CHAPTER 10

=Inauguration of the Rāo Rāja=, _August the 5th_.—The ceremony of Rajtilak, or inauguration of the young Rao Raja, had been postponed as soon as the Rani-mother heard of my intention to come to Bundi, and as the joyous ‘third of Sawan,’ Sawan-ki-tij, was at hand, it was fixed for the day following that festival. As the interval between the display of grief and the expression of joy is short in these States, it would have been inauspicious to mingle aught of gloom with the most celebrated of all the festivals of the Haras, in which the whole city partakes. The queen-mother sent a message to request that I would accompany her son in the procession of the Tij, with which invitation I most [694] willingly complied; and she also informed me that it was the custom of Rajwara, for the nearest of kin, or some neighbouring prince, on such occasions, to entreat the mourner, at the termination of the twelve days of _matam_, to dispense with its emblems. Accordingly, I prepared a coloured dress, with a turban and a jewelled _sarpesh_,[11.10.1] which I sent, with a request that the prince would “put aside the white turban.” In compliance with this, he appeared in these vestments in public, and I accompanied him to the ancient palace in old Bundi, where all public festivities are still held.

The young prince of the Haras is named Ram Singh, after one of the invincibles of this race, who sealed his loyalty with his life on the field of Dholpur. He is now in his eleventh year, fair, and with a lively, intelligent cast of face, and a sedateness of demeanour which, at his age, is only to be seen in the East. Gopal Singh, his brother, by a different mother, is a few months younger, very intelligent, and in person slight, fair, and somewhat marked with the smallpox. There is a third boy, about four, who, although illegitimate, was brought up with equal regard, but now he will have no consideration.

The cavalcade was numerous and imposing; the chiefs and their retainers well mounted, their equipments all new for the occasion, and the inhabitants in their best apparel, created a spectacle which was quite exhilarating, and which Bundi had not witnessed for a century: indeed, I should hardly have supposed it possible that four years could have produced such a change in the general appearance or numbers of the population. After remaining a few minutes, I took leave, that I might impose no restraint on the mirth which the day produces.[11.10.2]

The next day was appointed for the installation. Captain Waugh, who had been sent from Udaipur to Kotah in December last, when the troubles of that State broke out afresh, joined me this day in order to be present at the ceremony, though he was in wretched health from the peculiar insalubrity of Kotah at this time of the year. We proceeded to the Rajmahall, where all the sons of Dewa-Banga[11.10.3] have been anointed. Every avenue through which we passed was crowded with well-dressed people, who gave us hearty cheers of congratulation as we went along, and seemed to participate in the feeling evinced towards their young prince by the representative of the protecting power. The courts below and around the palace were in like manner filled with the Hara retainers, who rent the air with _Jai! Jai!_ as we dismounted. There was a very full assemblage within, where the young Raja was undergoing purification [695] by the priests; but we found his brother the Maharaja Gopal Singh, Balwant Singh of Gotra, the first noble of Bundi, the chiefs of Kapraun and Thana, old Bikramajit, and likewise the venerable chief of Dugari (son of Sriji), grand-uncle of the young prince, who had witnessed all the revolutions which the country had undergone, and could appreciate the existing repose. It was gratifying to hear this ancient, who could remember both periods of prosperity, thank Parameswar that he had lived to see the restoration of his country’s independence. In this manner we had some interesting conversation, while sacrifice and purification were going on in the adjoining apartment. When this was over, I was instructed to bring the young Raja forth and lead him to a temporary ‘cushion of state,’ when a new round of religious ceremonies took place, terminating with his re-election of the family Purohit and Byas,[11.10.4] by marking their foreheads with the tilak: which ordination entitled them to put the unction upon the prince’s, denoting the ‘divine right’ by which he was in future to rule the Haras. The young prince went through a multitude of propitiatory rites with singular accuracy and self-possession; and when they were over, the assembly rose. I was then requested to conduct him to the _gaddi_, placed in an elevated balcony overlooking the external court and a great part of the town; and it being too high for the young prince to reach, I raised him to it. The officiating priest now brought the vessel containing the unction, composed of sandalwood powder and aromatic oils, into which I dipped the middle finger of my right hand, and made the tilak on his forehead. I then girt him with the sword, and congratulated him in the name of my Government, declaring aloud, that all might hear, that the British Government would never cease to feel a deep interest in all that concerned the welfare of Bundi and the young prince’s family. Shouts of approbation burst from the immense crowds who thronged the palace, all in their gayest attire, while every valley re-echoed the sound of the cannon from the citadel of Taragarh. I then put on the jewels, consisting of _sarpesh_, or aigrette, which I bound round his turban, a necklace of pearls, and bracelets, with twenty-one shields (the tray of a Rajput) of shawls, brocades, and fine clothes. An elephant and two handsome horses, richly caparisoned, the one having silver, the other silver-gilt ornaments, with embroidered velvet saddle-cloths, were then led into the centre of the court under the balcony, a khilat befitting the dignity both of the giver and the receiver. Having gone through this form, in which I was prompted by my old friend the Maharaja Bikramajit, and paid my individual congratulations as the friend of his father and his personal guardian, I withdrew to make room for the [696] chiefs, heads of clans, to perform the like round of ceremonies: for in making the tilak, they at the same time acknowledge his accession and their own homage and fealty. I was joined by Gopal Singh, the prince’s brother, who artlessly told me that he had no protector but myself; and the chiefs, as they returned from the ceremony, came and congratulated me on the part I had taken in a rite which so nearly touched them all; individually presenting their _nazars_ to me as the representative of the paramount power. I then made my salutation to the prince and the assembly of the Haras, and returned. The Rao Raja afterwards proceeded with his cavalcade to all the shrines in this city, and Satur, to make his offerings.

The next day I received a message from the queen-mother with her blessing (_asis_), intimating her surprise that I had yet sent no special deputation to her, to comfort her under her affliction, and to give a pledge for her own and her child’s protection; and that although on this point she could feel no distrust, a direct communication would be satisfactory. In reply, I urged that it was from delicacy alone I had erred, and that I only awaited the intimation that it would be agreeable, though she would see the embarrassment attending such a step, more especially as I never employed my own servants when I could command the services of the ministers; and that as I feared to give umbrage by selecting any one of them, if she would receive the four, I would send with them a confidential servant, the Akhbarnavis or newswriter, as the bearer of my message. Her anxiety was not without good grounds: the elements of disorder, though subdued, were not crushed, and she dreaded the ambition and turbulence of the senior noble, Balwant Rao of Gotra, who had proved a thorn in the side of the late Raja throughout his life. This audacious but gallant Rajput, about twelve years before, had stormed and taken Nainwa, one of the chief castles of Bundi, in the face of day, and defeated with great slaughter many attempts to retake it, still holding it in spite of his prince, and trusting to his own party and the Mahrattas for support. In fact, but for the change in his relations, he neither would have obeyed a summons to the Presence, nor dared to appear uninvited; and even now his appearance excited no less alarm than surprise. “Balwant Singh at Bundi!” was repeated by many of the surrounding chiefs, as one of the anomalous signs of the times; for to have heard that a lion from their jungles had gone to congratulate the Raja, would have caused less wonder and infinitely less apprehension. The Rani was not satisfied, nor had her late lord been, with the chief minister, the Bohra, Shambhu Ram, who only a few days before the [697] Raja’s death had expressed great unwillingness, when called on, to produce his account of the finances. It was chiefly with a view to guard against these individuals, that the deceased Rao Raja had nominated the British Agent as the guardian of his son and the State during his minority, and the queen-mother besought me to see his wishes faithfully executed. Fortunately, there were some men who could be depended on, especially Govind Ram, who had attended the Agent as wakil: a simple-minded man, full of integrity and good intentions, though no match for the Bohra in ability or intrigue. There was also the Dhabhai, or foster-brother of the late prince, who held the important office of kilahdar of Taragarh, and who, like all his class, is devotion personified. There was likewise Chandarbhan Naik, who, from a low condition, had risen to favour and power, and being quick, obedient, and faithful, was always held as a check over the Bohra. There were also two eunuchs of the palace, servants entirely confidential, and with a very good notion of the general affairs of the State.

=Settlement of the Administration.=—Such were the materials at my disposal, and they were ample for all the concerns of this little State. Conformably to the will of the late prince, and the injunctions of the queen-mother, the Agent entirely reformed the functions of these officers, prohibited the revenues of the State from being confounded with the mercantile concerns of the minister, requiring them henceforth to be deposited at the Kishanbhandar, or treasury in the palace, providing a system of checks, as well on the receipts as the expenditure, and making all the four jointly and severally answerable; yet he made no material innovations, and displaced or displeased no one; though in raising those who were noted throughout the country for their integrity, he confirmed their good intentions and afforded them scope, while his measures were viewed with general satisfaction. After these arrangements, the greatest anxiety of the queen was for the absence of Balwant Rao; and, as it was in vain to argue against her fears, she requested that, when the ceremonies of installation were over, the chiefs might be dismissed to their estates, and that I would take the opportunity, at the next darbar, to point out to them the exact line of their duties, and the necessity of observance of the customs of past days: all of which was courteously done.

=Interview of the Author with the Rāni.=—Although the festival of the Rakhi was not until the end of the month, the mother of the young prince sent me by the hands of the Bhatt, or family priest, the bracelet of adoption as her brother, which made my young ward henceforth my _bhanja_, or nephew. With this mark of regard, she also expressed, through the ministers, a wish that I would pay her a visit at the palace, as she had many points to discuss regarding [698] Lalji’s welfare, which could only be satisfactorily argued viva voce. Of course I assented; and, accompanied by the Bohra and the confidential eunuchs of the Rawala, I had a conversation of about three hours with my adopted sister; a curtain being between us. Her language was sensible and forcible, and she evinced a thorough knowledge of all the routine of government and the views of parties, which she described with great clearness and precision. She especially approved of the distribution of duties, and said, with these checks, and the deep interest I felt for all that concerned the honour of Bundi, her mind was quite at ease; nor had she anything left to desire. She added that she relied implicitly on my friendship for the deceased, whose regard for me was great. I took the liberty of adverting to many topics for her own guidance; counselling her to shun the error of communicating with or receiving reports from interested or ignorant advisers; and above all, to shun forming parties, and ruling, according to their usual policy, by divisions: I suggested that the object would be best attained by never intimating her wishes but when the four ministers were together; and urged her to exercise her own sound judgment, and banish all anxiety for her son’s welfare, by always recalling to mind what my government had done for the interests of Bundi. During a great part of this conversation, the Bohra had retired, so that her tongue was unrestrained. With _itr-pan_ and her blessing (_asis_) sent by one of her damsels, she dismissed me with the oft-repeated remark, “Forget not that Lalji is now in your lap.”

I retired with my conductors, highly gratified with this interesting conversation, and impressed with respect for her capacity and views. This Rani, as I have elsewhere mentioned, is of the Rathor tribe, and of the house of Kishangarh in Marwar; she is the youngest of the late Rao Raja’s four widowed queens, but takes the chief rank, as mother and guardian of the minor prince.

I remained at Bundi till the middle of August; when, having given a right tone and direction to its government, I left it with the admonition that I should consider myself authorized, not as the Agent of government so much as the executor of their late lord’s wishes, and with the concurrent assent of the regent-queen, to watch over the prince’s welfare until the age of sixteen, when Rajput minority ceases; and advertised them, that they must not be surprised if I called upon them every year to inform me of the annual surplus revenue they had set aside for accumulation until his majority. I reminded the Bohra, in the words of his own beautiful metaphor, when, at the period of the treaty, my government restored its long-alienated lands [699], “again will our lakes overflow; once more will the lotus show its face on the waters.” Nor had he forgotten this emblematic phraseology, and with his coadjutors promised his most strenuous efforts. During the few remaining days of my stay, I had continual messages from the young prince, by the ‘Gold stick,’ or Dhabhai, which were invariably addressed to me as ‘the Mamu Sahib,’ or uncle. He sent me specimens of his handwriting, both in Devanagari and Persian, in which last, however, he had not got farther than the alphabet; and he used to ride and _karauli_[11.10.5] his horse within sight of my tents, and always expressed anxiety to know what the ‘Mamu’ thought of his horsemanship. I was soon after called upon by the queen-mother for my congratulations on Lalji having slain his first boar, an event that had summoned all the Haras to make their offerings; a ceremony which will recall a distinction received by the Macedonian youths, on a similar occasion, who were not admitted to public discussions until they had slain a wild boar.[11.10.6]

Whilst partaking in these national amusements, and affording all the political aid I could, my leisure time was employed in extracting from old chronicles or living records what might serve to develop the past history of the family; in frequent visits to the cenotaphs of the family, or other remarkable spots, and in dispersing my emissaries for inscriptions in every direction. This was the most singular part of my conduct to the Bundi court; they could not conceive why I should take an interest in such a pursuit.

=Revenues of Būndi.=—The fiscal revenues of Bundi do not yet exceed three lakhs of rupees; and it will be some time before the entire revenues, both fiscal and feudal, will produce more than five;[11.10.7] and out of the crown domain, eighty thousand rupees annually are paid to the British Government, on account of the lands Sindhia held in that State, and which he relinquished by the treaty of A.D. 1818. Notwithstanding his circumscribed means, the late Rao Raja put every branch of his government on a most respectable footing. He could muster seven hundred household and Pattayat horse; and, including his garrisons, his corps of Golandaz, and little park (_jinsi_)[11.10.8] of twelve guns, about two thousand seven hundred paid infantry; in all between three and four thousand men. For the queens, the officers of government, and the pay of the garrisons, estates were assigned, which yielded sufficient for the purpose. A continuation of tranquillity is all that is required, and Bundi will again take its proper station in Rajwara.

=Camp, Rauta=, _November 19_.—On the 14th of August, I departed for Kotah, and found the junior branches of the Haras far from enjoying the repose of Bundi. But on these subjects we will not touch here, further than to remark, that the last three [700] months have been the most harassing of my existence:[11.10.9] civil war, deaths of friends and relatives, cholera raging, and all of us worn out with perpetual attacks of fever, ague, anxiety, and fatigue.

Rauta, the spot on which I encamped, is hallowed by recollections the most inspiriting. It was on this very ground I took up my position throughout the campaign of 1817-18, in the very centre of movements of all the armies, friendly and hostile.[11.10.10]

=A Hunt in the Preserves.=—As we were now in the vicinity of the chief Ramna in Haraoti, the Raj Rana proposed to exhibit the mode in which they carry on their grand hunts. The site chosen was a large range running into and parallel to the chain which separates Haraoti from Malwa. At noon, the hour appointed, accompanied by several officers of the Nimach force (amongst whom was my old friend Major Price), we proceeded to the Shikargahs, a hunting seat, erected half-way up the gentle ascent, having terraced roofs and parapets, on which the sportsman lays his gun to massacre the game; and here we waited some time in anxious expectation, occasionally some deer scudding by. Gradually the din of the hunters reached us, increasing into tumultuous shouts, with the beating of drums, and all the varieties of discord. Soon various kind of deer galloped wildly past, succeeded by Nilgaes, Barahsinghas, red and spotted. Some wild-hogs went off snorting and trotting, and at length, as the hunters approached, a bevy of animals [701], amongst which some black-snouted hyaenas were seen, who made a dead halt when they saw themselves between two fires. There was no tiger, however, in the assemblage, which rather disappointed us, but the still more curious wild-dog was seen by some. A slaughter commenced, the effects of which I judged less at the time, but soon after I got to my tents I found six camel-loads of deer, of various kinds, deposited. My friend, Major Price, did not much admire this unsportsmanlike mode of dealing with the lords of the forest, and although very well, once in one’s life, most would think a boar hunt, spear in hand, preferable. Still it was an exhilarating scene; the confusion of the animals, their wild dismay at this compulsory association; the yells, shouts, and din from four battalions of regulars, who, in addition to the ordinary band of huntsmen, formed a chain from the summit of the mountain, across the valley to the opposite heights; and, last not least, the placid regent himself listening to the tumult he could no longer witness, produced an effect not easily forgotten. This sport is a species of petty war, not altogether free from danger, especially to the rangers; but I heard of no accidents. We had a round of a nilgae, and also tried some steaks, which ate very like coarse beef.

It is asserted that, in one shape or another, these hunting excursions cost the State two lakhs, or £20,000 annually. The regent’s regular hunting-establishment consisted of twenty-five carpenters, two hundred Aherias, or huntsmen, and five hundred occasional rangers. But the _gots_, or ‘feasts,’ at the conclusion of these sports, occasioned the chief expense, when some thousands were fed, and rewards and gratuities were bestowed upon those whom the regent happened to be pleased with. This was one of the methods he pursued to ingratiate himself with the Haras, and he was eminently successful; the only wonder is, that so good an opportunity should have been neglected of getting rid of one who had so long tyrannized over them.

We here took a temporary leave of the regent; and we intend to fill up the interval till the return of the Maharao from Mewar, by making a tour through upper Malwa, in which we shall visit the falls of the Chambal amidst the dense woods of Pachel [702].

Footnote 11.10.1:

[Or _sarpech_, an ornament worn on the front of the turban.]

Footnote 11.10.2:

See the description of the Tij, Vol. II. p. 675.

Footnote 11.10.3:

[Rāo Dewa or Deorāj, who captured Būndi from the Mīnas about A.D. 1342. _See_ p. 1464.]

Footnote 11.10.4:

[In Mārwār the term Byās, from Vyāsa, ‘the arranger’ of the Vedas, Epics, and Purānas, is applied to elderly members of the Daima group of Brāhmans (_Census Report_, 1891, ii. 58 f.).]

Footnote 11.10.5:

[_Qarāwal_, ‘the manège.’]

Footnote 11.10.6:

[At a very early date in Macedonia no Macedonian was permitted to lie down at table who had not slain a wild boar without the nets (W. Smith, _Dict. Geography_, ii. 234).]

Footnote 11.10.7:

[The normal revenue is now nearly six lakhs (_IGI_, ix. 85).]

Footnote 11.10.8:

[_Golandāz_, ‘an artillery man.’ _Jinsi_ is a Marātha term; probably _Jinsi topkhāna_, or ‘artillery,’ _Jins_ meaning ‘commodities, supplies’; _Jinsi topkhāna_, ‘light artillery’ (Irvine, _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, 133).]

Footnote 11.10.9:

For an account of these transactions, _vide_ Chapter XI., Annals of Kotah.

Footnote 11.10.10:

It was from this ground I detached thirty-two firelocks of my guard, supported by two hundred of the regent’s men, with two camel swivels, to beat up a portion of the main Pindari horde, when broken by our armies. But my little band outmarched the auxiliaries, and when they came upon the foe, they found a camp of 1500 instead of 500 men; but nothing daunted, and the surprise being complete, they poured in sixty rounds before the day broke, and cleared their camp. Then, each mounting a marauder’s horse and driving a laden camel before him, they returned within the twenty-four hours, having marched sixty miles, and slain more than four times their numbers. Nothing so clearly illustrated the destitution of all moral courage in the freebooters, as their conduct on this occasion; for at dawn of day, when the smoke cleared away, and they saw the handful of men who had driven them into the Kali Sind, a body of about four hundred returned to the attack; but my Sipahis, dismounting, allowed the boldest to approach within pistol-shot before they gave their fire, which sufficed to make the lancers wheel off. The situation recalled the din which announced their return: upon which occasion, going out to welcome them, I saw the regent’s camp turn out, and the trees were crowded with spectators, to enjoy the triumphal entry of the gallant little band with the spoils of the spoiler. The prize was sold and divided on the drum-head, and yielded six or eight months’ pay to each; but it did not rest here, for Lord Hastings promoted the non-commissioned officers and several of the men, giving to all additional pay for life.

The effect of this exploit was surprising; the country people, who hitherto would as soon have thought of plundering his Satanic majesty as a Pindari, amassed all the spoils abandoned on their flight, and brought them to the camp of the regent; who, as he never admitted the spoils of an enemy into his treasury, sent it all to our tents to be at my disposal. But, as I could see no right that we had to it, I proposed that the action should be commemorated by the erection of a bridge, bearing Lord Hastings’ name. There were the spoils of every region; many trays of gold necklaces, some of which were strings of Venetian sequins; coins of all ages (from which I completed a series of the Mogul kings), and five or six thousand head of cattle of every description. The regent adopted my suggestion: a bridge of fifteen arches was constructed, extending over the river at the breadth of a thousand feet, eastward of Kotah; and though more solid and useful than remarkable for beauty, will serve to perpetuate, as Hastin-pul, the name of a gallant soldier and enlightened statesman, who emancipated India from the scourge of the Pindaris. He is now beyond the reach of human praise, and the author may confess that he is proud of having suggested, planned, and watched to its completion, this trophy to his fame. [The Marquess of Hastings died on November 28, 1826.]