CHAPTER 1

=Udaipur=, _January 29, 1820_.—The Personal Narrative attached to the second volume of this work terminated with the Author’s return to Udaipur, after a complete circuit of Marwar and Ajmer. He remained at his headquarters at Udaipur until the 29th January 1820, when circumstances rendering it expedient that he should visit the principalities of Bundi and Kotah (which were placed under his political superintendence), he determined not to neglect the opportunity it afforded of adding to his portfolio remarks on men and manners, in a country hitherto untrodden by Europeans.

Although we had not been a month in the valley of Udaipur, we were all desirous to avail ourselves of the lovely weather which the cold season of India invariably brings, and which exhilarates the European who has languished through the hot winds, and the still more oppressive monsoon. The thermometer at this time, within the valley, was at the freezing point at break of day, ranging afterwards as high as 90°, whilst the sky was without a cloud, and its splendour at night was dazzling.

=Kheroda.=—On the 29th we broke ground from the heights of Tus, marched fifteen English miles (though estimated at only six and a half coss), and encamped under the embankment of the spacious lake of Kheroda.[11.1.1] Our route was over a rich and well-watered plain, but which had long been a stranger to the plough. Three miles from Dabokh we crossed our own stream, the Berach, and at the village of [593] Darauli is a small outlet from this river, which runs into a hollow and forms a _jhil_, or lake. There is a highly interesting temple, dedicated to Mandeswar (Siva), on the banks of this stream, the architecture of which attests its antiquity. It is the counterpart in miniature of a celebrated temple, at Chandravati, near Abu, and verifies the traditional axiom, that the architectural rules of past ages were fixed on immutable principles.

We passed the sarai of Surajpura, a mile to the right, and got entangled in the swampy ground of Bhartewar. This town, which belongs to the chief of Kanor, one of the sixteen great barons of Mewar, boasts a high antiquity, and Bhartrihari, the elder brother of Vikrama, is its reputed founder. If we place any faith in local tradition, the bells of seven hundred and fifty temples, chiefly of the Jain faith, once sounded within its walls, which were six miles in length; but few vestiges of them now remain, although there are ruins of some of these shrines which show they were of considerable importance. Within a mile and a half of Kheroda we passed through Khairsana, a large charity-village belonging to the Brahmans.

Kheroda is a respectable place, having a fortress with double ditches, which can be filled at pleasure from the river. Being situated on the highroad between the ancient and modern capitals, it was always a bone of contention in the civil wars. It was in the hands of Rawat Jai Singh of Lawa, the adopted heir of Sangram Saktawat, one of the great leaders in the struggles of the year 1748 [A.D. 1691], an epoch as well known in Mewar as the 1745 of Scotland. Being originally a fiscal possession, and from its position not to be trusted to the hands of any of the feudal chiefs, it was restored to the sovereign; though it was not without difficulty that the riever of Lawa agreed to sign the constitution of the 4th of May,[11.1.2] and relinquish to his sovereign a stronghold which had been purchased with the blood of his kindred.

=Tribal Feuds.=—The history of Kheroda would afford an excellent illustration of the feuds of Mewar. In that between Sangram Singh the Saktawat, and Bhairon Singh Chondawat, both of these chief clans of Mewar lost the best of their defenders. In 1733 Sangram, then but a youth (his father, Lalji, Rawat of Sheogarh, being yet alive), took Kheroda from his sovereign, and retained it six years. In 1740 the rival clans of Deogarh, Amet, Kurabar, etc., under their common head, the chief of Salumbar, and having their acts legalized by the presence of the Dahipra minister, united to expel the Saktawat. Sangram held out four months; when he hoisted a flag of truce and agreed to capitulate, on [594] condition that he should be permitted to retreat unmolested, with all his followers and effects, to Bhindar, the capital of the Saktawats. This condition was granted, and the heir of Sheogarh was received into Bhindar. Here he commenced his depredations, the adventures attending which are still the topics of numerous tales. In one of his expeditions to the estate of Kurabar he carried off both the cattle and the inhabitants of Gurli. Zalim Singh, the heir of Kurabar, came to the rescue, but was laid low by the lance of Sangram. To revenge his death, every Chondawat of the country assembled round the banner of Salumbar; the sovereign himself espoused their cause, and with his mercenary bands of Sindis succeeded in investing Bhindar. During the siege Arjun of Kurabar, bent on revenge for the loss of his heir, determined to surprise Sheogarh, which he effected, and spared neither age nor sex.[11.1.3] Kheroda remained attached to the fisc during several years, when the Rana, with a thoughtlessness which has nourished these feuds, granted it to Sardar Singh, the Chondawat chief of Badesar. In S. 1746 the Chondawats were in rebellion and disgrace, and their rivals, under the chief of Bhindar, assembled their kindred to drive out the Sindi garrison, who held Kheroda for their foe. Arjun of Kurabar, with the Sindi Koli, came to aid the garrison, and an action ensued under the walls, in which Sangram slew with his own hand two of the principal subordinates of Kurabar, namely, Guman the Sakarwal, and Bhimji Ranawat. Nevertheless, the Chondawats gained the day, and the Saktawats again retired on Bhindar. There they received a reinforcement sent by Zalim Singh of Kotah (who fostered all these disputes, trusting that eventually he should be able to snatch the bone of contention from both), and a band of Arabs, and with this aid they returned to the attack. The Chondawats, who, with the auxiliaries of Sind, were encamped in the plains of Akola, willingly accepted the challenge, but were defeated; Sindi Koli, leader of the auxiliaries, was slain, and the force was entirely dispersed. Sangram, who headed this and every assault against the rival clan, was wounded in three places; but this he accounted nothing, having thereby obtained the regard of his sovereign, and the expulsion of his rival from Kheroda, which remained attached to the fisc until the year 1758, when, on the payment of a fine of ten thousand rupees, the estate was assigned to him under the royal signature. This was in the year A.D. 1802, from which period until 1818, when we had to mediate between the Rana and his chiefs, Kheroda remained a trophy of the superior courage and tact of the Saktawats. No wonder that the Rawat Jai Singh of Lawa, the adopted heir of Sangram, was averse to renounce Kheroda. He went so far as [595] to man its walls, and forbid any communication with the servants of his sovereign: the slightest provocation would have compelled a siege and assault, in which all the Chondawats of the country would gladly have joined, and the old feuds might have been revived on the very dawn of disfranchisement from the yoke of the Mahrattas. But what will be thought of this transaction when it is stated that the lord of Kheroda was at this time at court the daily companion of his sovereign! Although the dependants of Jai Singh would have fired on any one of his master’s servants who ventured to its walls, and, according to our notions, he was that moment a rebel both to his prince and the paramount protector, not an uncourtly phrase was ever heard, nor could it be discovered that the Rana and the Rawat stood in any other relation than as the gracious sovereign and the loyal subject. These matters are conveniently managed: all the odium of discussion is left to the Kamdars, or delegates of the prince and the chief, between whom not the least diminution of courteous etiquette would be observable, whilst there remained a hope of adjustment. Asiatics do not count the moments which intervene between the conception and consummation of an undertaking as do those of colder climes. In all their transactions they preserve more composure, which, whatever be its cause, lends an air of dignity to their proceedings. I have risen from discussion with the respective ministers of the sovereign and chieftains regarding acts involving treason, in order to join the principals in an excursion on the lake, or in the tilt-yard at the palace, where they would be passing their opinions on the points of a horse, with mutual courtesy and affability. This is no unamiable feature in the manners of the East, and tends to strengthen the tie of fraternity which binds together the fabric of Rajput policy.

=Agriculture at Kheroda.=—The agricultural economy of Kheroda, which discovers distinct traces of the patriarchal system, is not without interest. Kheroda is a _tappa_, or subdivision of one of the greater _khalisa_ or fiscal districts of Mewar, and consists of fourteen townships, besides their hamlets. It is rated at 14,500 rupees of yearly rent, of which itself furnishes 3500. The land, though generally of a good quality, is of three classes, namely, _piwal_, or watered from wells; _gorma_, also irrigated land, extending three or four _khets_, or fields, around the village; and _mar_ or _mal_, depending on the heavens alone for moisture. As has been already stated, there are two harvests, namely, the _unalu_ (from _ushna_, ‘heat’), or summer-harvest; and the _siyalu_ (from _sita_, ‘cold’), the winter or autumnal [596]. The share of the crown, as in all the ancient Hindu governments, is taken in kind, and divided as follows:—Of the first, or _unalu_ crop, consisting of wheat, barley, and gram, the produce is formed into _khallas_ (piles or heaps) of one hundred maunds each; these are subdivided into four parts, of twenty-five maunds each. The first operation is to provide from one of these the _serana_, or one ser on each maund, to each individual of the village-establishment: namely, the Patel, or head-man; the Patwari, register or accountant; the Shahnah, or watchman; the Balahi, or messenger and also general herdsman;[11.1.4] the Kathi (alias Sutar) or carpenter; the Lohar, or blacksmith; the Kumhar, or potter; the Dhobi, or washerman; the Chamar, who is shoemaker, carrier, and scavenger; the Nai, or barber-surgeon. These ten _seranas_, or one ser on each khalla, or two maunds and a half to each individual, swallow up one of the subdivisions. Of the three remaining parts, one share, or twenty-five maunds, goes to the Raj, or sovereign, and two to the ryot, or cultivator, after deducting a _serana_ of two maunds for the heir-apparent, which is termed Kunwar-matka, or ‘pot for the prince.’ An innovation of late years has been practised on the portion belonging to the village, from which no less than three _seranas_ of one maund each are deducted, previous to subdivision amongst the ten village officers; namely, one ‘pot for the prince,’ another for the Rana’s chief groom, and a third for his Modi, or steward of the grain department. These all go to the government, which thus realizes thirty maunds out of each hundred, or three-tenths, instead of one-fourth, according to ancient usage. But the village-establishment has an additional advantage before the grain is thrashed out; this is the _kirpa_ or sheaf from every bigha (a third of an acre) of land cultivated to each individual; and each sheaf is reckoned to yield from five to seven sers of grain. The reapers are also allowed small _kirpas_ or sheaves, yielding two or three sers each; and there were various little larcenies permitted, under the terms of _dantani_ and _chabani_, indicating they were allowed the use of their teeth (_dant_) while reaping: so that in fact they fed (_chabna_, ‘to bite or masticate’) upon roasted heads of Indian corn and maize.

Of the _siyalu_ crop, which consists of _makkai_, or Indian corn, and _juar_ and _bajra_, or millet, with the different pulses, the process of distribution is as follows. From every _khalla_, or heap of one hundred maunds, forty are set apart for the Raj or government, and the rest, after deducting the _seranas_ of the village-establishment, goes to the cultivator.

On the culture of sugar-cane, cotton, indigo, opium, tobacco, _til_ or sesamum, and [597] the various dyes, there has always been a fixed money-rent, varying from two to ten rupees per bigha.

=Sugar-Cane Cultivation.=—There is nothing so uncertain in its results as the cultivation of sugar-cane, which holds out a powerful lure for dishonesty to the collector for the crown. But it is asserted here that the ryot had no option, being compelled to cultivate, in due proportion, cane, opium, and grain, from the same _charsa_[11.1.5] or well. A rough estimate of the expense attending the culture of a _charsa_, or what may be irrigated by one well, may not be uninteresting. Let us take, first, one bigha of cane, and no more can be watered with one pair of oxen, premising that the cane is planted in the month of Aghan, and reaped in the same month next year; that is, after a whole twelvemonth of labour:

Rupees.

Hasil, or rent 10

Seed of one bigha 20

Gor, or stirring up the earth with spuds, eight times before reaping, sixteen men each time, at two annas to each 16

Two men at the well, at four rupees each per month, for twelve months 96[11.1.6]

Two oxen, feeding, etc. 18

Paring and cutting forty thousand canes, at four annas per thousand 10

Placing canes in the mill, clothes to the men, besides one ser of sugar out of every maund 20

Shares of all the village establishment; say, if the bigha yields fifty maunds, of which they are entitled to one-fifth 40

Wood 2

Hire of boiler 6

——

A bigha will yield as much as eighty maunds of sugar,[11.1.7] though fifty is esteemed a good crop; it sells at about four rupees per maund, or 200

——

Leaving the cultivator minus 38

It will be observed that the grower’s whole expenses are charged; besides, to make up, we must calculate from the labour of the same two men and cattle, the produce profit of one bigha of opium and four bighas of wheat and barley, as follows:

Rupees. Surplus profit on the opium, seven sers of opium, at four rupees per ser 28 One hundred and fifty maunds of grain, of both harvests, of which one-third to the Raj, leaves one hundred maunds, at one rupee each maund 100 —— 128 Deduct deficiency on cane 38 —— Profit left, after feeding, men and cattle, etc., etc. 90

[598]

Sometimes, though rarely, the cane is sold standing, at four to five rupees the thousand; but, occasionally, the whole crop is lost, if the cane should unfortunately flower, when it is rooted up and burnt, or given to the cattle, being unfit for the use of man. This may be superstition; though the cultivators of the cane in the West Indies may perhaps say that the deterioration of the plant would render it not worth the trouble of extracting the juice.[11.1.8] I shall here conclude this rough sketch of the agricultural economy of Kheroda, which may be taken as a fair specimen of the old system throughout Mewar, with remarking that, notwithstanding the laws of Manu,[11.1.9] inscriptions on stone, and tradition, which constitute in fact the customary law of Rajputana, make the rent in kind far lighter than what we have just recorded, yet the cultivator could not fail to thrive if even this system were maintained. But constant warfare, the necessities of the prince, with the cupidity and poverty of the revenue officers, have superadded vexatious petty demands, as _khar-lakar_ (wood and forage), and _ghar-ginti_ (house-tax); the first of which was a tax of one rupee annually on every bigha of land in cultivation, and the other the same on each house or hut inhabited. Even the _kaid sali_, or triennial fine on the headman and the register, was levied by these again on the cultivators. But besides these regular taxes, there was no end to irregular exactions of _barar_ and _dand_, or forced contributions, until, at length, the country became the scene of desolation from which it is only now emerging.

=Hīnta=, _January 30_.—This was a short march of three and a half coss, or nine miles, over the same extensive plain of rich black loam, or _mal_, whence the province of Malwa has its name.[11.1.10] We were on horseback long before sunrise; the air was pure and invigorating; the peasantry were smiling at the sight of the luxuriant young crops of wheat, barley, and gram, aware that no ruthless hand could now step between them and the bounties of Heaven. Fresh thatch, or rising walls, gave signs of the exiles’ return, who greeted us, at each step of our journey, with blessings and looks of joy mingled with sadness. Passed the hamlet, or _purwa_, of Amarpura, attached to Kheroda, and to our left the township of Mainar, held in _sasan_[11.1.11] (religious grant) by a community of Brahmans. This place affords a fine specimen of “the wisdom of ancestors” in Mewar, where fifty thousand bighas, or about sixteen thousand acres of the richest crown land, have been given in perpetuity to these drones of society; and although there are only twenty families left of this holy colony, said to have been planted by Raja Mandhata in the Treta-yug, or silver age of India, yet superstition and indolence conspire to prevent the resumption even of those portions which have none to cultivate them. A “sixty thousand [599] years’ residence in hell” is undoubtedly no comfortable prospect, and to those who subscribe to the doctrine of transmigration, it must be rather mortifying to pass from the purple of royalty into “a worm in ordure,” one of the delicate purgatories which the Rajput soul has to undergo, before it can expiate the offence of resuming the lands of the church! I was rejoiced, however, to find that some of “the sons of Sakta,” as they increased in numbers, in the inverse ratio of their possessions, deemed it better to incur all risks than emigrate to foreign lands in search of _bhum_; and both Hinta and Dundia have been established on the lands of the church. Desirous of preserving every right of every class, I imprecated on my head all the anathemas of the order, if the Rana should resume all beyond what the remnant of this family could require. I proposed that a thousand bighas of the best land should be retained by them; that they should not only be furnished with cattle, seed, and implements of agriculture, but that there should be wells cleared out, or fresh ones dug for them. At this time, however, the astrologer was a member of the cabinet, and being also physician in ordinary, he, as one of the order, protected his brethren of Menar, who, as may be supposed, were in vain called upon to produce the _tamra-pattra_, or copper-plate warrant, for these lands.

=Māndhāta Rāja.=—Mandhata Raja,[11.1.12] a name immortalized in the topography of these regions, was of the Pramar tribe, and sovereign of Central India, whose capitals were Dhar and Ujjain; and although his period is uncertain, tradition uniformly assigns him priority to Vikramaditya, whose era (fifty-six years anterior to the Christian) prevails throughout India. There are various spots on the Nerbudda which perpetuate his name, especially where that grand stream forms one of its most considerable rapids. Chitor, with all its dependencies, was but an appanage of the sovereignty of Dhar in these early times, nor can we move a step without discovering traces of their paramount sway in all these regions: and in the spot over which I am now moving, the antiquary might without any difficulty fill his portfolio. Both Hinta and Dundia, the dependencies of Mainar, are brought in connexion with the name of Mandhata, who performed the grand rite of Aswamedha, or sacrifice of the horse, at Dundia, where they still point out the _kund_, or ‘pit of sacrifice.’ Two Rishis, or ‘holy men,’ of Hinta attended Mandhata, who, on the conclusion of the ceremony, presented them the customary _pān_, or ‘offering,’ which they rejected; but on taking leave, the Raja delicately contrived to introduce into the bira of pan, a grant for the lands of Mainar. The gift, though unsolicited, was fatal to their sanctity, and the miracles which they had hitherto [600] been permitted to form, ceased with the possession of Mammon. Would the reader wish to have an instance of these miracles? After their usual manifold ablutions, and wringing the moisture of their _dhoti_, or garment, they would fling it into the air, where it remained suspended over their head, as a protection against the sun’s rays. On the loss of their power, these saints became tillers of the ground. Their descendants hold the lands of Mainar, and are spread over this tract, named Bara Chaubisa, ‘the great twenty-four!’

We also passed in this morning’s march the village of Bahmania, having a noble piece of water maintained by a strong embankment of masonry. No less than four thousand bighas are attached. It was fiscal land, but had been usurped during the troubles, and being nearly depopulated, had escaped observation. At this moment it is in the hands of Moti Pasban,[11.1.13] the favourite handmaid of “the Sun of the Hindus.” This ‘Pearl’ (_moti_) pretends to have obtained it as a mortgage, but it would be difficult to show a lawful mortgager. Near the village of Bansera, on the estate of Fateh Singh, brother of Bhindar, we passed a _seura_ or _sula_, a pillar or land-mark, having a grant of land inscribed thereon with the usual denunciations, attested by an image of the sacred cow, engraved in slight relief, as witness to the intention of the donor.

Hinta was a place of some consequence in the civil wars, and in S. 1808 (A.D. 1752) formed the appanage of one of the Babas, or infants of the court, of the Maharaja Sawant Singh. It now belongs to a subordinate Saktawat, and was the subject of considerable discussion in the treaty of resumption of the 4th of May 1818, between the Rana and his chiefs.

It was the scene of a gallant exploit in S. 1812, when ten thousand Mahrattas, led by Satwa, invaded Mewar. Raj Singh, of the Jhala tribe, the chief of Sadri,[11.1.14] and descendant of the hero who rescued that first of Rajput princes, Rana Partap, had reached the town of Hinta in his passage from court to Sadri, when he received intelligence that the enemy was at Salera, only three miles distant. He was recommended to make a slight detour and go by Bhindar; but having no reason for apprehension, he rejected the advice, and proceeded on his way. He had not travelled half-a-mile, when they fell in with the marauders, who looked upon his small but well-mounted band as legitimate prey. But, in spite of the odds, they preferred death to the surrender of their equipments, and an action ensued, in which the Raj, after performing miracles of valour, regained the fort, with eight only of his three hundred and fifty retainers. The news reaching Kushal Singh, the chief of Bhindar, who, besides the [601] sufficient motive of Rajputi, or ‘chivalry,’ was impelled by friendship and matrimonial connexion, he assembled a trusty band, and marched to rescue his friend from captivity and his estate from mortgage for his ransom. This little phalanx amounted only to five hundred men, all Saktawats, and of whom three-fourths were on foot. They advanced in a compact mass, with lighted matches, the cavaliers on either flank, with Kushal at their head, denouncing death to the man who quitted his ranks, or fired a shot without orders. They were soon surrounded by the cloud of Mahratta horse; but resolve was too manifest in the intrepid band even for numbers to provoke the strife. They thus passed over the immense plain between Bhindar and Hinta, the gates of which they had almost reached, when, as if ashamed at seeing their prey thus snatched from their grasp, the word was given, “_Barchhi de!_” and a forest of Mahratta lances, each twelve feet long, bristled against the Saktawats. Kushal called a halt, wheeled his cavaliers to the rear, and allowed the foe to come within pistol-shot, when a well-directed volley checked their impetuosity, and threw them into disorder. The little band of cavalry seized the moment and charged in their turn, gave time to load again, and returned to their post to allow a second volley. The gate was gained, and the Sadri chief received into the ranks of deliverers. Elated with success, the Maharaja promptly determined rather to fight his way back than coop himself up in Hinta, and be starved into surrender; all seconded the resolution of their chief, and with little comparative loss they regained Bhindar. This exploit is universally known, and related with exultation, as one of the many brilliant deeds of “the sons of Sakta,” of whom the Maharaja Kushal Singh was conspicuous for worth, as well as gallantry.

=Morwan=,[11.1.15] _January 31_.—The last day of January (with the thermometer 50° at daybreak) brought us to the limits of Mewar. I could not look on its rich alienated lands without the deepest regret, or see the birthright of its chieftains devolve on the mean Mahratta or ruthless Pathan, without a kindling of the spirit towards the heroes of past days, in spite of the vexations their less worthy descendants occasion me; less worthy, yet not worthless, for having left my cares behind me with the court, where the stubbornness of some, the voices and intrigues of others, and the apathy of all, have deeply injured my health. There is something magical in absence; it throws a deceitful medium between us and the objects we have quitted, which exaggerates their amiable qualities, and curtails the proportions of their vices. I look upon Mewar as the land of my adoption, and, linked with all the associations of my early hopes and [602] their actual realization, I feel inclined to exclaim with reference to her and her unmanageable children,

Mewar, with all thy faults, I love thee still.

The virtues owe an immense debt to the present feudal nobility, not only of Mewar but of Rajputana, and it is to be hoped that the rising generation will pay to it what has been withheld by the past; that energy and temperance will supersede opium and the juice of the mahua,[11.1.16] and riding in the ring, replace the siesta, and the tabor (_tabla_) and lute. I endeavoured to banish some of these incentives to degeneracy; nor is there a young chieftain, from the heir-apparent to the throne to the aspirant to a skin of land (when opportunity was granted), from whom I have not exacted a promise, never to touch that debasing drug, opium. Some may break this pledge, but many will keep it; especially those whose minority I protected against court-faction and avarice: such a one as Arjun Singh, the young chief of Basai, of the Sangawat branch of the Chondawat clan. His grandfather (for his father was dead) had maintained the old castle and estate, placed on the elevated Uparmal, against all attempts of the Mahrattas, but had incurred the hatred of Bhim Singh of Salumbar, the head of his clan, who in S. 1846 dispossessed him, and installed a junior branch in the barony of Basai. But the energetic Takht Singh regained his lost rights, and maintained them, until civil broils and foreign foes alike disappeared, on their connexion with the British in 1818. Then the veteran chief, with his grandson, repaired to court, to unite in the general homage to their prince with the assembled chiefs of Mewar. But poverty and the remembrance of old feuds combined to dispossess the youth, and the amount of fine (ten thousand rupees) had actually been fixed for the installation of the interloper, who was supported by all the influence of the chief of Salumbar. This first noble of Mewar tried to avail himself of my friendship to uphold the cause of his protégé, Barad Singh, whom he often brought me to visit, as did old Takhta his grandson. Both were of the same age, thirteen; the aspirant to Basai, fair and stout, but heavy in his looks; while the possessor, Arjun, was spare, dark, and beaming with intelligence. Merit and justice on one side; stupidity and power on the other. But there were duties to be performed; and the old Thakur’s appeal was not heard in vain. “Swamidharma and this” (putting his hand to his sword), said the aged chief, “have hitherto preserved our rights; now, the cause of [603] the child is in his sovereign’s hands and yours; but here money buys justice, and right yields to favour.” The Rana, though he had assented to the views of Salumbar, left the case to my adjudication. I called both parties before me, and in their presence, from their respective statements, sketched the genealogical tree, exhibiting in the remote branches the stripling’s competitors, which I showed to the Rana. Ever prone to do right when not swayed by faction, he confirmed Arjun’s patent, which he had given him three years previously, and girt him with the sword of investiture. This contest for his birthright was of great advantage to the youth; for his grandfather was selected to command the quotas for the defence of the frontier fortress of Jahazpur, a duty which he well performed; and his grandson accompanied him and was often left in command while he looked after the estate. Both came to visit me at Chitor. Arjun was greatly improved during his two years’ absence from the paternal abode, and promises to do honour to the clan he belongs to. Amongst many questions, I asked “If he had yet taken to his _amal_?” to which he energetically replied, “My fortunes will be cracked indeed, if ever I forget any injunction of yours.”

But a truce to digression: the whole village Panchayat has been waiting this half hour under the spreading bar[11.1.17] tree, to tell me, in the language of homely truth, _khush hain Compani sahib ke partap se_, that “by the auspices of Sir Company they are happy; and that they hope I may live a thousand years.”

I must, therefore, suspend my narrative, whilst I patiently listen till midnight to dismal tales of sterile fields, exhausted funds, exiles unreturned, and the depredations of the wild mountain Bhil [604].

Footnote 11.1.1:

[Twenty-four miles E. of Udaipur city.]

Footnote 11.1.2:

See treaty between the Rana and his chiefs, Vol. I. p. 243. [Signed A.D. 1818.]

Footnote 11.1.3:

The sequel of this feud has been related, Vol. I. p. 511.

Footnote 11.1.4:

The _balahi_ or _balaiti_ is the shepherd of the community, who drives the village flock to the common pasturage; and, besides his _serana_, has some trifling reward from every individual. It is his especial duty to prevent cattle-trespasses. [For a good account of allowances to village servants and menials see B. H. Baden-Powell, _The Indian Village Community_, 16 ff.]

Footnote 11.1.5:

[Properly the leather bag by means of which water is raised for irrigation.]

Footnote 11.1.6:

This goes to feed the cultivator, if he works himself.

Footnote 11.1.7:

[The yield of coarse sugar (_gur_) is now estimated at 30 or 40 maunds (28½ cwt.) per acre; but as much as 50 maunds (36 cwt.) has been recorded (Watt, _Econ. Prod._ 947).]

Footnote 11.1.8:

[The flowering of the cane is regarded as an evil omen. In India the cane rarely seeds; in fact, it is rarely allowed to flower (Watt, _Econ. Dict._ vi. Part ii. 83).]

Footnote 11.1.9:

[The king may take an eighth, sixth, or twelfth part of the crop (Manu, _Laws_, vii. 130).]

Footnote 11.1.10:

[Mālwa or Mālava is derived from the tribe of that name, but the name Mālava-desa, ‘land of the Mālavas,’ is not mentioned in Sanskrit literature before the second century B.C.; and the tract now known as Mālwa was not called by that name till the tenth century A.D., or even later (_IGI_, xvii. 100 f.; _BG_, i. Part i. 28, Part ii. 311).]

Footnote 11.1.11:

[Sāsan, land granted to Brāhmans, Ascetics, Chārans, and Bhāts, by royal decree and rent-free. It pays nothing but some miscellaneous taxes, is inalienable, but it can be mortgaged.]

Footnote 11.1.12:

[Māndhātri, son of Yuvanāswa of the race of Ikshwāku, a legendary monarch, is said to have “reduced the seven continental zones under his dominion” (_Vishnu Purāna_, 363; Dowson, _Classical Dict._, _s.v._). The holy place Māndhāta in the Nimār District, Central Provinces, is said to take its name from him (_Gazetteer Central Provinces_, 1870, p. 258).]

Footnote 11.1.13:

[Pāsbān means ‘a watcher.’ Dr. Tessitori writes that the proper form of the word is Pāsvān or Pāsvāni, a term applied to the confidential domestics of a chief, and it is often, as in this case, synonymous with ‘favourite.’ It denotes no particular caste, but is commonly applied to a slave favourite or concubine.]

Footnote 11.1.14:

[Bari Sādri, about 40 miles S.S.E. of Udaipur city.]

Footnote 11.1.15:

[Not found in Major Erskine’s or other official maps: in the Author’s map “Mhorun.”]

Footnote 11.1.16:

[_Bassia latifolia_, from the petals of which a coarse kind of spirits is made (Watt, _Comm. Prod._ 116 ff.: Yule, _Hobson-Jobson_, 2nd ed. 574 f.).]

Footnote 11.1.17:

[The banyan, _ficus indica_.]