CHAPTER 5

We proceed to sketch the history of the Shaikhawat confederation, which, springing from the redundant feodality of Amber, through the influence of age and circumstances, has attained a power and consideration almost equalling that of the parent State; and although it possesses neither written laws, a permanent congress, nor any visible or recognized head, subsists by a sense of common interest. It must not be supposed, however, that no system of policy is to be found in this confederation, because the springs are not always visible or in action; the moment any common or individual interest is menaced, the grand council of the Barons of Shaikhavati assembles at Udaipur[9.5.1] to decide the course of action to be pursued.

=The Origin of the Shaikhāwats.=—The Shaikhawat chieftains are descended from Balaji, the third son of Raja Udaikaran, who succeeded to the throne of Amber in S. 1445, A.D. 1389. At this period, if we look back to the political state of society, we find that nearly the whole of the tracts, which now obey the Shaikhavati federation, were parcelled out amongst numerous chieftains of the Chauhan or Tuar tribes,[9.5.2] the descendants of the ancient Hindu emperors of Delhi, who evinced no more submission than the sword and their Islamite successors exacted from them.

Balaji, who was the actual founder of the numerous families now designated by the more distinguished name of Shaikhji, his grandson, obtained as an appanage the district of Amritsar,[9.5.3] but whether by his own prowess or by other means, is not mentioned. He had three sons: Mokalji, Khemraj, and Kharad. The first succeeded to the patrimony of Amritsar; the second had a numerous issue styled Balapota, one of whom was adopted into the twelve chambers (_barahkothri_) of Kachhwahas. The third had a son called Kaman, whose descendants were styled Kamawat, but are now early extinct.

=Shaikhji.=—Mokal had a son who was named Shaikhji, in compliment to a miracle-working Islamite saint, to whose prayers the childless chief was indebted for a son destined to be the patriarch of a numerous race, occupying, under the term Shaikhawat, an important [389] portion of the surface of Rajputana. Shaikh Burhan was the name of this saint, whose shrine (still existing) was about six miles from Achrol, and fourteen from the residence of Mokal. As the period of time was shortly after Timur’s invasion, it is not unlikely he was a pious missionary, who remained behind for the conversion of the warlike but tolerant Rajput, with whom, even if he should fail in his purpose, he was certain of protection and hospitality. The Shaikh in one of his peregrinations had reached the confines of Amritsar, and was passing over an extensive meadow, in which was Mokalji. The Mangta (mendicant) approached with the usual salutation, “Have you anything for me?” “Whatever you please to have, Babaji (sire),” was the courteous reply. The request was limited to a draught of milk, and if our faith were equal to the Shaikhawat’s, we should believe that Shaikh Burhan drew a copious stream from the exhausted udder of a female buffalo. This was sufficient to convince the old chief that the Shaikh could work other miracles; and he prayed that, through his means, he might no longer be childless. In due time he had an heir, who, according to the injunctions of Burhan, was styled, after his own tribe, Shaikh. He directed that he should wear the baddhiya,[9.5.4] which, when laid aside, was to be suspended at the saint’s dargah; and further, that he should assume the blue tunic and cap, abstain from hog’s flesh, and eat no meat “in which the blood remained.” He also ordained that at the birth of every Shaikhawat male infant a goat should be sacrificed, the Kalima (Islamite creed) read, and the child sprinkled with the blood. Although four centuries have passed away since these obligations were contracted by Mokal, they are still religiously maintained by the little nation of his descendants, occupying a space of ten thousand square miles. The wild hog, which, according to immemorial usage, should be eaten once a year by every Rajput, is rarely even hunted by a Shaikhawat; and though they have relaxed in that ordinance, which commanded the suspension of the baddhiyas at the shrine of Burhan, still each infant wears them, as well as the blue tunic and cap, for two years after his birth; and a still greater mark of respect to the memory of the saint is evinced in the blue pennon which surmounts the yellow banner, or national flag, of the Shaikhawats. It is even gravely asserted that those who, from indolence, distance, or less justifiable motives, have neglected the least important injunction, that of depositing the initiatory strings or baddhiyas, have never prospered. But a still stronger proof is furnished of the credulity, the toleration, and yet [390] immutability of the Rajput character, in the fact, that, although Amritsar,[9.5.5] and the lands around the dargah, are annexed to the fisc of Amber, yet the shrine of Shaikh Burhan continues a _saran_ (sanctuary), while lands are assigned to almost a hundred families, the descendants of the saint, who reside in the adjacent town of Tala.

Shaikhji, when he attained man’s estate, greatly augmented the territory left by his father, and had consolidated three hundred and sixty villages under his sway, by conquest from his neighbours, when his reputation and power attracted the jealous notice of the lord paramount of Amber. He was attacked; but by the aid of the Panni Pathans[9.5.6] he successfully withstood the reiterated assaults of his suzerain. Up to this period, they had acknowledged the Amber princes as liege lords, and in token of alliance paid as tribute all the colts reared on the original estate.[9.5.7] A dispute on this point was the ostensible cause (though subordinate to their rapid prosperity), which occasioned a total separation of the Shaikhawat colonies from the parent State, until the reign of Sawai Jai Singh who, with his means as lieutenant of the empire, compelled homage, submission, and pecuniary relief from them. Shaikhji left a well-established authority to his son, Raemall, of whom nothing is recorded. Raemall was followed by Suja, who had three sons, namely, Nunkaran, Raesal, and Gopal. The elder succeeded to the patrimony of Amritsar and its three hundred and sixty townships, while to his brothers, the fiefs of Lambi and Jharli[9.5.8] were respectively assigned. With the second brother, Raesal, the fortunes of the Shaikhawats made a rapid stride, from an occurrence in which the Rajput appears in the position we desire to see him occupy.

Nunkaran, the chief of the Shaikhawats, had a minister named Devidas, of the Bania or mercantile caste, and, like thousands of that caste, energetic, shrewd, and intelligent. He one day held an argument with his lord (which the result proves he maintained with independence), that “genius with good fortune was the first gift of heaven, and to be far more prized than a man’s mere inheritance.” Nunkaran warmly disputed the point, which ended by his telling the minister he might go to Lambi [391] and make experiment of the truth of his argument on his brother Raesal. Devidas lost no time, on this polite dismissal from his office, in proceeding with his family and property to Lambi. He was received with the usual hospitality; but soon discovered that Raesal’s means were too confined to bear an additional burden, and that the field was too restricted to enable him to demonstrate the truth of the argument which lost him his place. He made known his determination to proceed to the imperial city, and advised Raesal to accompany him, and try his luck at court. Raesal, who was valiant and not without ambition, could only equip twenty horse, with which he arrived at Delhi just as an army was forming to oppose one of those Afghan invasions, so common at that period. In the action which ensued, Raesal had the good fortune to distinguish himself by cutting down a leader of the enemy, in the presence of the imperial general, which had a decided influence on the event of the day. Inquiries were made for the brave unknown, who had performed this heroic deed; but as, for reasons which will be perceived, he kept aloof from the quarters of his countrymen, the argument of Devidas would never have been illustrated, had not the imperial commander determined to seek out and reward merit. He ordered a grand ziyafat, or ‘entertainment’ to be prepared for the chiefs of every grade in the army, who were commanded afterwards to pay their respects to the general. As soon as Raesal appeared, he was recognized as the individual of whom they were in search. His name and family being disclosed, his brother, Nunkaran, who was serving with his quota, was called, whose anger was peremptorily expressed at his presuming to appear at court without his permission; but this ebullition of jealousy was of little avail. Raesal was at once introduced to the great Akbar, who bestowed upon him the title of Raesal Darbari,[9.5.9] and a more substantial mark of royal favour, in a grant of the districts of Rewasa and Khasali, then belonging to the Chandela Rajputs. This was but the opening of Raesal’s career, for scarcely had he settled his new possessions, when he was recalled to court to take part in an expedition against Bhatner. Fresh services obtained new favours, and he received a grant of Khandela and Udaipur, then belonging to the Nirwan Rajputs, who disdained to pay allegiance to the empire, and gave themselves up to unlicensed rapine.

=Khandela, the Shaikhawat Capital.=—Raesal, finding it would be a work of difficulty to expel the brave Nirwans from [392] their ancient _bapota_ (patrimony), had recourse to stratagem to effect his object. Previous to the expedition to Bhatner, Raesal had espoused the daughter of the chief of Khandela, and it is related that a casual expression, dropped on that occasion, suggested his desire to obtain it for himself. Being dissatisfied with the dower (_daeja_) given with his bride, he, with no commendable taste, pertinaciously insisted upon an increase; upon which the Nirwan chief, losing patience, hastily replied, “We have nothing else to give, unless you take the stones of the hill.” The attendant Saguni (augur), immediately turning to Raesal, said, in an undertone, “Tie a knot on the skirt of your garment in remembrance of this.” An expression like this from a prophetic tongue gave birth to the wish to be lord of Khandela; while his services to the king, and the imbecility of its Nirwan possessor, conspired to fulfil it. Watching his opportunity, he marched against the place, and being in all probability supported by his liege lord, it was abandoned without defence, and the inhabitants tendered their submission to him. Henceforth, Khandela was esteemed the principal city of the Shaikhawat confederation; and the descendants of Raesal, using his name as a patronymic, are styled Raesalot, occupying all southern Shaikhavati; while another branch of later origin, called Sadhani, holds the northern tracts. Immediately after the occupation of Khandela, Raesal obtained possession of Udaipur, formerly called Kausambi, also belonging to the Nirwans.[9.5.10]

Raesal accompanied his proper liege lord, the great Raja Man of Amber, against the heroic Rana Partap of Mewar. He was also in the expedition to Kabul, against the Afghans of Kohistan, in all of which enterprises he obtained fresh distinctions. Regarding his death, there is no record;[9.5.11] but his history is another illustration of the Rajput character, whilst it confirms the position of the Bania, that “genius and good fortune are far superior to inheritance.”

Raesal, at his death, had a compact and well-managed territory, out of which he assigned appanages to his seven sons, from whom are descended the various families, who, with relative distinctive patronymics, Bhojansi Sadhanis, Larkhanis, Tajkhanis, Parasurampotas, Harrampotas, are recognized throughout Rajwara by the generic name of Shaikhawat [393].

1. Girdhar Had Khandela and Rewasa. 2. Larkhan ” Kachriawas. 3. Bhojraj ” Udaipur. 4. Tirmall Rao ” Kasli and eighty-four villages. 5. Parasuram ” Bai. 6. Harramji ” Mundari. 7. Tajkhan ” No appanage.

We shall not break the thread of the narrative of the elder branch of Khandela, “chief of the sons of Shaikhji,” to treat of the junior line, though the issue of Bhojraj have eclipsed, both in population and property, the senior descendants of Raesal.

=Girdharji Shaikhāwat.=—Girdharji succeeded to the prowess, the energy, and the estates of his father, and for a gallant action obtained from the emperor the title of Raja of Khandela. At this period, the empire was in a most disordered state, and the mountainous region, called Mewat, was inhabited by a daring and ferocious banditti, called Meos, who pillaged in gangs even to the gates of the capital. The task of taking, dead or alive, the leader of this banditti, was assigned to the chief of Khandela, who performed it with signal gallantry and success. Aware that, by the display of superior force, his enemy would remain in his lurking places, Girdhar put himself on terms of equality with his foe, and with a small but select band hunted the Mewati leader down, and in the end slew him in single combat. The career of Girdhar, short as it was brilliant, was terminated by assassination, while bathing in the Jumna. The anecdote is descriptive of the difference of manners between the rustic Rajput and the debauched retainer of the court.

=Assassination of Girdharji.=—One of the Khandela chief’s men was waiting, in a blacksmith’s shop, while his sword was repaired and sharpened. A Muslim, passing by, thought he might have his jest with the unpolished Rajput, and after asking some impertinent questions, and laughing at the unintelligible replies in the Bhakha of Rajwara, slipped a heated cinder in the turban of the soldier: the insult was borne with great coolness, which increased the mirth of the Musalman, and at length the turban took fire. The sword was then ready, and the Thakur, after feeling the edge, with one blow laid the jester’s head at his feet. He belonged to one of the chief nobles of the court, who immediately led his retainers to the Khandela chief’s quarters, and thence to where he was performing his religious ablutions in the Jumna, and whilst engaged in which act, unarmed and almost unattended, basely murdered him. Girdhar left several children [394].

=Dwārkadās.=—Dwarkadas, his eldest son, succeeded, and soon after his accession nearly fell a victim to the jealousy of the Manoharpur chief, the representative of the elder branch of the family, being the lineal descendant of Nunkaran. The emperor had caught a lion in the toils, and gave out a grand hunt, when the Manoharpur chief observed that his relative, the Raesalot, who was a votary of Naharsingh,[9.5.12] was the proper person to engage the king of the forest. Dwarkadas saw through his relative’s treachery, but cheerfully accepted the proposal. Having bathed and prayed, to the astonishment of the king and court, he entered the arena unarmed, with a brazen platter containing the various articles used in _puja_ (worship), as grains of rice, curds, and sandal ointment, and going directly up to the monster, made the _tilak_ on his forehead, put a chaplet round his neck, and prostrated himself in the usual attitude of adoration before the lion; when, to the amazement of the spectators, the noble beast came gently up, and with his tongue repeatedly licked his face, permitting him to retire without the least indication of anger. The emperor, who concluded that his subject must “wear a charmed life,” desired the Khandela chief to make any request, with the assurance of compliance; when he received a delicate reproof, in the desire “that his majesty would never place another person in the same predicament from which he had happily escaped.”

Dwarkadas was slain by the greatest hero of the age in which he lived, the celebrated Khan Jahan Lodi,[9.5.13] who, according to the legends of the Shaikhawats, also fell by the hand of their lord; and they throw an air of romance upon the transaction, which would grace the annals of chivalry in any age or country. Khan Jahan and the chieftain of Khandela were sworn friends, and when nothing but the life of the gallant Lodi would satisfy the king, Dwarka gave timely notice to his friend of the hateful task imposed upon him, advising either submission or flight. His fate, which forms one of the most interesting episodes in Ferishta’s history,[9.5.14] involved that of the Shaikhawat chief.

=Bīrsinghdeo.=—He was succeeded by his son, Birsinghdeo, who served with his contingent in the conquest of the Deccan, and was made governor of Parnala, which he had materially assisted in reducing.[9.5.15] The Khandela annalist is desirous to make it appear that his service was independent of his liege lord of Amber; but the probability is that he was under the immediate command of the Mirza Raja Jai Singh, at that period the most distinguished general of his nation or of the court.

Birsinghdeo had seven sons, of whom the heir-apparent, Bahadur Singh, remained at [395] Khandela; while estates were assigned to his brothers, namely, Amar Singh, Shyam Singh, Jagdeo, Bhopal Singh, Mukri Singh, and Pem Singh, who all increased the stock of Raesalots. While the Raja was performing his duties in the Deccan, intelligence reached him that his son at home had usurped his title and authority; upon which, with only four horsemen, he left the army for his capital. When within two coss of Khandela, he alighted at the house of a Jatni, of whom he requested refreshment, and begged especial care of his wearied steed, lest he should be stolen; to which she sharply replied, “Is not Bahadur Singh ruler here? You may leave gold in the highway, and no one dare touch it.” The old chieftain was so delighted with this testimony to his son’s discharge of a prince’s duties, that, without disclosing himself or his suspicions, he immediately returned to the Deccan, where he died.

=Bahādur Singh.=—Bahadur Singh succeeded, and on his father’s death repaired to the armies in the south, commanded by Aurangzeb in person. Being insulted by a Muslim chief bearing the same name with himself, and obtaining no redress from the bigoted prince, he left the army in disgust, upon which his name was erased from the list of mansabdars. It was at this time the tyrant issued his mandate for the capitation-tax on all his Hindu subjects, and for the destruction of their temples.[9.5.16]

=Gallantry of Shujāwan Singh.=—To the personal enemy of the Shaikhawat was intrusted the twofold duty of exacting tribute, and the demolition of the temple, the ornament of Khandela, whose chief, degrading the name of Bahadur (warrior), abandoned his capital; and the royal army had arrived within two coss without the appearance of opposition. The news spread over the lands of the confederacy, that Bahadur had fled from Khandela, and that the Turk was bent on the destruction of its shrines. It reached the ear of Shujawan Singh, the chieftain of Chapauli, a descendant of Bhojraj, the second son of Raesal. Imbued with all the spirit of this hero, the brave Bhojani resolved to devote himself to the protection of the temple, or perish in its defence. At the moment the tidings reached him, he was solemnizing his nuptials on the Marwar frontier. Hastening home with his bride, he left her with his mother, and bade both a solemn [396] farewell. In vain his kindred, collecting round him, dissuaded him from his design, urging that it was Bahadur Singh’s affair, not his. “Am not I,” he said, “also of Raesal’s stock, and can I allow the Turk to destroy the dwelling of the Thakur (lord), and not attempt to save it? Would this be acting the part of a Rajput?” As their entreaties were vain, they, to the number of sixty, resolved to accompany him, and share his fate. They were joined by a party of Bahadur’s adherents, and succeeded in entering Khandela. The imperial commander, to whom this unlooked-for opposition was reported, well aware of what a Rajput is capable when excited to action, and perhaps moved by a generous feeling at seeing a handful of men oppose an army, requested that two of their number might be deputed to his camp to confer with him. He told them, that notwithstanding it was the king’s command that he should raze the temple to the ground, he would be satisfied (if accompanied by proper submission) with taking off the _kalas_, or golden ball which surmounted its pinnacle. They endeavoured to dissuade him; offered money to the utmost possible amount of their means; but the answer was, “The kalas must come down.” One of these noble delegates, no longer able to contain himself, exclaimed, “Break down the kalas!” as with some moist clay at his feet he moulded a ball, which he placed on a little mound before him: and drawing his sword, repeated, “Break down the kalas! I dare you even to break this ball of clay!” The intrepidity of this action gained the applause even of the foe, and they had safe-conduct to rejoin their brethren, and prepare them for the worst.

=The Siege of Khandela.=—At this time, Khandela had no fortifications; there was, however, a gateway half-way up the hill in the route of ascent, which led to the place of residence of its chieftains, adjoining which was the temple. One party was stationed in the gateway, while Shujawan reserved for himself the defence of the temple, in which he took post with his kinsmen. When the mercenaries of the tyrant advanced, the defenders of the gateway, alter dealing many a distant death, marched upon them sword in hand, and perished. When they pushed on to the chief object of attack, the band issued forth in small detached parties, having first made their obeisances to the image, and carried destruction along with them. Shujawan was the last who fell. The temple was levelled to the earth, the idol broken in pieces, and the fragments thrown into the foundation of a mosque erected on its ruins. There is hardly a town of note in Rajwara that has not to relate a similar tale of desperate valour in the defence of their household gods against the iniquitous and impolitic Aurangzeb. Khandela received a royal garrison; but the old officers, both territorial and financial, were retained by the conqueror [397].

Bahadur Singh continued to reside in an adjacent township, and through his Diwan obtained a certain share of the crops and transit duties, namely, a ser out of every maund of the former, and one pice in every rupee of the latter. In process of time the family residence and gardens were given up to him, and when the Sayyids obtained power he regained his country, though a garrison of the royal troops was retained, whose expenses he paid. He left three sons, namely, Kesari Singh, Fateh Singh, and Udai Singh.

=Kesari Singh.=—Kesari, solicitous to hold his lands on the same terms as his ancestors, namely, service to the lord-paramount, assembled his adherents, and with his second brother, Fateh Singh, departed for the imperial camp, to proffer his service. The Manoharpur chief, the elder branch of the family, was in the royal camp, and having regained his lost consequence by the depression of Khandela, was by no means willing again to part with it. He intrigued with the second brother, Fateh Singh, to whom he proposed a division of the lands; the latter lent himself to the intrigue, and the Diwan, seeing that a family quarrel would involve the destruction of them all, repaired to Khandela, and through the mother, a Gaur Rajputni, he advocated the partition. A census was accordingly made of the population, and a measurement of the lands, of which two portions were assigned to Fateh Singh, and the three remaining to the Raja. The town itself was partitioned in the same manner. Henceforth, the brothers held no intercourse with each other, and Kesari preferred Khatu[9.5.17] as his residence, though whenever he came to Khandela, Fateh Singh withdrew. Things remained in this state until the Diwan prompted his master to get rid of the agreement which had secured the ascendancy of Manoharpur in the Shaikhawat federation, by destroying his brother. The Diwan arranged a friendly meeting at Khatu for the avowed purpose of reconciliation, when Fateh Singh fell a victim to assassination; but the instigator to the crime met his proper reward, for a splinter of the sword which slew Fateh Singh entered his neck, and was the occasion of his death.

Kesari Singh, having thus recovered all his lost authority, from the contentions at court conceived he might refuse the tribute of Rewasa, hitherto paid to the Ajmer treasury, while that of Khandela went to Narnol.[9.5.18] Sayyid Abdulla,[9.5.19] then wazir, found leisure to resent this insult, and sent a force against Khandela. Every Raesalot in the country assembled to resist the Turk, and even his foe of Manoharpur sent his quota, led by the Dhabhai (foster-brother), to aid the national cause. Thus strengthened, Kesari determined to oppose the royal forces hand to hand in the plain, and [398] the rival armies encountered at the border town of Deoli.[9.5.20] While victory manifested a wish to side with the confederated Shaikhawats, the old jealousies of Manoharpur revived, and he withdrew his quota from the field, at the same moment that the Kasli chief, on whom much depended, was slain. To crown these misfortunes, the Larkhani chief of Danta, basely deeming this an opportunity to consult his own interest, abandoned the field, to take possession of Rewasa. The ‘lion’ of Khandela (Kesari), observing these defections, when the shout of “_Jai! jai!_” (victory, victory), already rang in his ears, could not help exclaiming, in the bitterness of despair, “Had Fateh Singh been here, he would not have deserted me.” He disdained, however, to give way, and prepared to meet his fate like a true Raesalot. Sending to where the battle yet raged for his youngest brother, Udai Singh, he urged him to save himself; but the young Rajput scorned obedience to such a behest, until Kesari made known his determination not to quit the field, adding that if he also were slain, there would be an end of his line. Others joined their persuasions, and even attempted to turn Kesari from his purpose. “No,” replied the chief, “I have no desire for life; two black deeds press upon me; the murder of my brother, and the curse of the Charans of Bikaner, whom I neglected at the distribution of the nuptial gifts. I will not add a third by dastardly flight.” As Udai Singh reluctantly obeyed, while the swords rang around him, Kesari made a hasty sacrifice to Avanimata (mother earth), of which flesh, blood, and earth are the ingredients. He cut pieces from his own body, but as scarcely any blood flowed, his own uncle, Mohkam Singh of Aloda, parted with some of his, for so grand an obligation as the retention of Khandela. Mixing his own flesh, and his uncle’s blood, with a portion of his own sandy soil, he formed small balls in _dan_ (gift), for the maintenance of the land to his posterity. The Dom (bard), who repeated the incantations, pronounced the sacrifice accepted, and that seven generations of his line should rule in Khandela.[9.5.21] The brave Kesari was slain, the town taken, and Udai Singh carried to Ajmer, where he remained three years in captivity. At this time, the chiefs of Udaipur and Kasli determined to cut off the royal garrison in Khandela; but apprehensive of the danger it might occasion to their chief, they sent a special messenger to Ajmer, to acquaint the viceroy of their scheme, previous to its execution, to prevent his being implicated. Khandela was surprised, and Deonath and three hundred Turks put to the sword. The viceroy [399], desirous to recover the place, consulted his prisoner, who offered to reinstate him if he granted him liberty. The Nawab demanded a hostage, but the young Rajput said he knew of none but his own mother, who willingly became the pledge for her son. He fulfilled his agreement, and the viceroy was so pleased with his frank and loyal conduct, that on paying a large _nazarana_, he restored him to his capital.

=Udai Singh.=—Udai Singh’s first act was to assemble his brethren, in order to punish Manoharpur, whose treachery had caused them so much misery. The foster-brother, who commanded on that occasion, was again entrusted with the command; but he fled after a sharp encounter, and Manoharpur was invested. Seeing he had no chance of salvation, he had again recourse to _chal_ (stratagem). There were two feudatories of Nunkaran’s line, joint-holders of Khajroli, who had long been at variance with Dip Singh of Kasli, the principal adviser of the young Raja of Khandela. They were gained over to the purpose of the Manoharpur chief, who sent them with a private message to Dip Singh, that no sooner should Manoharpur fall than he would be deprived of Kasli. These treacherous proceedings were but too common amongst ‘the sons of Shaikhji.’ Dip Singh fell into the snare, and at break of day, when the trumpets sounded for the assault, the drums of the Kasli chief were heard in full march to his estate. Udai Singh, thus deprived of his revenge, followed Dip Singh who, aware of his inability to cope with his immediate chief, fled for succour to Jaipur, and Kasli fell a sacrifice to the artifices which preserved Manoharpur. The great Jai Singh then ruled Amber; he received the suppliant chief, and promised him ample redress, on his swearing to become his vassal and tributary. Dip Singh swore allegiance to the _gaddi_ of Jai Singh, and signed a tributary engagement of four thousand rupees annually!

=Supremacy of Jaipur in Shaikhawati.=—Thus recommenced the supremacy of Amber over the confederated Shaikhawats, which had been thrown off ever since the dispute regarding the colts of Amritsar, the ancient mark of homage, when ‘the sons of Shaikhji’ consisted only of a few hundred armed men. Shortly after this transaction, Jai Singh proceeded to the Ganges to fulfil certain rites upon an eclipse, and while performing his ablutions in the sacred stream, and the gifts for distribution to the priests being collected on the bank, he inquired “who was present to receive _dan_ that day?” The Kasli chief, spreading out the skirt of his garment, replied, he was an applicant. Such _dan_ (gifts) being only given to mangtas, or mendicants, in which class they put priests, poets, and [400] the poor, the Raja asked, laughing, “What is your desire, Thakur?” To which Dip Singh replied, that through his intercession the son of Fateh Singh might obtain his father’s share of Khandela; which request was complied with.

This occurrence was in A.D. 1716, when the Jats were rising into power, and when all the minor Rajas served with their contingents under the great Jai Singh, as lieutenant of the emperor. Along with the princes of Karauli, Bhadauria, Sheopur, and many others of the third rank, was Udai Singh of Khandela. During the siege of Thun, the Shaikhawat chief was reprimanded for neglect of duty, and although he owed a double allegiance to Jai Singh, as his natural liege lord and lieutenant of the king, he would not brook the censure from one of his own race, and indignantly withdrew from the siege. Churaman the Jat, having contrived to make his peace with the Sayyid wazir, when Thun was upon the eve of surrender, and Udai Singh being implicated in this intrigue, Jai Singh, who was mortified at an occurrence which prevented the gratification of a long-cherished resentment against the upstart Jats, determined that the Khandela chief should suffer for his audacity. Attended by the imperialists under Bazid Khan, and all his home clans, he laid siege to the citadel called Udaigarh. Udai Singh held out a month in this castle he had constructed and called by his own name, when his resources failing, he fled to Naru[9.5.22] in Marwar, and his son, Sawai Singh, presented the keys, throwing himself on the clemency of the conqueror. He was well received, and pardoned, on condition of becoming tributary to Amber. He followed the example of the Kasli chief, and signed an engagement to pay annually one lakh of rupees. From this a deduction of fifteen thousand was subsequently made, and in time being reduced twenty thousand more, sixty-five thousand continued to be the tribute of Khandela, until the decay of both the parent State and its scion, when the weakness of the former, and the merciless outrages of the predatory powers, Pathan and Mahratta, rendered its amount uncertain and difficult to realize. Moreover, recalling his promise to Dip Singh, he restored the division of the lands as existing prior to the murder of Fateh Singh, namely, three shares to Sawai Singh, with the title of chief of the Shaikhawats, and two to Dhir Singh, son of Fateh Singh. The young cousin chieftains, now joint-holders of Khandela, attended their liege lord with their contingent; and Udai Singh, taking advantage of their absence, with the aid of a band of outlawed Larkhanis, surprised and took Khandela. Attended by the Jaipur troops, the son performed the dutiful task of expelling his father from his inheritance, who again fled to Naru, where he resided [401] upon a pension of five rupees a day, given by his son, until his death. He, however, outlived Sawai Singh, who left three sons: Bindraban, who succeeded to Khandela; Shambhu, who had the appanage of Ranauli; and Kusal, having that of Piprauli.

Footnote 9.5.1:

[This Udaipur must not be confounded with the capital of Mewār: it is about 60 miles N. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.5.2:

The lovers of antiquity have only to make the search to find an abundant harvest, throughout all these countries, of ancient capitals and cities, whose names are hardly known even to the modern inhabitants. Of the ancient Rajor I have already spoken, and I now draw the attention of my countrymen to Abhaner, which boasts a very remote antiquity; and from an old stanza, we might imagine that its princes were connected with the Kaian dynasty of Persia. I copied it, some twenty years ago, from an itinerant bard, who had an imperfect knowledge of it himself, and I have doubtless made it more so, but it is still sufficiently intelligible to point at a remarkable coincidence:

_Rājā Chand-kā Ābhāner Bīahah Sanjog, āyo Girnār. Dekh Bharat līyo bulāi. Kiyo bidit, man bikasāi. Byāo Sanjog, Parmalā barī. Kos sāth-so man chit dharī; “Tū betī Kaikum kī, Nām Parmalā[9.4.2.A] ho. Lekhā huā Kartār ko. Yā jāna sabb ko”_[9.4.2.A] [388]

[For the above version of the corrupt lines in the original, the Editor is indebted to Sir G. Grierson, who remarks that the meaning is not clear, and that in the original more than one dialect is used. He offers the following tentative translation: “Sanjog [dwelt] in the midst of Ābhāner of Rāja Chand. He came to Girnār. When Bharat saw him he summoned him. He [Sanjog] made known [his object], and his [Bharat’s] heart expanded. Sanjog married, he chose Parmalā for his bride. From a distance of sixty kos his heart and mind had attracted her. [He said to her] ‘Thou art the daughter of Kaikum. Thy name is Parmalā [_i.e._ “fairy garland”]. It was the writing of the Creator [_i.e._ “it was so fated”], this every one knew.’” There is no reason to suppose that the lady was a Persian.]

This is a fragment of a long poem relative to the rivalry of Raja Chand of Abhaner, and Raja Sursen of Indrapuri, who was betrothed to Parmala, daughter of Kaikum, and had gone to Girner, or Girnar, to espouse her, when the Abhaner prince abducted her. Raja Sursen of Indrapuri (Delhi), if the ancestor of the Suraseni, and founder of Surpuri, existed probably twelve hundred years before Christ. That sun-worshippers had established themselves in the peninsula of Saurashtra (whose capital was Junagarh-Girnar), its appellation, in the days of the Greeks of Bactria, as now, proves (see Strabo, Justin, etc.), but whether Kaikum, the father of Parmala, is the Kaiomurs of Firdausi, we shall not stop to inquire. The connexion between this peninsula and Persia was intimate in later times, so as even to give rise to the assertion that the Ranas of Mewar were descended from the Sassanian kings. It was my good fortune to discover Surpuri, on the Jumna, the residence of the rival of Chand of Abhaner, which city I leave to some one imbued with similar taste to visit, and merely add, he will find there an inscription in a kund or fountain dedicated to the Sun. The distance, however, seven hundred coss (_kos sath so_), whether from Indrapuri or Abhaner, to Girnar, even admitting them to be _gao coss_, would be too much. I believe this would make it eight hundred miles, and certainly, as the crow flies, it is not seven hundred. Interwoven with the story there is much about Raja Chambha, prince of Jajnagar, a city of great antiquity in Orissa, and containing some of the finest specimens of sculpture I ever saw. There is also mention of a Raja Saer (_qu._ Sahir or Siharas of Aror) of Parman. In 1804, I passed through Jajnagar, after the conquest of the province of Cuttack, with my regiment. At Jajnagar, my earliest friend, the late Captain Bellet Sealy, employed his pencil for several days with the sculptured remains. These drawings were sent to the authorities at Calcutta: perhaps this notice may rescue from oblivion the remains of Jajnagar, and of my deceased friend’s talent, for Captain Bellet Sealy was an ornament equally to private life and to his profession. He fell a victim to the fever contracted in the Nepal war. The ruins of Abhaner are on the Banganga, three coss east of Lalsont. [The speculations in this note are of no value. For the town of Jājpur in Cuttack, see a full account by Sir W. Hunter, _Orissa_, i. 265 f.; _IGI_, xiv. 10 f.]

Footnote 9.4.2.A:

_Parī-mālā_ means ‘fairy garland.’

Footnote 9.5.3:

[About 15 miles N.E. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.5.4:

Strings, or threads, worn crossways by Muhammadan children. [See Herklots, _Qanoon-e-Islam_, 156, 158.]

Footnote 9.5.5:

The town of Amritsar and forty-five villages are still left to the Manoharpur branch.

Footnote 9.5.6:

The Pannis are a tribe of Duranis, regarding whom Mr. Elphinstone’s account of Kabul may be consulted. In after times, there was a chieftain of this tribe so celebrated for his generosity and hospitality, that his name has become proverbial:

_Banē, to banē Nahīn, Dāūd Khān Panni_:

that is, if they failed elsewhere, there was always Daud Khan in reserve. His gallant bearing, and death in Farrukhsiyar’s reign, are related in Scott’s excellent _History of the Dekhan_. [Ed. 1794, ii. 140 ff. The Panni are a sept of the Kākar or Ghurghusthi Pathāns; see Rose, _Glossary_, iii. 198, 223.]

Footnote 9.5.7:

This will recall to the reader’s recollection a similar custom in the ancient Persian empire, where the tribute of the distant Satrapies was of the same kind. Armenia, according to Herodotus, alone gave an annual tribute of twenty thousand colts. [The statement is made by Strabo p. 529.]

Footnote 9.5.8:

[Jhārli is about 40 miles N. of Jaipur city.]

Footnote 9.5.9:

It is always agreeable to find the truth of these simple annals corroborated in the historical remains of the conquerors of the Rajputs. The name of Raesal Darbari will be found, in the Ain-i-Akbari, amongst the mansabdars of twelve hundred and fifty horse; a rank of high importance, being equivalent to that conferred on the sons of potent Rajas. [In _Āīn_ (i. 419) he is called Rāē Sāl Darbāri, son of Rāēmall, Shaikhāwat. The Author represents him to be son of Sūja, and apparently grandson of Rāēmall. He is mentioned in the _Akbarnāma_ (trans. H. Beveridge ii. 390).]

Footnote 9.5.10:

The Nirwan is a _sakha_, or ramification of the Chauhan race. They had long held possession of these regions, of which Kes, or Kausambi, now Udaipur, was the capital, the city where the grand council of the confederation always meets on great occasions. This may throw light on the Kausambi mentioned on the triumphal pillar at Delhi; the Nirwan capital is more likely to be the town alluded to than Kausāmbi on the Ganges. [The inscription refers to the city in the United Provinces, of which the site is uncertain (V. A. Smith, _JRAS_, 1898, p. 503).]

Footnote 9.5.11:

[He died, at an advanced age, in the Deccan (_Āīn_, i. 419).]

Footnote 9.5.12:

[Narasinha, the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu.]

Footnote 9.5.13:

[Khān Jahān Lodi, an Afghān, commanded in the Deccan under Prince Parvez. In 1628, suspected of disloyalty, he took refuge in Bāglān, the headmen of which place refused to surrender him. But he was obliged to fly and, with his son, was killed by the royal troops on January 28, 1631 (Beale, _Dict. Oriental Biography_, s.v.; _BG_, i.