nine to one that I ever touched a pen again. Two days ago I started, with all the ‘pomp and circumstance’ befitting the occasion, to restore to the chief the land of his sires, of which force and fraud had conspired to deprive them during more than thirty years. The purport of my visit being made known, the ‘sons of Kalamegh’ assembled from all quarters; but _honhar_ has again interfered. The old castle of Begun has a remarkably wide moat, across which there is a wooden bridge communicating with the town. The avant-courtiers of my cavalcade, with an elephant bearing the union, having crossed and passed under the arched gateway, I followed, contrary to the Mahaut’s advice, who said there certainly would not be space to admit the elephant and howda. But I heedlessly told him to drive on, and if he could not pass through, to dismount. The hollow sound of the bridge, and the deep moat on either side, alarmed the animal, and she darted forward with the celerity occasioned by fear, in spite of any effort to stop her. As I approached the gateway, I measured it with my eye, and expecting inevitable and instantaneous destruction, I planted my feet firmly against the howda, and my forearms against the archway, and, by an almost preternatural effort of strength, burst out the back of the howda; the elephant pursued her flight inside, and I dropped senseless on the bridge below.[11.15.1] The affectionate sympathies and attention of those around revived me, though they almost extinguished the latent spark of life in raising me into my palki, and carrying me to my tent. I, however, soon recovered my senses, though sadly bruised; but the escape was, in a twofold degree, miraculous; for, in avoiding decollation, had I fallen half an inch more to the side, I should have been caught on the projecting spikes of the gateway. My tent was soon filled by the Rawatji and his brethren, who deplored the accident, and it was with difficulty I could get them to leave the side of my pallet; but what was my astonishment when, two days after, going to fulfil my mission, I saw the noble [755] gateway, the work of Kalamegh, reduced to a heap of ruins, through which I was conducted to the palace on an ample terrace, in front of which I found the little court of Begun! The Rawat advanced and presented me the keys, which having returned in his sovereign’s name, I deplored his rash destruction of the gateway, blaming _honhar_ and my own want of _budh_ (wisdom) for the accident. But it was in vain; he declared he never could have looked upon it with complacency, since it had nearly deprived of life one who had given life to them. The restored estates had been mortgaged to old Sindhia for the payment of a war-exaction, and the Rawat held regularly-executed deeds, empowering him to recover them when the contribution should be liquidated. When the ‘reign of justice’ commenced in these regions, he produced his bond; he showed that the exactions had been paid twice over, and demanded, through the intervention of the British agent, that Sindhia should be brought to a settlement. The replies and rejoinders were endless; and at length the Rawatji, wearied out, one morning took the law into his own hands; assaulted, carried, and, with the loss of some lives, drove out the Mahrattas, who had built a castellated residence even under his eye. It was necessary for form-sake to punish this act, which we would not prevent; and accordingly Begun was put under sequestration, and the Rana’s flag was planted upon its walls. The chief submitted to all with a good grace, and with a cause so just I made an excellent case against Sindhia, who talked of papers which he never produced. Allowing, therefore, some months more to elapse, we executed the bond, and restored Begun to its rightful owner.[11.15.2] I was the more rejoiced at effecting this, as the Rawat had set the example of signing the deed of renunciation of May 1818, which was the commencement of the prosperity of Mewar.

=Basi=, _February 27_.—Compelled to travel in my palki, full of aches and ails. I think this will complete the disorganization of my frame; but I must reserve the little strength I have for Chitor, and, _coûte que coûte_, climb up and take a farewell look.

=Chitor.=[11.15.3]—My heart beat high as I approached the ancient capital of the Sesodias, teeming with reminiscences of glory, which every stone in her giant-like _kunguras_ (battlements) attested. It was from this side that the imperial hosts under Ala and Akbar advanced to force the descendant of Rama to do homage to their power. How the summons was answered, the deeds of Ranas Arsi and Partap have already told. But there was one relic of “the last day” of Chitor, which I visited in this morning’s march, that will immortalize the field where the greatest monarch that India (perhaps Asia) ever had, erected the green banner of the faith, and pitched his [756] tent, around which his legions were marshalled for the reduction of the city. This still perfect monument is a fine pyramidal column, called by some the Chiraghdan, and by others Akbar-ka-dewa, both having the same meaning, ‘Akbar’s lamp.’[11.15.4] It is formed of large blocks of compact lime-stone, admirably put together, about thirty-five feet high, each face being twelve feet at the base, and gradually tapering to the summit, where it is between three and four, and on which was placed a huge lamp (_chiragh_), that served as a beacon to the foragers, or denoted the imperial headquarters. An interior staircase leads to the top; but although I had the strongest desire to climb the steps, trodden no doubt by Akbar’s feet, the power was not obedient to the will, and I was obliged to continue my journey, passing through the Talaiti, as they term the lower town of Chitor. Here I got out of my palki, and ventured the ascent, not through one, but five gates, upon the same faithless elephant; but with this difference, that I had no howda to encase me and prevent my sliding off, if I found any impediment; nevertheless, in passing under each successive portal, I felt an involuntary tendency to stoop, though there was a superfluity of room over head. I hastened to my _bechoba_,[11.15.5] pitched upon the margin of the Surya-kund, or ‘fountain of the sun,’ and with the wrecks of ages around me I abandoned myself to contemplation. I gazed until the sun’s last beam fell upon ‘the ringlet of Chitor,’ illuminating its grey and grief-worn aspect, like a lambent gleam lighting up the face of sorrow. Who could look on this lonely, this majestic column, which tells, in language more easy of interpretation than the tablets within, of

deeds which should not pass away, And names that must not wither,

and withhold a sigh for its departed glories? But in vain I dipped my pen to embody my thoughts in language; for, wherever the eye fell, it filled the mind with images of the past, and ideas rushed too tumultuously to be recorded. In this mood I continued for some time, gazing listlessly, until the shades of evening gradually enshrouded the temples, columns, and palaces; and as I folded up my paper till the morrow, the words of the prophetic bard of Israel came forcibly to my recollection: “How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people! how is she become as a widow! she, that was great among nations, and princess among provinces, how is she become tributary!”

But not to fatigue the reader with reflections, I will endeavour to give him some [757] idea of these ruins.[11.15.6] I begin with the description of Chitor from the Khuman Raesa, now beside me: “Chitrakot is the chief amongst eighty-four castles, renowned for strength; the hill on which it stands, rising out of the level plain beneath, the tilak on the forehead of Avani (the earth). It is within the grasp of no foe, nor can the vassals of its chief know the sentiment of fear. Ganga flows from its summit; and so intricate are its paths of ascent, that though you might find entrance, there would be no hope of return. Its towers of defence are planted on the rock, nor can their inmates even in sleep know alarm. Its Kothars (granaries) are well filled, and its reservoirs, fountains, and wells are overflowing. Ramachandra himself here dwelt twelve years. There are eighty-four bazars, many schools for children, and colleges for every kind of learning; many scribes (_kayasth_) of the Bidar[11.15.7] tribe, and the eighteen varieties of artisans. (Here follows an enumeration of all the trees, shrubs, and flowers within and surrounding the fortress.) Of all, the Guhilot is sovereign (_dhani_), served by numerous troops, both horse and foot, and by all the ‘thirty-six tribes of Rajputs,’ of which he is the ornament (_chhattis kula singar_).”

The Khuman Raesa, or story of Rawat Khuman, was composed in the ninth century;[11.15.8] and the poet has not exaggerated; for of all the royal abodes of India, none could compete with Chitor before she became a “widow.” But we must abandon the Raesa for a simple prose description. Chitor is situated on an isolated rock of the same formation as the Patar, whence it is distant about three miles, leaving a fertile valley between, in which are the estates of Bijaipur, Gwalior, and part of Begun, studded with groves, but all waste through long-continued oppression. The general direction of the rock is from S.S.W. to N.N.E.; the internal length on the summit being three miles and two furlongs, and the greatest central breadth twelve hundred yards. The circumference of the hill at its base, which is fringed with deep woods, extending to the summit, and in which lurk tigers, deer, hogs, and even lions, is somewhere above eight miles, and the angle of ascent to its scarped summit about 45°. The Talaiti, or lower town, is on the west side, which in some places presents a double scarp, and this side is crowded with splendid objects; the triumphal column, the palaces of Chitrang Mori, of Rana Raemall, the huge temple of Rana Mokal, the hundred pinnacles of the acropolis of the Guhilots, and last, not least, the mansions of Jaimall and Patta, built on a projecting point, are amongst the most remarkable monuments overlooking the plain. The great length of Chitor, and the uniformity of the level crest, detract from its height, which in no part exceeds [758] four hundred feet, and that only towards the north. In the centre of the eastern face, at ‘the gate of the sun’ (Surajpol), it is less than three hundred, and at the southern extremity, the rock is so narrow as to be embraced by an immense demi-lune commanding the hill called Chitori, not more than one hundred and fifty yards distant; it is connected with Chitor, but lower, and judiciously left out of its circumvallation. Still it is a weak point, of which the invader has availed himself. On this, Mahadaji Sindhia raised his batteries when called on by the Rana to expel his rebellious vassal of Salumbar (Vol. I. p. 517). The Mahratta’s batteries, as well as the zigzag lines of his ascent, indicate that, even in S. 1848 (A.D. 1792), he had the aid of no unskilful engineer. From this point the Tatar Ala stormed; and to him they attribute Chitor altogether, alleging that he raised it by artificial means, “commencing with a copper for every basket of earth, and at length ending with a piece of gold.” It would, indeed, have taken the twelve years, assigned by tradition to Ala’s siege, to have effected this, though there cannot be a doubt that he greatly augmented it, and planted there his Manjanikas,[11.15.9] or balistas, in the same manner as he did to reduce the fortress of Rain, near Ranthambhor.

Having wandered for two or three days amongst the ruins, I commenced a regular plan of the whole, going to work trigonometrically, and laying down every temple or object that still retained a name or had any tradition attached to it. I then descended with the perambulator and made the circuit.

The first lateral cut of ascent is in a line due north, and before another angle you pass through three separate gates; between the last of which, distinctively called the Phuta Dwara, or ‘broken door,’ and the fourth, the Hanuman pol (porte), is a spot for ever sacred in the history of Chitor, where its immortal defenders, Jaimall and Patta, met their death. There is a small cenotaph to the memory of the former, while a sacrificial Jujhar, on which is sculptured the effigy of a warrior on horseback, lance in hand, reminds the Sesodia where fell the stripling chief of Amet. Near these is another cenotaph, a simple dome supported by light elegant columns, and covering an altar to the manes of the martyr Raghudeva, the deified _putra_ of Mewar (see Vol. I. p. 325). After passing three more barriers, we reach the Rampol, which crowns the whole, and leads into a noble Dari-khana, or ‘hall of assembly,’ where the princes of Chitor met on grand occasions; and it was in this hall that the genius of Chitor is said to have revealed to Rana Arsi that his glory was departing. On a compartment of the Rampol we found an interdict inscribed by the rebel Bhim of [759] Salumbar, who appears to have been determined to place upon his own head the _mor_[11.15.10] of Chitor, so nobly renounced by his ancestor Chonda many centuries before. This was, however, set up when he was yet loyal, and in his sovereign’s name as well as his own, “abolishing forced labour from the townspeople, and likewise _dand_, or contribution”; concluding with a grant of land to a patriotic carpenter of Gosunda, who had, at his own expense, furnished the Rampol with a new gate; the cow and hog are attesting witnesses to the deed. The next building I came to, as I skirted the western face in a southerly direction, was a small antique temple to Tulja Bhavani,[11.15.11] the divinity of the scribes, adjoining the Top-khana Chaori, a square for the park, where a few old cannon, the relics of the plunder of Chitor, still remain. The habitation of the Purohits, or chief priests of the Ranas, a plain, commodious, and substantial edifice, was the next; and close by was that of the Masani,[11.15.12] or master of the horse, with several others of the chief household officers. But the first imposing edifice is that termed Naulakha Bhandar. This is a small citadel in itself, with massive, lofty walls, and towers built entirely of ancient ruins. Its name would import that it was a receptacle (_bhandar_) for treasure, though it is said to have been the residence of the usurper Banbir. At the north-eastern corner, it has a little temple, richly sculptured, called the Singar Chaori.[11.15.13] From this we pass on to the palace of the Ranas, which, though attributed to Rana Raemall, is of the same character as those of a much higher antiquity. It is plain, capacious, and in excellent taste, the only ornament being its crenated battlements, and gives a good idea of the domestic architecture of the Rajputs, long anterior to the intrusion of the Islamite amongst them. The vaulted chamber, the projecting _gaukh_ or balcony, and the gentle exterior slope or _talus_ of the walls, lend a character of originality to all the ancient structures of Chitor. The industrious Ghasi made sketches for me of all their domestic dwellings, from the ancient abode of Chitrang Mori, down to the mahalls of Jaimall and Patta. A courtyard surrounds the palace, in which there is a small temple to Deoji, through whose interposition Rana Sanga effected all his conquests. This unknown divinity I find is styled one of the eleven _kalas_, or Mahavidyas, incarnate in the person of a celebrated warrior, named Bhoj, whose father was a Chauhan, and his mother of the Gujar tribe, which originated a new class, called the Bagrawat.[11.15.14] The story of this Deo will add another to the many tales of superstition which are listened to with reverence, and I imagine generally with belief. The incarnate Bagrawat, while on his way to revenge an ancient feud with the Parihars of Ranbinai [760], approached Chitor, and Rana Sanga, aware of his sanctity, paid him all the dues of hospitality; in return for this, the Deoji bestowed a charm upon Sanga, by means of which, so long as he followed the prescribed injunctions, victory was always to attend his steps. It was placed in a small bag, and to be worn round the neck; but he was warned against allowing it to turn towards the back. The Deo had the power of raising the dead, and in order to show the Rana the value of the gift, he put into his hand a peacock’s feather, with which having touched all who were then lying dead in Chitor, they were restored to life! With this new proof of Deoji’s power, Rana Sanga went forth to pursue his conquests, which had extended to the fortress of Bayana, when one day, while bathing in the Pila Khal,[11.15.15] the charm slipped round, and straight a voice was heard, saying, his “mortal foe was at hand!” So impressed are the Sesodias with the truth of this tale, that Deoji has obtained a distinguished niche in their Pantheon; nor in all their poverty has oil been wanting for the lamp which is constantly burning before the Bagrawat chieftain, whose effigy, on a horse painted blue and lance in hand, still attracts their homage. To buy golden opinions, I placed three pieces of silver on the altar of the saint, in the name of the brave Sanga, the worthy antagonist of Babur, the “immortal foe,” who at the Pila Khal at Bayana destroyed the charm of the Deoji.

=Krishna Temples.=—On leaving the court of Rana Raemall, we reach two immense temples dedicated to the black god of Vraj: one being erected by Rana Kumbha, the other by his celebrated wife, the chief poetess of that age, Mira Bai, to the god of her idolatry, Shamnath.[11.15.16] We have elsewhere mentioned the ecstasies of this fair votary of the Apollo of the Yamuna, who even danced before his shrine, in which her last moments were passed; and, to complete the picture, so entirely were the effusions both of her heart and pen approved, that “the god descended from his pedestal and gave her an embrace, which extricated the spark of life. ‘Welcome, Mira,’ said the lover of Radha; and her soul was absorbed into his!” This rhapsody is worthy of the fair authoress of the _Tika_, or sequel to the Gita Govinda,[11.15.17] which is said not to be unworthy even of Jayadeva.

Both these temples are entirely constructed from the wrecks of more ancient shrines, said to have been brought from the ruins of a city of remote antiquity, called Nagari, three coss northward of Chitor.[11.15.18] Near these temples of Kumbh-Syam are two reservoirs, built of large blocks, each one hundred and twenty-five feet long by fifty [761] wide, and fifty deep, said to have been excavated on the marriage of the ‘Ruby of Mewar’ to Achal Khichi of Gagraun, and filled with oil and _ghi_, which were served out to the numerous attendants on that occasion.

=The Pillar of Victory, or Kīrtti-Khambh.= —We are now in the vicinity of the Kirtti-Khambh, the pillar erected by Rana Kumbha on his defeat of the combined armies of Malwa and Gujarat.[11.15.19] The only thing in India to compare with this is the Kutb Minar at Delhi; but, though much higher, it is of a very inferior character. This column is one hundred and twenty-two feet in height, the breadth of each face at the base is thirty-five feet, and at the summit, immediately under the cupola, seventeen feet and a half. It stands on an ample terrace, forty-two feet square. It has nine distinct stories, with openings at every face of each story, and all these doors have colonnaded porticos; but it is impossible to describe it, and therefore a rough outline, which will show Ghasi’s notions of perspective, must suffice. It is built chiefly of compact limestone and the quartz rock on which it stands, which takes the highest polish; indeed there are portions possessing the hardness and exhibiting the fracture of jasper. It is one mass of sculpture; of which a better idea cannot be conveyed than in the remark of those who dwell about it, that it contains every object known to their mythology. The ninth _khand_, or ‘story,’ which, as I have stated, is seventeen feet and a half square, has numerous columns supporting a vault, in which is sculptured Kanhaiya in the Rasmandala (celestial sphere), surrounded by the Gopis or muses, each holding a musical instrument, and in a dancing attitude.[11.15.20] Beneath this is a richly carved scroll fringed with the _saras_, the _phenicopteros_[11.15.21] of ornithology. Around this chamber had been arranged, on black marble tablets, the whole genealogy of the Ranas of Chitor; but the Goths have broken or defaced all, save one slab, containing the two following _slokas_.

_Sloka 172_: “Shaking the earth, the lords of Gujarkhand and Malwa, both the sultans, with armies overwhelming as the ocean, invaded Medpat. Kumbhakaran reflected lustre on the land; to what point can we exalt his renown? In the midst of the armies of his foe, Kumbha was as a tiger, or as a flame in a dry forest.”

_Sloka 183_: “While the sun continues to warm the earth, so long may the fame of Kumbha Rana endure. While the icy mountains (_Himagiri_) of the north rest upon their base, or so long as Himachal is stationary, while ocean continues to form a garland round the neck of Avani (the earth), so long may Kumbha’s glory be perpetuated! May the varied history of his sway and the splendour of his dominion last [762] for ever! Seven years had elapsed beyond fifteen hundred when Rana Kumbha placed this ringlet on the forehead of Chitor. Sparkling like the rays of the rising sun, is the _toran_, rising like the bridegroom of the land.

“In S. 1515, the temple of Brahma was founded, and this year, Vrihaspatiwar (Thursday), the 10th tithi and Pushya Nakshatra, in the month of Magh, on the immovable Chitrakot, this Kirtti stambha was finished. What does it resemble, which makes Chitor look down on Meru with derision? Again, what does Chitrakot resemble, from whose summit the fountains are ever flowing, the circular diadem on whose crest is beauteous to the eye; abounding in temples to the Almighty, planted with odoriferous trees, to which myriads of bees resort, and where soft zephyrs love to play? This immovable fortress (Achal-durga) was formed by Maha-Indra’s own hands.”

How many more Slokas there may have been, of which this is the 183rd, we can only conjecture; though this would seem to be the winding-up.

The view from this elevated spot was superb, extending far into the plains of Malwa. The lightning struck and injured the dome some years ago, but generally there is no semblance of decay, though some shoots of the pipal have rooted themselves where the bolt of Indra fell. It is said to have cost ninety lakhs of rupees, or near a million sterling; and this is only one of the many magnificent works of Rana Kumbha within Chitor; the temples to Krishna, the lake called Kurma Sagar, the temple and fountain to Kukkureswar Mahadeo, having been erected by him. He also raised the stupendous fortifications of Kumbhalmer, to which place the seat of government was transferred. It is asserted that the immense wealth in jewels appertaining to the princes of Gujarat, was captured by Mahmud Begada, when he took Kumbhalmer, whence he carried forty thousand captives.[11.15.22]

Near this is the grand temple of Brahma, erected also by Kumbha, in honour of his father Mokal, whose name it bears, and whose bust is the only object of veneration within.[11.15.23] It would seem as if Kumbha had been a deist, worshipping the Creator alone; though his inspired wife, Mira Bai, seems to have drawn a portion of his regard to Muralidhar, ‘he who holds the flute.’ Adjoining the shrine of the great spirit, is the Charbagh, where the ashes of the heroes, from Bappa down to the founder of Udaipur, are entombed. Many possessed great external interest; but I was forced to be content with what I saw, for the chronicler is dead.

=Scene of the Johar.=—Through these abodes of silence, a rugged path leads to a sequestered spot in a deep cleft of the rock, where there is a living fountain, called the Gao-mukh, or 'cow’s [763] mouth,' under the shade of an umbrageous _bar_ tree. On one side of the dell is the subterranean channel called Rani-bhandar, which, it is said, leads to suites of chambers in the rock. This was the scene of the awful Johar, on the occasion of Ala sacking Chitor, when the queens perished in the flames; on which the cavern’s mouth was closed.

Still ascending, I visited the edifices named after Jaimall and Patta, and the shrine of Kalika Devi, esteemed one of the most ancient of Chitor, existing since the time of the Mori, the dynasty prior to the Guhilot.[11.15.24] But the only inscription I discovered was the following:—

“S. 1574 Magh (_sudi_) 5th, and Revati Nakshatra, the stone-cutters Kalu, Kaimer, and thirty-six others (whose names are added), enlarged the fountain of the sun (Suryakunda), adjacent to the temple of Kalika Devi.” Thence I passed to the vaulted cenotaph of Chonda, the founder of the Chondawats, who surrendered his birthright to please his aged sire. A little further, are the mahalls of Rana Bhim and Padmini. Beyond this, within a stone enclosure, is the place where the victorious Kumbha confined the king of Malwa; and touching it is the mahall of the Raos of Rampura.

Further south is a spot of deep interest: the tank and palace of Chitrang Mori,[11.15.25] the ancient Puar lord of Chitor, whose inscription I have already given. The interior sides of the tank are divided into sculptured compartments, in very good taste, but not to be compared with the works at Barolli, though doubtless executed under the same family. Being now within two hundred yards of the southern bastion, I returned by the mahalls of the once vassals of Chitor, namely, Sirohi, Bundi, Sunth,[11.15.26] Lunawada, to the Chaugan, or ‘field of Mars,’ where the military festival of the Dasahra is yet held by the slender garrison of Chitor. Close to it is a noble reservoir of a hundred and thirty feet in length, sixty-five in width, and forty-seven in depth. It is lined with immense sculptured masses of masonry, and filled with water.

=The Jain Pillar.=—Higher up, and nearly about the centre, is a remarkable square pillar, called the Khawasan-sthamba (column).[11.15.27] It is seventy-five feet and a half in height, thirty feet in diameter at the base, and fifteen at the top, and covered with Jain figures. It is very ancient, and I found a fragment of an inscription at its base, which shows that it was dedicated to Adinath, the first of the twenty-four Jain pontiffs: “By Sri Adinath, and the twenty-four Jineswara, Pundarikaksha, Ganesa, Surya, and the nine planets, may you be preserved! S. 952 (A.D. 896) Baisakh (_sudi_) the 30th, Guruvar (Thursday)” [764].

I found also another old inscription near the very antique temple of Kukkureswar Mahadeo; “S. 811, Mah sudi 5th, Vrihaspativar (Thursday), A.D. 755, Raja Kukkureswar erected this temple and excavated the fountain.”

There are many Jain inscriptions, but amidst the heaps of ruins I was not fortunate enough to make any important discovery. One in the temple of Santnath was as follows; “S. 1505 (A.D. 1449), Sri Maharana Mokal, whose son Kumbhakaran’s treasurer, by name Sah Kola, his son Bhandari Ratna, and wife Bilandevi, erected this shrine to Santnath. The chief of the Khadatara Gachchha, Janraj Sur and apparent successor, Sri Jan Chandra Surji, made this writing.”

Close to the Suraj-pol, or gate in the centre of the eastern face, is an altar sacred to the manes of Sahidas, the chief of the Chondawats, who fell at his post, the gate of the sun, when the city was sacked by Bahadur Shah.

At the north-western face is a castle complete within itself, the walls and towers of which are of a peculiar form, and denote a high antiquity. This is said to be the ancient palace of the Moris and the first Ranas of Chitor. But it is time to close this description, which I do by observing, that one cannot move a step without treading on some fragment of the olden times:

Columns strewn, and statues fallen and cleft, Heaped like a host, in battle overthrown.

=An Old Fakīr.=—Before, however, I quit this spot, hallowed by these remains, I may mention having seen a being who, if there is any truth in Chitrakot, must be a hundred and sixty years old. This wonder is a Fakir, who has constantly inhabited the temples, within the memory of the oldest inhabitants; and there is one carpenter, now upwards of ninety, who recollects “Babaji as an old man and the terror of the children.” To me he did not appear above seventy. I found him deeply engaged at Pachisi with one of the townsfolk. When I was introduced to this extraordinary personage, he looked up at me for an instant, and exclaiming, “What does he want here?” quietly resumed his game. When it was finished, I presented my _nazar_ to the inspired (for madness and inspiration are here synonymous), which he threw amongst the bystanders, and bolted over the ruins, dragging through the brambles a fine shawl some one had presented to him, and which, becoming an impediment, he left there. In these moods none durst molest him, and when inclined for food or pastime his wants were quickly supplied. For one moment I got him to cast his mental eye back [765] upon the past, and he mentioned something of Adina Beg and the Panjab (of which they say he was an inhabitant); but the oracle deigned nothing further.

=Udaipur=, _March 8, 1822_.—Here I am once more in the capital of Hindupati (chief of the Hindu race), from which no occurrence shall move me until I go to “eat the air” of my native land. I require repose, for the last fifteen years of my life have been one continuous tissue of toil and accident, such as are narrated in these records of a few of my many wanderings. The bow must be unbent, or it will snap, and the time for journalizing must cease with everything else under the sun. I halted a few days at Merta, and found my house nearly finished, the garden looking beautiful, the _aru_ or peach-tree, the _seo_ or apple, the _santara_,[11.15.28] _narangi_, and _nimbu_, or various orange and lime-trees, all in full blossom, and showing the potent influence of Surya, in these regions; the _sharifa_ or _sitaphal_ (fruit of Sita), or custard-apple, the _anar_, the _kela_, pomegranate, plantain, and various indigenous fruits, were all equally forward. These plants are mostly from Agra, Lucknow, or Cawnpore; but some of the finest peaches are the produce of those I planted at Gwalior,—I may say their grandchildren. When I left Gwalior in 1817, I brought with me the stones of several peach-trees, and planted them in the garden of Rang-piyari, my residence at Udaipur; and more delicious or more abundant fruit I never saw. The stones of these I again put in the new garden at Merta, and these again exhibit fruit, but it will require another year to prove whether they maintain the character they held in the plains of Raru, or in this city. The vegetables were equally thriving: I never saw finer crops of Prussian-blues,[11.15.29] of _kobis_, _phul-kobis_, or cabbages and cauliflowers, celery, and all that belongs to the kitchen-garden, and which my Rajput friends declare far superior to their indigenous race of sag, or greens; the Diwanji (Rana) has monopolized the celery, which he pronounces the prince of vegetables. I had also got my cutter for the Udaisagar, and we promised ourselves many delightful days, sailing amidst its islets and fishing in its stream. “But in all this was there vanity”: poor Carey lies under the sod; Duncan has been struggling on, and is just about to depart for the Cape of Good Hope; Patrick, who was left at Kotah, writes me dismal accounts of his health and his solitude, and I am left almost alone, the ghost of what I was. “I looked on all the works that my hands had wrought, and on the labour I had laboured to do; and behold all was vanity and vexation of spirit!” And such I fear will it prove with more important works than these amusements of the hour; but it were certain death to stay, and the doctor insists on my sending in ‘a sick certificate,’ and putting my house in order for [766] departure. The month of May is fixed, a resolution which has filled the Rana with grief; but he “gives me leave only for three years, and his sister, Chandji Bai, desires me to bring back a wife that she may love.”

I would willingly have dispensed with the honours of a public _entrée_; but here, even health must bend to forms and the laws of the Rajputs; and the Rana, Prince Jawan Singh, and all the Sesodia chivalry, advanced to welcome our return. “_Ap ghar aye!_ You have come home!” was the simple and heartfelt expression of the Rana, as he received my reverential salaam; but he kindly looked round, and missed my companions, for Waugh Sahib and Doctor Sahib were both great favourites; and, last but not least, when he saw me bestride Javadia, he asked, “where was Bajraj?” but the ‘royal-steed’ (his gift) was no more, and lies entombed at Kotah. “_Hae! hae!_ alas! alas! (exclaimed Prithinath); _bara sochpan balamanukh cha_, great grief, for he was a good man.”[11.15.30] The virtues of Bajraj were the subject of conversation until we reached the ‘gate of the sun’ (Surajpol); when the Rana “gave me leave to go home,” and he continued his promenade.

=Bajrāj, the Horse.=—Bajraj was worthy of such notice and of his name; he was perfection, and so general a favourite that his death was deemed a public misfortune, for he was as well known throughout all these regions as his master. The general yell of sorrow that burst from all my sepoys and establishment on that event, was astounding, and the whole camp attended his obsequies; many were weeping, and when they began to throw the earth upon the fine beast, wrapped up in his body-clothes, his sais (groom) threw himself into his grave, and was quite frantic with grief. I cut some locks off his mane in remembrance of the noblest beast I ever crossed, and in a few days I observed many huge stones near the spot, which before I left Kotah grew into a noble chabutra, or ‘altar’ of hewn stone about twenty feet square and four feet high, on which was placed the effigy of Bajraj large as life, sculptured out of one block of freestone. I was grateful for the attention, but the old regent had caught the infection, and evinced his sense of the worth of Bajraj by a tomb such as his master cannot expect; but in this case perhaps I divided the interest, though there was no prince of Rajwara more proud of his stud than the blind chief of Kotah. From the days of the Pandus to Dewa-Banga of Bundi, many a war has been waged for a horse; nor can we better declare the relative estimation of the noble animal than in the words of that stalwart Hara to the Lodi king: “There are three things you must not ask of a Rajput, his horse, his mistress, or his sword” [767].

In a few days I shall leave the capital for the villa of the Hara Rani, sister of the Kotah prince, and whose bracelet also I have had, the symbol of adoption as her brother. To all their customs, to all their sympathies, and numerous acts of courtesy and kindness, which have made this not a strange land to me, I am about to bid farewell; whether a final one, is written in that book which for wise purposes is sealed to mortal vision; but wherever I go, whatever days I may number, nor place nor time can ever weaken, far less obliterate, the remembrance of the valley of Udaipur.[11.15.31]

Footnote 11.15.1:

[Sir Henry Durand, then Lieutenant-Governor of the Panjāb, met his death by a similar accident at Tānk in the Dera Ismāīl Khan District, on January 1, 1871.]

Footnote 11.15.2:

[Begūn was, by the Author’s intervention, restored to the Rāwat, Maha Singh II., in 1822. A couple of years later, Maha Singh gave up the estate to his son, Kishor Singh, and became a religious mendicant at the shrines of Nāthdwāra and Kānkroli. But when Kishor Singh was, for some unknown reason, murdered in cold blood by a Brāhman in 1839, he resumed the management, and lived till 1860 (Erskine ii. A. 95).]

Footnote 11.15.3:

[For a curious sketch of Chitor by a gunner in Aurangzeb’s service, see J. Fryer, _New Account of India and Persia_, vol. iii. ed. 1915, p. 170.]

Footnote 11.15.4:

[See Vol. I. p. 379.]

Footnote 11.15.5:

A small tent without (_be_) a pole (_choba_).

Footnote 11.15.6:

[See the account in _ASR_, xxiii. (1887) p. 101 ff.; Erskine ii. A. 101 ff.]

Footnote 11.15.7:

[The Bīdar subdivision of the Kāyasth, or writer caste, does not appear in recent lists, and this is the only reference to Kāyasths in the “Annals,” their place being usually taken by the Pancholi. A man of the writer caste, Srīpati, is mentioned on the Siwālik pillar at Delhi (_IA_, xix. 219). The place of Kāyasths in Rājputāna has generally been taken by Banias.]

Footnote 11.15.8:

[This, the most ancient chronicle of Mewār, was written in the ninth century, and was recast in the reign of Partāp Singh I. (A.D. 1572-97), and carries the narrative down to the wars of that prince with Akbar, devoting much space to the siege of Chitor by Alāu-d-dīn Khilji (Grierson, _Modern Literary Hist. of Hindustan_, 1 f.).]

Footnote 11.15.9:

[See Vol. I. p. 362.]

Footnote 11.15.10:

[_Mor_, _maur_, ‘a crown,’ such as that worn by the bridegroom to avert the Evil Eye.]

Footnote 11.15.11:

[Tulja (not Tulsi, as in the original text) Bhavāni, a form of the Māta or mother goddess, has her best-known shrine at Tuljapur in the dominions of the Nīzām of Haidarābād (_IGI_, xxiv. 52).]

Footnote 11.15.12:

[This title is not traceable in the dictionaries. The more usual designation is _Mir-i-ākhwar_ or _ākhor_.]

Footnote 11.15.13:

[An inscription on this building shows that it was erected in A.D. 1448 by Bhandāri Bela, son of the treasurer of Rāna Kūmbha, and dedicated to Sāntināth, the 16th Jain Tīrthakara (Erskine ii. A. 102 f.).]

Footnote 11.15.14:

[See p. 1640.]

Footnote 11.15.15:

[‘The yellow rivulet.’]

Footnote 11.15.16:

[This temple, dedicated to Krishna, is known as Kūmbh Syām, Syām being ‘the black’ Krishna. It was built about A.D. 1450 (Erskine ii. A. 103). Also see Fergusson, _Hist. Ind. Arch._ ed. 1910, ii. 150.]

Footnote 11.15.17:

[The chief work of Mīra Bāi is the Rāg Gobind, and a much-admired commentary on the Gīta Govinda of Jayadeva (Grierson, _Modern Literary Hist. of Hindūstān_, 12).]

Footnote 11.15.18:

I trust this may be put to the proof; for I think it will prove to be Takshaknagara, of which I have long been in search, and which gave rise to the suggestion of Herbert that Chitor was Taxila of Porus (the Puar?). [The Author’s suggestion is incorrect. Nagari is one of the most ancient places in Rājputāna, and its original name is said to be Madhyamika. A fragmentary inscription earlier than the Christian era has been found here. There are two Buddhist stūpas and the ruins of a Buddhist building, said to have been used by Akbar to house his elephants, and hence called Hāthi ka Bāra, ‘the elephant enclosure’ (Erskine ii. A. 94).]

Footnote 11.15.19:

[For this pillar, known as Kīrtti or Jai Stambha, see Fergusson, _Hist. Ind. Arch._ ed. 1910, ii. 59 f.; Smith, _Hist. Fine Art_, 202 f., who calls it “an illustrated dictionary of Hindu mythology.” Garrett found Arabic inscriptions on the third and eighth stories (_ASR_, xxiii. (1887), 116 f.). For the pillar which the opponent of Rāna Kūmbha erected to commemorate _his_ victory, see _BG_, i. Part i. 361; for similar pillars erected at Mandasor by Yasodharman in the sixth century A.D., see _IA_, xv. 253 ff., and compare xvi. 18.]

Footnote 11.15.20:

[For the Rāsmandala, or circular dance of Krishna with the Gopis or shepherd girls, see Growse, _Mathura_, 3rd ed., 61.]

Footnote 11.15.21:

[_Ardea antigone_, the noble crane of N. India.]

Footnote 11.15.22:

[Mahmūd Begada, King of Ahmadābād (A.D. 1459-1513). There does not seem to be any corroboration of his capture of Kūmbhalmer (Ferishta iv. 26 ff.). His predecessor, Kutbu-d-dīn, is said to have levied a ransom from the Rāna after an unsuccessful attack by the latter (_ibid._ iv. 41). For the attack on the fort, about A.D. 1458, by Mahmūd Khilji of Mālwa, see _ibid._ iv. 208 f.]

Footnote 11.15.23:

[This temple, originally erected in the eleventh century, was reconstructed in the reign of Mokal (A.D. 1428-38), and is dedicated to Mahādeo Samiddheswar. It contains a series of relief sculptures, the interpretation of which is still uncertain (Erskine ii. A. 103; Smith, _Hist. Fine Art_, 203 f., with references to authorities.)]

Footnote 11.15.24:

[It was originally a sun-temple (Erskine ii. A. 103).]

Footnote 11.15.25:

[This has been so altered, remodelled, and ruined that its original form is unrecognizable (Fergusson, _Hist. Ind. Arch._ ed. 1910, ii. 170).]

Footnote 11.15.26:

[Sunth and Lūnavāda in Rewa Kāntha, Bombay (_IGI_, xvi. 209 ff.).]

Footnote 11.15.27:

[The Jain pillar, known as Khawāsan Stambha, said to mean ‘Grandee’s pillar,’ or Kīrtti Stambha, ‘pillar of victory,’ was built by a Bagherwāl Mahājan, or merchant, named Jīja in the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D., and has recently been repaired by the Government of India. Fergusson (_Hist. Ind. Arch._ ed. 1910, ii. 59) remarks that the date assigned on the slab mentioned in the text, which is now lost, is much too early. It has been ascribed to Kumārapāla of Gujarāt (_A.D._ 1143-74). It probably belongs to the thirteenth century, and the nude figures show that it was a Digambara monument, whereas Kumārapāla was a Svetāmbara. The tradition assigning it to Jīja Mahājan may be correct (Erskine ii. A. 104).]

Footnote 11.15.28:

[The Cintra orange, _Āīn_, ii. 124.]

Footnote 11.15.29:

[A kind of peas.]

Footnote 11.15.30:

_Mānukh_ or _mānushya_ is the diminutive of man. [Prithināth, ‘lord of the earth,’ a title of the Rāna.]

Footnote 11.15.31:

By a singular coincidence, the day on which I closed these wanderings is the same on which I have put the last stroke to a work that has afforded me some pleasure and much pain. It was on March 8, 1822, I ended my journey and entered Udaipur: on March 8, 1832, I am transcribing this last page of my journal: in March my book appears before the public: I was born in March; embarked for India in March; and had the last glimpse of its land, the coast of Ceylon, in March. But what changes has not the ever-revolving wheel produced since that time! Captain Waugh returned to England about six months after me; his health much shattered. We met, and lived together, in London, in Belgium, and in France; but amidst all the beauties of novelty, Rajputana was the theme to which we constantly reverted. He returned to India, had just obtained his majority, and was marching in command of his regiment, the 10th Light Cavalry, from Muttra to Mhow, when, in passing through the land where we had seen many happy days together, he was invited by the chief of Duni to renew old recollections by a visit. Though in the highest spirits, my poor cousin went with a presentiment of evil. He was accompanied by some of his officers. In ascending the hill he fell, and sustained an injury which rendered an operation necessary. This succeeded so well, that in two days he proceeded in a litter; when, on arriving at the ground, his friends drew the curtain of his _duli_, and found him dead! His ashes repose in Mewar, under a monument raised by his brother officers. He did not live to see the completion of these labours, which none but he could fully appreciate. No man was ever more beloved in private life; and the eulogium passed upon him, but two days ago, by his old friend and commander, the gallant General Sir Thomas Brown—“He was one of the best cavalry officers who ever served under me,”—is an honourable testimony to his public career. No apology is required for this record of the talent and worth of one who, in addition to the ties of kindred, was linked to me by the bonds of friendship during twenty years.—March 8, 1832 [768-769].

APPENDIX

NO. I.

_Letter from Raja Jai Singh of Amber to Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar, regarding Idar._

SRI RAMJI,[a.1.1]

SRI SITARAMJI,

When I was in the presence at Udaipur, you _commanded_[a.1.2] that Mewar was my home, and that Idar was the portico of Mewar, and to watch the occasion for obtaining it. From that time I have been on the look-out. Your agent, Mayaram, has again written regarding it, and Dilpat Ras read the letter to me verbatim, on which I talked over the matter with Maharaja Abhai Singh, who, acquiescing in all your views, has made a _nazar_ of the pargana to you, and his writing to this effect accompanies this letter.

The Maharaja Abhai Singh _petitions_ that you will so manage _that the occupant Anand Singh does not escape alive; as, without his death, your possession will be unstable_;[a.1.3] this is in your hands. It is my wish, also, that you would go in person, or if you deem this inexpedient, command the Dhabhai Naga, placing a respectable force under his orders, and having blocked up all the passes, you may then slay him. Above all things, let him not escape—let this be guarded against.

Asarh badi 7th (22nd of the first month of the monsoon), S. 1784 (A.D. 1728).

ENVELOPE.

The Pargana of Idar is in Maharaja Abhai Singh’s jagir, who makes a nazar of it to the Huzur; should it be granted to any other, take care the Mansabdar never gains possession.

8th S., 1784[a.1.4] [770].

Footnote a.1.1:

Ram and Sita, whom the prince invokes, are the great parents of the Kachhwaha race, of which Raja Jai Singh is the head. I have omitted the usual string of introductory compliments.

Footnote a.1.2:

These terms completely illustrate the superior character in which the Ranas of Mewar were held by the two princes next in dignity to him in Rajputana a century ago.

Footnote a.1.3:

This deep anxiety is abundantly explained by looking at the genealogical slip of the Rathors, at p. 1087, where it will be seen that Anand Singh, whom the parricidal Abhai Singh is so anxious to be rid of, is his own brother, innocent of any participation in that crime, and _whose issue, although adopted into Idar, were heirs-presumptive to Marwar_!

┌ Let my _mujra_ (respects) be known: when _Written according to │ in the Diwan’s presence he ordered, that custom in the margin with │ Idar was the portico, and Chappan the the Raja’s own hand._ ┤ vestibule to Mewar, and that it was │ necessary to obtain it. I have kept this │ in mind, and by the Sri Diwan-ji’s fortune └ it is accomplished!

Footnote a.1.4:

[Forbes (_Rāsmāla_, 451), who gives the facts from local sources, remarks: “We do not know how this statement is to be reconciled with the following letter, quoted by Colonel Tod.”]

------------------

NO. II.

TREATY between the Honourable English East-India Company and Maharaja Maun Sing Buhadoor, Raja of Joudpoor, represented by the Koowur Regent Joograj Maharaj Koowur Chutter Sing Buhadoor, concluded by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe on the part of the Honourable Company, in virtue of powers granted by his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of Hastings, K.G., Governor-General, and by Byas Bishen Ram and Byas Ubhee Ram on the part of Maharaja Maun Sing Buhadoor, in virtue of full powers granted by the Maharaja and Joograj Maharaj Koowur aforesaid.

_First Article._—There shall be perpetual friendship, alliance, and unity of interest between the Honourable English East-India Company and Maharaja Maun Sing and his heirs and successors; and the friends and enemies of one party shall be friends and enemies of both.

_Second Article._—The British Government engages to protect the principality and territory of Joudpoor.

_Third Article._—Maharaja Maun Sing and his heirs and successors will act in subordinate co-operation with the British Government, and acknowledge its supremacy; and will not have any connexion with other chiefs and states.

_Fourth Article._—The Maharaja and his heirs and successors will not enter into negotiation with any chief or state without the knowledge and sanction of the British Government. But his usual amicable correspondence with friends and relations shall continue.

_Fifth Article._—The Maharaja and his heirs and successors will not commit aggressions on any one. If by accident disputes arise with any one, they shall be submitted to the arbitration and award of the British Government.

_Sixth Article._—The tribute heretofore paid to Sindia by the state of Joudpoor, of which a separate schedule is affixed, shall be paid in perpetuity to the British Government; and the engagement of the state of Joudpoor with Sindia respecting tribute shall cease.

_Seventh Article._—As the Maharaja declares that besides the tribute paid to Sindia by the state of Joudpoor, tribute has not been paid to any other state, and engages to pay the aforesaid tribute to the British Government; if either Sindia or any one else lay claim to tribute, the British Government engages to reply to such claim.

_Eighth Article._—The state of Joudpoor shall furnish fifteen hundred horse for the service of the British Government whenever required; and when necessary, the whole of the Joudpoor forces shall join the British army, excepting such a portion as may be requisite for the internal administration of the country.

_Ninth Article._—The Maharaja and his heirs and successors shall remain absolute rulers of their country, and the jurisdiction of the British Government shall not be introduced into that principality.

_Tenth Article._—This treaty of ten articles having been concluded at Dihlee, and signed and sealed by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe and Byas Bishen Ram and Byas Ubhee Ram; the ratifications of the same by his Excellency the Governor-General, and by Raj Rajeesur Maharaja Maun Sing Buhadoor and Jugraj Maharaj Koowur Chutter Sing Buhadoor, shall be exchanged within six weeks from this date.

Done at Dihlee this sixth day of January, A.D. 1815.

(_Signed_) (L.S.) C. T. METCALFE, Resident. BYAS BISHEN RAM. (L.S.) BYAS UBHEE RAM [771].

------------------

NO. III.

_Treaty with the Raja of Jessulmer._

TREATY between the Honourable English East-India Company and Maha Rawul Moolraj Buhadoor, Raja of Jessulmer, concluded on the part of the Honourable Company by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, in virtue of full powers granted by his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of Hastings, K.G., Governor-General, etc., and on the part of the Maha Raja Dehraj Maha Rawul Moolraj Buhadoor by Misr Motee Ram and Thakoor Dowlet Sing, according to full powers conferred by Maha Rawul.

_First Article._—There shall be perpetual friendship, alliance, and unity of interests between the Honourable English Company and Maha Rawul Moolraj Buhadoor, the Raja of Jessulmer, and his heirs and successors.

_Second Article._—The posterity of Maha Rawul Moolraj shall succeed to the principality of Jessulmer.

_Third Article._—In the event of any _serious_ invasion directed towards the overthrow of the principality of Jessulmer, or other danger of _great_ magnitude occurring to that principality, the British Government will exert its power for the protection of the principality, provided that the cause of the quarrel be not ascribable to the Raja of Jessulmer.

_Fourth Article._—The Maha Rawul and his heirs and successors will always act in subordinate co-operation with the British Government, and with submission to its supremacy.

_Fifth Article._—This treaty of five articles having been settled, signed, and sealed by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe and Misr Motee Ram and Thakoor Dowlet Sing, the ratifications of the same by his Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General and Maha Raja Dehraj Maha Rawul, Moolraj Buhadoor, shall be exchanged in six weeks from the present date.

Done at Dihlee this twelfth day of December, A.D. 1818.

(L.S.) C. T. METCALFE. (_Signed_) MISR MOTEE RAM. (L.S.) THAKOOR DOWLET SING. (_Signed_) C. T. M.

------------------

NO. IV.

TREATY between the Honourable English East-India Company and Maharaja Siwaee Juggut Singh Buhadoor, Raja of Jypoor, concluded by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, on the part of the Honourable Company, in virtue of full powers granted by his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of Hastings, K.G., Governor-General, etc., and by Thakoor Rawul Byree Saul Nattawut, on the part of Raj Rajindur Sree Maharaj Dhiraj Siwaee Juggut Singh Buhadoor, according to full powers given by the Raja.

_First Article._—There shall be perpetual friendship, alliance, and unity of interests between the Honourable Company and Maharaja Juggut Singh, and his heirs and successors, and the friends and enemies of one party shall be the friends and enemies of both parties.

_Second Article._—The British Government engages to protect the territory of Jypoor, and to expel the enemies of that principality.

_Third Article._—Maharaja Siwaee Juggut Singh, and his heirs and successors, will act in subordinate co-operation with the British Government, and acknowledge its supremacy; and will not have any connexion with other chiefs and states [772].

_Fourth Article._—The Maharaja, and his heirs and successors, will not enter into negotiation with any chief or state without the knowledge and sanction of the British Government; but the usual amicable correspondence with friends and relations shall continue.

_Fifth Article._—The Maharaja and his heirs and successors will not commit aggressions on any one. If it happen that any dispute arise with any one, it shall be submitted to the arbitration and award of the British Government.

_Sixth Article._—Tribute shall be paid in perpetuity by the principality of Jypoor to the British Government, through the treasury of Dihlee, according to the following detail:—

First year, from the date of this treaty, in consideration of the devastation which has prevailed for years in the Jypoor country, tribute excused.

Second year Four lakhs of Dihlee rupees.

Third year Five lakhs.

Fourth year Six lakhs.

Fifth year Seven lakhs.

Sixth year Eight lakhs.

Afterwards eight lakhs of Dihlee rupees annually, until the revenues of the principality exceed forty lakhs.

And when the Raja’s revenue exceeds forty lakhs, five-sixteenths of the excess shall be paid in addition to the eight lakhs above mentioned.

_Seventh Article._—The principality of Jypoor shall furnish troops according to its means, at the requisition of the British Government.

_Eighth Article._—The Maharaja and his heirs and successors shall remain absolute rulers of their country, and their dependants, according to long-established usage; and the British civil and criminal jurisdiction shall not be introduced into that principality.

_Ninth Article._—Provided that the Maharaja evince a faithful attachment to the British Government, his prosperity and advantage shall be favourably considered and attended to.

_Tenth Article._—This treaty of ten articles having been concluded, and signed and sealed by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe and Thakoor Rawul Byree Saul Nattawut, the ratifications of the same, by his Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General, and Raj Rajindur Sree Maharaj Dhiraj Siwaee Juggut Singh Buhadoor, shall be mutually exchanged within one month from the present date.

Done at Dihlee this second day of April, A.D. 1818.

(_Signed_) (L.S.) C. T. METCALFE, Resident. (L.S.) TAUKOOR RAWUL BYREE SAUL NATTAWUT.

------------------

NO. V.

No. V. being a large paper is omitted [773].

------------------

NO. VI.

TREATY between the Honourable the English East-India Company on the one part, and Maha Rao Omed Sing Buhadoor, the Raja of Kota, and his heirs and successors, through Raj Rana Zalim Sing Buhadoor, the administrator of the affairs of that principality, on the other; concluded on the part of the Honourable English East-India Company by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, in virtue of full powers granted to him by his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of Hastings, K.G., Governor-General, and on the part of Maha Rao Omed Sing Buhadoor, by Maha Raja Sheodan Sing, Sah Jeewun Ram, and Lala Hoolchund, in virtue of full powers granted by the Maha Rao aforesaid, and his administrator, the above-mentioned Raj Rana.

_First Article._—There shall be perpetual friendship, alliance, and unity of interests between the British Government on the one hand, and Maha Rao Omed Sing Buhadoor, and his heirs and successors, on the other.

_Second Article._—The friends and enemies of either of the contracting parties shall be the same to both.

_Third Article._—The British Government engages to take under its protection the principality and territory of Kota.

_Fourth Article._—The Maha Rao, and his heirs and successors, will always act in subordinate co-operation with the British Government, and acknowledge its supremacy, and will not henceforth have any connexion with the chiefs and States with which the State of Kota has been heretofore connected.

_Fifth Article._—The Maha Rao, and his heirs and successors, will not enter into any negotiations with any chief or State without the sanction of the British Government. But his customary amicable correspondence with friends and relations shall continue.

_Sixth Article._—The Maha Rao, and his heirs and successors, will not commit aggressions on any one; and if any dispute accidentally arise with any one, proceeding either from acts of the Maha Rao, or acts of the other party, the adjustment of such disputes shall be submitted to the arbitration of the British Government.

_Seventh Article._—The tribute heretofore paid by the principality of Kota to the Mahratta chiefs, for instance, the Peshwa, Sindia, Holkar, and Powar, shall be paid at Dihlee to the British Government for ever, according to the separate schedule annexed.

_Eighth Article._—No other power shall have any claim to tribute from the principality of Kota; and if any one advance such a claim, the British Government engages to reply to it.

_Ninth Article._—The troops of the principality of Kota, according to its means, shall be furnished at the requisition of the British Government.

_Tenth Article._—The Maha Rao, and his heirs and successors, shall remain absolute rulers of their country, and the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the British Government shall not be introduced into that principality.

_Eleventh Article._—This treaty of eleven articles having been concluded at Dihlee, and signed and sealed by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe on the one part, and Maha Raja Sheodan Sing, Sah Jeewun Ram, and Lala Hoolchund on the other, the ratifications of the same by his Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General, and Maha Rao Omed Sing, and his administrator Raj Zalim Sing, shall be exchanged within a month from this date.

Done at Dihlee the twenty-sixth day of December, A.D. 1817.

(_Signed_) C. T. METCALFE, Resident. [774]

------------------

No. VII.

TREATIES between the Honourable English East-India Company and the Maha Row Raja Bishen Sing Buhadoor, Raja of Boondee, concluded by Captain James Tod on the part of the Honourable Company, in virtue of full powers from his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquess of Hastings, K.G., Governor-General, etc., etc., and by Bohora Tolaram on the part of the Raja, in virtue of full powers from the said Raja.

_First Article._—There shall be perpetual friendship, alliance, and unity of interests between the British Government on the one hand, and the Raja of Boondee and his heirs and successors on the other.

_Second Article._—The British Government takes under its protection the dominions of the Raja of Boondee.

_Third Article._—The Raja of Boondee acknowledges the supremacy of, and will co-operate with, the British Government for ever. He will not commit aggressions on any one. He will not enter into negotiations with any one without the consent of the British Government. If by chance any dispute arise with any one, it shall be submitted to the arbitration and award of the British Government. The Raja is absolute ruler of his dominions, and the British jurisdiction shall not be introduced therein.

_Fourth Article._—The British Government spontaneously remits to the Raja and his descendants the tribute which the Raja used to pay to Maharaja Holkar, and which has been ceded by the Maharaja Holkar to the British Government; the British Government also relinquishes in favour of the State of Boondee the lands heretofore held by Maharaja Holkar within the limits of that State, according to the annexed schedule (No. 1).

_Fifth Article._—The Raja of Boondee hereby engages to pay to the British Government the tribute and revenue heretofore paid to Maharaja Sindia, according to the schedule (No. 2).

_Sixth Article._—The Raja of Boondee shall furnish troops at the requisition of the British Government according to his means.

_Seventh Article._—The present treaty of seven articles having been settled at Boondee, and signed and sealed by Captain James Tod and Bohora Tolaram, the ratifications of the same by his Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General and the Maha Row Raja, of Boondee, shall be exchanged within one month from the present date.

Done at Boondee, this tenth day of February, A.D. 1818; corresponding to the fourth of Rubbee-ool-Sanee 1233, and fifth day of Maug Soodee of the Sumbut, or Aera of Bikramajeet, 1874 [775].

INDEX

_Abbreviations._—ci., city; km., kingdom; m., mountain; r., river; t., town.

Abdication rite of a Rāja, i. 426, iii. 1467, 1509

Abhai Singh, Rāja of Mārwār, ii. 1035; his horoscope, 1019

Abhāner, t., iii. 1379, 1439

Abhīra tribe, i. 144, 273, ii. 651

Abīr, abīra, coloured powder flung about at the Holi festival, ii. 662, 663

Abisares, Abhisāra, km., i. 49

Aboharia Bhatti clan, ii. 734

Aboriginal tribes, i. 144, ii. 650

Ābu, Mount, view from its summit, i. 9; buildings erected by Kūmbha of Mewār, i. 336; a Pramāra fortress, i. 336; assemblage at, to regenerate the Agnikulas, i. 108, iii. 1442

Achalesvara, local deity of Ābu, i. 108

Achalgarh, fort, ii. 990

Adālaj, battle at, ii. 1046

Adam, Mr. John, iii. 1581

Ādināth, the first Jain Tīrthankara, i. 25, 58, 108

Adonis, gardens of, ii. 666

Adoption, right of, i. 220; effect of, ii. 860; binding on of a turban as a symbol, i. 38, 221; taking in the lap as a symbol, ii. 1083

Afghāns, alleged Hebrew descent, ii. 902

Āgar, a salt lake, ii. 813

Agastya, festival of, ii. 670

Aggrames, km., ii. 886

Aghori ascetics, ii. 671

Aghūz Khān, ancestor of Mongols, i. 69

Agnikotra, the sacrificial fire, i. 32

Agnikula, the fire-born tribes, i. 99, 107, iii. 1442

Agnikunda, the fire-pit, i. 108, 112

Agra, seat of government transferred to, iii. 1484; fort gate haunted by a serpent, ii. 978; occupied by Jāts, iii. 1359

Agriculture, in Jaipur, iii. 1430; in Jaisalmer, ii. 1247; in Kotah, iii. 1561; implements in Bīkaner, ii. 1152

Agroha fort, ii. 886

Ahadi, a gentleman trooper, warrant-officer, ii. 784

Ahalya, i. 32; Bāi, ii. 891

Ahar, Ahār, Ār, Āra, Aitpur, t., i. 100, 252, 270, ii. 663, 678, 912; inscription from, ii. 924

Aharya, title of Guhilots, i. 100, ii. 912

Aheria, a hunter, i. 326; the hunting festival, i. 343, 385, 506, ii. 660,