CHAPTER 6

=Bindrabandās.=—Bindrabandas steadfastly adhered to Madho Singh in the civil wars which ensued for the _gaddi_ of Amber, and the latter, when success attended his cause, wished to reward the important services of his feudatory. At his request, he consented that the partition of the lands which had caused so much bloodshed should be annulled, and that Bindraban should rule as sole lord of Khandela. Five thousand men were placed under his command for the expulsion of the minor, Indar Singh, grandson of Deo Singh, who made a stout resistance for many months; but at length his little castle was no longer tenable, and he fled to Parsoli, where he again defended himself, and was again on the point of surrender, when an unexpected accident not only saved him from exile, but restored him to his rights.

=Brāhmans commit Suicide.=—The mercenaries were supported at the sole charge of Bindraban, and as his ancestors left no treasury, he was compelled to resort to the contribution called _dand_ from his subjects, not even exempting the hierarchy. Piqued at this unusual demand, some of the wealthiest Brahmans expostulated with the Raja on this indignity to the order. But their appeals were disregarded by their chief, whose existence depended on supplies. The loss of influence as well as wealth being the fruit of this [402] disregard of their remonstrance, they had recourse to that singular species of revenge termed _chandni_, or self-immolation, and poignarded themselves in his presence, pouring maledictions on his head with their last breath. The blood of Brahmans now rested on the head of Bindraban; even amongst his personal friends he laboured under a species of excommunication, and his liege lord, Madho Singh of Amber, in order to expiate his indirect share in the guilt, recalled his troops, and distributed twenty thousand rupees to the Brahmans of his own capital. Indar Singh had thus time to breathe, and having collected all his retainers, wisely joined the Jaipur army assembling under the command of the celebrated Khushhaliram Bohra to chastise the Rao of Macheri, who was expelled and obliged to seek refuge with the Jats. In this service Indar Singh so much distinguished himself, that, on the payment of a _nazarana_ of fifty thousand rupees, he recovered his lost share of Khandela, by a regular _patta_, or grant, of the Raja.

=Tribal Feuds.=—Perpetual feuds, however, raged between these two kings of Khandela, each of whom had his castle, or fortified palace. Each day “there was war even in the gates” of Khandela, and at the hazard of prolixity we shall state how it was conducted, challenging the records of any civil war to produce an instance in which all the ties of blood and kindred were more disregarded than in this _bellum plusquam civile_.

Indar Singh had popularity on his side to balance the other’s superior power, and he was briskly pushing an attack on Udaigarh, the castle of his opponent, when he was joined by Raghunath Singh, the younger son of his foeman. This youth, who had the township of Kuchor in appanage, helped himself to three more, to retain which he sided with his father’s foe. Bindraban, in order to create a diversion, sallied out to attack Kuchor; to oppose which, his son, together with his nephew, Prithi Singh of Ranoli and his retainers, withdrew from the batteries to defend it. But the attack on Kuchor had already failed, and Bindraban was on his retreat to regain Khandela when he was intercepted. The battle took place outside the city, whose gates were shut against friend and foe, to prevent a pell-mell entry. At the same time, the siege of Udaigarh was not slackened; it was defended by Govind Singh, the eldest son of Bindraban, while the batteries against it were commanded by another near kinsman, Nahar Singh of Cherana. For several days daily combats ensued, in which were to be seen father and son, uncles and nephews, and cousins within every degree of affinity, destroying each other. At length, both parties were exhausted and a compromise ensued, in which Indar Singh obtained the rights he had so manfully vindicated [403].

=Attack by Najaf Kuli Khān.=—At this time, a dying and desultory effort to regain his lost power was made by Najaf Kuli Khan, at the head of the imperialists, who, conducted by the traitorous Macheri Rao, led the royal army into the lands of the confederacy to raise contributions, for which he was cordially and laudably detested. Nawal Singh of Nawalgarh, Bagh Singh of Khetri, Surajmall of Baswa,[9.6.1] all chieftains of the Sadhanis, unable to comply with the requisitions, were carried off, and retained captive till ransomed for many lakhs of rupees; all eventually raised upon the impoverished husbandman and industrious merchant.

The din of civil war having ended, the ministers of religion never ceased pouring into the ears of Bindraban the necessity of expiation and oblations for the murder of their brethren, and he was daily sacrificing the birthright of his children, in grants of the best lands of Khandela, to these drones of society, when Govind, the heir-apparent, remonstrated, which was followed by the abdication of Bindraban, who, appropriating five townships and the impost duties of Khandela for his support, left the cares of government to his son.[9.6.2]

=Abdication of Bindraban: Govind Singh succeeds.=—Govind Singh did not long enjoy the honours of chief of the Raesalots. The year of his elevation having produced an unfavourable harvest, at the request of his vassal of Ranoli he proceeded to inspect the crops preparatory to a reduction in the assessment. Less superstitious than his father, he persevered in spite of the predictions of the astrologer, who told him, “to beware the ides (_amavas_) of Pus,“[9.6.3] and not to go abroad that day. In the course of the excursion, one of his personal attendants, a Rajput of Kajroli, had lost some valuable article entrusted to his charge, and the impetuous chief broadly taxed him with theft. His protestations of innocence were unavailing, and considering himself dishonoured by the imputation, which might possibly be followed by some disgraceful punishment, he determined to anticipate his chief, and murdered him that night. Govind left five sons, Narsingh, Surajmall (who had Dodia), Bagh Singh, Jawan Singh, and Ranjit, all of whom had families.

=Murder of Govind Singh: Narsinghdās succeeds.=—Narsinghdas, his eldest son, succeeded. In spite of internal dissensions, occasional chastisement, and pecuniary exactions from the imperial armies, or those of their immediate liege lord of Amber, the confederated frerage of Shaikhavati had increased their territory and population. Only the shadow of a name now remained to the empire of the Great Mogul; and their own lord-paramount, satisfied with a certain degree of homage, tribute, and service on emergencies, was little inclined to trench [404] further upon their national independence. But a new enemy had now arisen, and though of their own faith, far more destructive than even the tolerant Islamite. Happy were the inhabitants of the desert who had an ocean of sand between them and this scourge of India, the insatiable Mahratta. After the fatal day of Merta, where the evil genius of Rajputana enabled De Boigne to give the last blow to her independence, the desultory hordes roved in bands through the lands of the confederation, plundering, murdering, and carrying off captive the principal chiefs or their children, as hostages for contributions they could not realise. These were dragged about after their armies, until the hardships and indignities they underwent made them sell every article of value, or until the charge of keeping, or the trouble of guarding them, rendered their prolonged captivity burdensome to the wandering Southrons.

=Marātha Inroads.=—Let us follow the path of the barbarians, and trace only one day’s acts of outrage. When the Mahrattas entered the lands of the federation, soon after the battle of Merta, they first attacked Bai.[9.6.4] The inhabitants, knowing that they had no hope of mercy from these marauders, fled, carrying away all the effects they could to the larger towns, while a garrison of eighty Rajputs took post in the little castle, to defend the point of honour against this new assailant. Bai was stormed; not one Rajput would accept of quarter, and all were put to the sword. The enemy proceeded to Khandela, the route marked by similar tracks of blood. When within two coss of the town, the horde halted at Hodiganw, and a Pandit[9.6.5] was sent to Rao Indar Singh to settle the contribution, which was fixed at twenty thousand rupees, besides three thousand in _ghus_[9.6.6] (bribe), for the Brahman negotiator. The two chiefs, who negotiated on the part of the joint Rajas of Khandela, proceeded with the Pandit to the enemy’s camp; their names were Nawal and Dalil. As it was out of their power to realise so large a sum, they were accompanied by the joint revenue officers of Khandela as _ol_, or hostage, when to their dismay, the Southron commander demurred, and said they themselves must remain. One of the chieftains, with the sang-froid which a Rajput never loses, coolly replied, that should not be, and taking his _hukka_ from his attendant, began unceremoniously to smoke, when a rude Deccani knocked the pipe from his hand [405]. The Thakur’s sword was unsheathed in an instant, but ere he had time to use it a pistol-ball passed through his brain. Dalil Singh’s party, attempting to avenge their companion, were cut off to a man; and Indar Singh, who had left Khandela to learn how the negotiations sped, arrived just in time to see his clansmen butchered. He was advised to regain Khandela: “No,” replied the intrepid Raesalot; “better that I should fall before the gates of Khandela than enter them after such disgrace, without avenging my kinsmen.” Dismounting from his horse, he turned him loose, his adherents following his example; and sword in hand they rushed on the host of assassins and met their fate. Indar Singh was stretched beside his vassals, and, strange to say, Dalil was the only survivor: though covered with wounds, he was taken up alive, and carried to the hostile camp.

Such was the opening scene of the lengthened tragedy enacted in Shaikhavati, when Mahratta actors succeeded to Pathans and Moguls: heirs to their worst feelings, without one particle of their magnanimity or courtesy. But the territory of the confederacy was far too narrow a stage; even the entire plain of India appeared at one time too restricted for the hydra-headed banditti, nor is there a principality, district, or even township, from the Sutlej to the sea, where similar massacres have not been known, and but for our interposition, such scenes would have continued to the present hour.

=Partāp Singh.=—Partap Singh, who succeeded his brave father in his share of the patrimony, was at this crisis with his mother at Sikrai, a strong fort in the hills, ten miles from Khandela. To save the town, the principal men dug up the grain-pits, selling their property to release their minor chief from further trouble. Having obtained all they could, the enemy proceeded to the lands of the Sadhanis. Udaipur was the first assaulted, taken, and sacked; the walls were knocked down, and the floors dug up in search of treasure. After four days’ havoc, they left it a ruin, and marched against the northern chieftains of Singhana, Jhunjhunu, and Khetri. On the departure of the foe, young Partap and his kinsman, Narsingh, took up their abode in Khandela; but scarcely had they recovered from the effects of the Deccani incursion, before demands were made by their liege lord of Amber for the tribute. Partap made his peace by assigning a fourth of the harvest; but Narsingh, in the procrastinating and haughty spirit of his ancestors, despised an arrangement which, he said (and with justice), would reduce him to the level of a common Bhumia landholder.

=Devi Singh.=—At this period, a remote branch of the Khandela Shaikhawats began to disclose a spirit that afterwards gained him distinction. Devi Singh, chieftain of Sikar, a [406] descendant of Rao Tirmall of Kasli, had added to his patrimony by the usurpation of no less than twenty-five large townships, as Lohagarha, Koh, etc.; and he deemed this a good opportunity, his chief being embroiled with the court, to make an attack on Rewasa; but death put a stop to the ambitious views of the Sikar chieftain. Having no issue, he had adopted Lachhman Singh, son of the Shahpura Thakur; but the Jaipur court, which had taken great umbrage at these most unjustifiable assaults of the Sikar chief on his weaker brethren, commanded Nandram Haldia (brother of the prime minister Daulat Ram), collector of the Shaikhawat tribute, to attack and humble him. No sooner were the orders of the court promulgated, than all the Barwatias[9.6.7] gathered round the standard of the collector, to aid in the redemption of their patrimonies wrested from them by Sikar. Besides the Khandela chief in person, there were the Pattawats of Kasli, Bilara, and others of Tirmall’s stock; and even the Sadhanis, who little interfered in the affairs of the Raesalots, repaired with joy with their tribute and their retainers to the camp of the Jaipur commander, to depress the Sikar chief, who was rapidly rising over them all. Nearly the whole troops of the confederacy were thus assembled. Devi Singh, it may be imagined, was no common character, to have excited such universal hatred; and his first care had been to make strong friends at court, in order to retain what he had acquired. He had especially cultivated the minister’s friendship, which was now turned to account. A deputation, consisting of a Chondawat chief, the Diwan of Sikar, and that important character the Dhabhai, repaired to the Haldia, and implored him in the name of the deceased, not to give up his infant son to hungry and revengeful Barwatias. The Haldia said there was but one way by which he could avoid the fulfilment of his court’s command, which was for them, as he approached the place, to congregate a force so formidable from its numbers, as to exonerate him from all suspicion of collusion. With the treasury of Devi Singh, overflowing from the spoliation of the Kaimkhani of Fatehpur, it was easy to afford such indemnity to the Haldia, at whose approach to Sikar ten thousand men appeared to oppose him. Having made a show of investing Sikar, and expended a good deal of ammunition, he addressed his court, where his brother was minister, stating he could make nothing of Sikar without great loss, both of time, men, and money, and advising an acceptance of the proffered submission. Without waiting a reply, he took two lakhs as a fine for his [407] sovereign, and a present of one for himself. The siege was broken up, and Sikar was permitted to prosecute his schemes; in which he was not a little aided by the continued feuds of the co-partner chiefs of Khandela. Partap took advantage of Narsingh’s non-compliance with the court’s requisition, and his consequent disgrace, to settle the feud of their fathers, and unite both shares in his own person; and stipulated in return to be responsible for the whole tribute, be ready with his contingent to serve the court, and pay besides a handsome _nazarana_ or investiture. The Haldia was about to comply, when Rawal Indar Singh of Samod,[9.6.8] chief of the Nathawat clan, interceded for Narsingh, and inviting him on his own responsibility to the camp, acquainted him with the procedure of his rival, in whose name the patent for Khandela was actually made out; “but even now,” said this noble chief, “I will stay it if you comply with the terms of the court.” But Narsingh either would not, or could not, and the Samod chief urged his immediate departure; adding that as he came under his guarantee, he was desirous to see him safe back, for “such were the crooked ways of the Amber house,” that if he prolonged his stay, he might be involved in ruin in his desire to protect him. Accordingly, at dusk, with sixty of his own retainers, he escorted him to Nawalgarh, and the next morning he was in his castle of Govindgarh. The precautions of the Samod chief were not vain, and he was reproached and threatened with the court’s displeasure, for permitting Narsingh’s departure; but he nobly replied, “he had performed the duty of a Rajput, and would abide the consequences.” As the sequel will further exemplify the corruptions of courts, and the base passions of kindred, under a system of feudal government, we shall trespass on the reader’s patience by recording the result.

=Quarrel between Samod and Chaumūn.=—Samod and Chaumun are the chief houses of the Nathawat clan; the elder branch enjoying the title of Rawal, with supremacy over the numerous vassalage. But these two families had often contested the lead, and their feuds had caused much bloodshed. On the disgrace of Indar Singh, as already related, his rival of Chaumun repaired to court, and offered so large a _nazarana_ as to be invested with rights of seniority. Avarice and revenge were good advocates: a warrant was made out and transmitted to Indar Singh (still serving with the collector of the tribute) for the sequestration of Samod. Placing, like a dutiful subject, the warrant to his forehead, he instantly departed for Samod, and commanded the removal of his family, his goods and chattels, from the seat of his ancestors, and went into exile in Marwar. In after times, his Rani had a grant of the village of Piplai, to which the magnanimous, patriotic [408], and loyal Indar Singh, when he found the hand of death upon him, repaired, that he might die in the hands of the Kachhwahas, and have his ashes buried amongst his fathers. This man, who was naturally brave, acted upon the abstract principle of swamidharma, or ‘fealty,’ which is not even now exploded, in the midst of corruption and demoralization. Indar Singh would have been fully justified, according to all the principles which govern these States, in resisting the iniquitous mandate. Such an act might have been deemed rebellion by those who look only at the surface of things; but let the present lords-paramount go deeper, when they have to decide between a Raja and his feudatories, and look to the origin and condition of both, and the ties which alone can hold such associations together.

=Partāp Singh secures Possession of Khandela.=—To return: Partap Singh, having thus obtained the whole of Khandela, commenced the demolition of a fortified gate, whence during the feuds his antagonist used to play some swivels against his castle. While the work of destruction was advancing, an omen occurred, foreboding evil to Partap. An image of Ganesa, the god of wisdom and protector of the arts (more especially of architecture), was fixed in the wall of this gate, which an ill-fated and unintentional blow knocked from its elevated position to the earth, and being of terra-cotta, his fragments lay dishonoured and scattered on the pavement. Notwithstanding this, the demolition was completed, and the long obnoxious gateway levelled with the earth. Partap, having adjusted affairs in the capital, proceeded against Rewasa, which he reduced, and then laid siege to Govindgarh,[9.6.9] aided by a detachment of the Haldia. Having encamped at Gura, two coss from it, and twice that distance from Ranoli, its chief, who still espoused the cause of his immediate head, the unfortunate Narsingh, sent his minister to the Haldia, offering not only to be responsible for all arrears due by Narsingh, but also a handsome douceur, to restore him to his rights. He repaired to Khandela, stationed a party in the fortified palace of Narsingh, and consented that they should be expelled, as if by force of his adherents, from Govindgarh. Accordingly, Surajmall and Bagh Singh, the brothers of Narsingh, in the dead of night, with one hundred and fifty followers, made a mock attack on the Haldia’s followers, expelled them, and made good a lodgment in their ancient dwelling. Partap was highly exasperated; and to render the acquisition useless, he ordered the possession of a point which commanded the mahall; but here he was anticipated by his opponent, whose party now poured into Khandela. He then cut off their supplies of water, by fortifying the reservoirs and wells, and this brought matters to a crisis. An action ensued, in which many were killed on each side, when [409] the traitorous Haldia interposed the five-coloured banner, and caused the combat to cease. Narsingh, at this juncture, joined the combatants in person, from his castle of Govindgarh, and a treaty was forthwith set on foot, which left the district of Rewasa to Partap, and restored to Narsingh his share of Khandela.

These domestic broils continued, however, and occasions were perpetually recurring to bring the rivals in collision. The first was on the festival of the Ganggor;[9.6.10] the next on the Ranoli chief placing in durance a vassal of Partap, which produced a general gathering of the clans: both ended in an appeal to the lord-paramount, who soon merged the office of arbitrator in that of dictator.

The Sadhanis, or chieftains of northern Shaikhavati, began to feel the bad effects of these feuds of the Raesalots, and to express dissatisfaction at the progressive advances of the Jaipur court for the establishment of its supremacy. Until this period they had escaped any tributary engagements, and only recognized their connexion with Amber by marks of homage and fealty on lapses, which belonged more to kindred than political superiority. But as the armies of the court were now perpetually on the frontiers, and might soon pass over, they deemed it necessary to take measures for their safety. The township of Tui, appertaining to Nawalgarh, had already been seized, and Ranoli was battered for the restoration of the subject of Partap. These were grievances which affected all the Sadhanis, who, perceiving they could no longer preserve their neutrality, determined to abandon their internal dissensions, and form a system of general defence. Accordingly, a general assembly of the Sadhani lords, and as many of the Raesalots as chose to attend, was announced at the ancient place of rendezvous, Udaipur. To increase the solemnity of the occasion, and to banish all suspicion of treachery, as well as to extinguish ancient feuds, and reconcile chiefs who had never met but in hostility, it was unanimously agreed that the most sacred pledge of good faith, the _Nundab_,[9.6.11] or dipping the hand in the salt, should take place.

The entire body of the Sadhani lords, with all their retainers, met at the appointed time, as did nearly all the Raesalots, excepting the joint chieftains of Khandela, too deeply tainted with mutual distrust to take part in this august and national congress of all ‘the children of Shaikhji.’ It was decided in this grand council, that all internal strife should cease; and that for the future, whenever it might occur, there should [410] be no appeals to the arbitration of Jaipur; but that on all such occasions, or where the general interests were endangered, a meeting should take place at ‘the Pass of Udaipur,’ to deliberate and decide, but above all to repel by force of arms, if necessary, the further encroachments of the court. This unusual measure alarmed the court of Amber, and when oppression had generated determined resistance, it disapproved and disowned the proceedings of its lieutenant, who was superseded by Rora Ram, with orders to secure the person of his predecessor. His flight preserved him from captivity in the dungeons of Amber, but his estates, as well as those of the minister his brother, were resumed, and all their property was confiscated.

=Treaty between the Shaikhāwats and Jaipur.=—The new commander, who was a tailor by caste, was ordered to follow the Haldia to the last extremity; for, in these regions, displaced ministers and rebels are identical. It was expected, if they did not lose their heads, to see them in opposition to the orders of their sovereign lord, whose slaves they had so lately proclaimed themselves: in fact, a rebel minister in Rajwara is like an ex-Tory or ex-Whig elsewhere, nor does restoration to the councils of his sovereign, perhaps in a few short months after he carried arms against him, plundered his subjects, and carried conflagration in his towns, excite more than transient emotion. The new commander was eager to obtain the services of the assembled Shaikhawats against the Haldias, but experience had given them wisdom; and they not only exacted stipulations befitting their position, as the price of this aid, but, what was of more consequence, negotiated the conditions of their future connexion with the lord-paramount.

The _first_ article was the immediate restoration of the townships which the Haldia had seized upon, as Tui, Gwala, etc.

The _second_, that the court should disavow all pretensions to exact tribute beyond what they had voluntarily stipulated, and which they would remit to the capital.

_Third_, that on no account should the armies of the court enter the lands of the confederation, the consequences of which had been so strongly marked in the atrocities at Khandela.

_Fourth_, that the confederacy would furnish a contingent for the service of the court, which should be paid by the court while so employed.

The treaty being ratified through the intervention of the new commander, and having received in advance 10,000 rupees for their expenses, the chiefs with their retainers repaired to the capital, and after paying homage to their liege lord, zealously set to work to execute its orders on the Haldia faction, who were dispossessed of their [411] estates. But, as observed in the annals of the parent State, Jaipur had obtained the distinction of the _jhutha darbar_, or ‘lying court,’ of the justness of which epithet it afforded an illustration in its conduct to the confederated chieftains, who soon discovered the difference between promises and performance. They had done their duty, but they obtained not one of the advantages for which they agreed to serve the court; and they had the mortification to see they had merely displaced the garrisons of the Haldia for those of Rora Ram. After a short consultation, they determined to seek themselves the justice that was denied them; accordingly, they assaulted in succession the towns occupied by Rora Ram’s myrmidons, drove them out, and made them over to their original proprietors.

=Treacherous Arrest of Narsingh and other Chiefs.=—At the same time, the court having demanded the usual tribute from Narsinghdas, which was always in arrear, he had the imprudence to stone the agent, who was a relation of the minister. He hastened to the Presence, “threw his turban at the Raja’s feet,” saying, he was dishonoured for ever. A mandate was instantaneously issued for the sequestration of Khandela and the capture of Narsingh, who bade his liege lord defiance from his castle of Govindgarh: but his co-partner, Partap Singh, having no just cause of apprehension, remained in Khandela, which was environed by the Jaipur troops under Asaram. His security was his ruin; but the wily Bania (Asaram), who wished to seize at once the joint holders of the estate, offered no molestation to Partap, while he laid a plot for the other. He invited his return, on the _bachan_, or ‘pledge of safety,’ of the Manoharpur chief. Narsingh did not hesitate, for rank as was the character of his countrymen in these degenerate days, no Rajput had ever incurred the epithet of Bachanchuk, tenfold more odious than that of murderer, and which no future action, however brilliant, could obliterate, even from his descendants to the latest posterity. On the faith of this _bachan_, Narsingh came, and a mock negotiation was carried on for the arrears of tribute, and a time fixed for payment. Narsingh returned to Khandela, and Asaram broke up his camp and moved away. The crafty Bania, having thus successfully thrown him off his guard, on the third day rapidly retraced his steps, and at midnight surrounded Narsingh in his abode, who was ordered to proceed forthwith to the camp. Burning with indignation, he attempted self-destruction, but was withheld; and accompanied by a few Rajputs who swore to protect or die with him, he joined Asaram to see the issue.

A simple plan was adopted to secure Partap, and he fearlessly obeyed the summons. Both parties remained in camp; the one was amused with a negotiation for [412] his liberation on the payment of a fine; the other had higher hopes; and in the indulgence of both, their vassals relaxed in vigilance. While they were at dinner, a party planted in ambuscade rushed out, and before they could seize their arms, made captive both the chiefs. They were pinioned like felons, put into a covered carriage, despatched under the guard of five hundred men to the capital, and found apartments ready for them in the state-prison of Amber. It is an axiom with these people, that the end sanctifies the means; and the prince and his minister congratulated each other on the complete success of the scheme. Khandela was declared khalisa (fiscal), and garrisoned by five hundred men from the camp, while the inferior feudatories, holding estates detached from the capital, were received on terms, and even allowed to hold their fiefs on the promise that they did not disturb the sequestrated lands.

Footnote 9.6.1:

[Nawalgarh, about 30 miles N.W. of Khandela; Khetri, about the same distance N.E.; Baswa, about 85 miles N.N.W. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.6.2:

His second son, Raghunath, had Kuchor in appanage.

Footnote 9.6.3:

[The Amāvas, or last day of the month, is unlucky for all undertakings, and is kept as a day of rest by traders, shopkeepers, and craftsmen. If the last day falls on a Monday, it is specially taboo, and people bathe in a river or pool and make gifts to Brāhmans (_BG_, ix. Part i. 397). Pūs falls in January and February.]

Footnote 9.6.4:

[Close to the Jodhpur frontier, about 40 miles N.W. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.6.5:

The ministers of religion were the only clerks amongst this race of depredators, and they were not behind the most illiterate in cupidity, and to say the truth, courage, when required; and as for skill in negotiation, a Mahratta Brahman stands alone; keen, skilful, and imperturbable, he would have baffled Machiavelli himself.

Footnote 9.6.6:

_Ghus_ is literally ‘a bribe’; and no treaty or transaction was ever carried on without this stipulation. So sacred was the _ghus_ held, from tyrant usage, that the Peshwa ministers, when they ruled the destinies of their nation, stipulated that the _ghus_ should go to the privy purse!

Footnote 9.6.7:

Barwatia is ‘one expatriated,’ from '_bar_' [_bāhir_] ‘out of,’ and _watan_, ‘a country,’ and it means either an exile or an outlaw, according to the measure of crime which caused his banishment from his country. [See Vol. II. p. 797.]

Footnote 9.6.8:

[About 20 miles N. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.6.9:

[About 30 miles N. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.6.10:

[See Vol. II. p. 665, for an account of this festival.]

Footnote 9.6.11:

_Nūn_ or _lūn_, ‘salt,’ and _dābnā_, ‘to dip, bespatter, or sprinkle.’ [Salt, apparently from its power of checking decay, is used in magical rites, and is believed to be efficacious for scaring evil spirits.]