CHAPTER 5

=Adoption.=—The hereditary principle, which perpetuates in these States their virtues and their vices, is also the grand preservative of their political existence and national manners: it is an imperishable principle, which resists time and innovation: it is this which made the laws of the Medes and Persians, as well as those of the Rajputs, unalterable. A chief of Mewar, like his sovereign, never dies: he disappears to be regenerated. ‘_Le roi est mort, vive le roi!_’ is a phrase, the precise virtue of which is there well understood. Neither the crown nor the greater fiefs are ever without heirs. Adoption is the preservative of honours and titles; the great fiefs of Rajasthan can never become extinct.[3.5.1] But, however valuable this privilege, which the law of custom has made a right, it is often carried to the most hurtful and foolish extent. They have allowed the limit which defined it to be effaced, and each family, of course, maintains a custom, so soothing to vanity, as the prospect of having their names revived in their descendants. This has resulted from the weakness of the prince and the misery of the times. Lands were bestowed liberally which yielded nothing to their master, who, in securing a nominal obedience and servitude, had as much as the times made them worth when given; but with returning prosperity and old customs, these great errors have become too visible. Adoptions are often made during the life of the incumbent when without prospect of issue. The chief and his wife first agitate the subject in private; it is then confided to the little council of the fief, and when propinquity and merit unite, they at once petition the prince to confirm their wishes, which are generally acceded to. So many interests are to be consulted on this occasion, that the blind partiality of the chief to any particular object is always counterpoised by the elders of the clan, who must have a pride in seeing a proper Thakur[3.5.2] at their head, and who prefer the nearest of kin, to prevent the disputes which would be attendant on neglect in this point [191].

On sudden lapses, the wife is allowed the privilege, in conjunction with those interested in the fief, of nomination, though the case is seldom left unprovided for: there is always a presumptive heir to the smallest sub-infeudation of these estates. The wife of the deceased is the guardian of the minority of the adopted.

=The Case of Deogarh.=—The chief of Deogarh, one of the sixteen Omras[3.5.3] of Mewar, died without issue. On his death-bed he recommended to his wife and chiefs Nahar Singh for their adoption. This was the son of the independent chieftain of Sangramgarh, already mentioned. There were nearer kin, some of the seventh and eighth degrees, and young Nahar was the eleventh. It was never contemplated that the three last gigantic[3.5.4] chieftains of Deogarh would die without issue, or the branches, now claimants from propinquity, would have been educated to suit the dignity; but being brought up remote from court, they had been compelled to seek employment where obtainable, or to live on the few acres to which their distant claim of birth restricted them. Two of these, who had but the latter resource to fly to, had become mere boors; and of two who had sought service abroad by arms, one was a cavalier in the retinue of the prince, and the other a hanger-on about court: both dissipated and unfitted, as the frerage asserted, ‘to be the chieftains of two thousand Rajputs, the sons of one father.’[3.5.5] Much interest and intrigue were carried on for one of these, and he was supported by the young prince and a faction. Some of the senior Pattawats of Deogarh are men of the highest character, and often lamented the sombre qualities of their chief, which prevented the clan having that interest in the State to which its extent and rank entitled it. While these intrigues were in their infancy, they adopted a decided measure; they brought home young Nahar from his father’s residence, and ‘bound round his head the turban of the deceased.’ In his name the death of the late chief was announced. It was added, that he hoped to see his friends after the stated days of _matam_ or mourning; and he performed all the duties of the son of Deogarh, and lighted the funeral pyre.

When these proceedings were reported, the Rana was highly and justly incensed. The late chief had been one of the rebels of S. 1848;[3.5.6] and though pardon had been [192] granted, yet this revived all the recollection of the past, and he felt inclined to extinguish the name of Sangawat.[3.5.7]

In addition to the common sequestration, he sent an especial one with commands to collect the produce of the harvest then reaping, charging the sub-vassals with the design of overturning his lawful authority. They replied very submissively, and artfully asserted that they had only given a son to Gokuldas, not an heir to Deogarh; that the sovereign alone could do this, and that they trusted to his nominating one who would be an efficient leader of so many Rajputs in the service of the Rana. They urged the pretensions of young Nahar, at the same time leaving the decision to the sovereign. Their judicious reply was well supported by their ambassador at court, who was the bard of Deogarh, and had recently become, though _ex officio_, physician to the prince.[3.5.8] The point was finally adjusted, and Nahar was brought to court, and invested with the sword by the hand of the sovereign, and he is now lord of Deogarh Madri, one of the richest and most powerful fiefs[3.5.9] of Mewar. Madri was the ancient name of the estate; and Sangramgarh, of which Nahar was the heir, was severed from it, but by some means had reverted to the crown, of which it now holds. The adoption of Nahar by Gokuldas leaves the paternal estate without an immediate heir; and his actual father being mad, if more distant claims are not admitted, it is probable that Sangramgarh will eventually revert to the fisc.

=Reflections.=—The system of feuds must have attained considerable maturity amongst the Rajputs, to have left such traces, notwithstanding the desolation that has swept the land: but without circumspection these few remaining customs will become a dead letter. Unless we abstain from all internal interference, we must destroy the links which connect the prince and his vassals; and, in lieu of a system decidedly imperfect, we should leave them none at all, or at least not a system of feuds, the only one they can comprehend. Our friendship has rescued them from exterior foes, and time will restore the rest. With the dignity and [193] establishments of their chiefs, ancient usages will revive; and _nazarana_ (relief), _kharg bandhai_ (investiture), _dasaundh_ (aids or benevolence, literally ‘the tenth’), and other incidents, will cease to be mere ceremonies. The desire of every liberal mind, as well as the professed wish of the British Government, is to aid in their renovation, and this will be best effected by not meddling with what we but imperfectly understand.[3.5.10]

We have nothing to apprehend from the Rajput States if raised to their ancient prosperity. The closest attention to their history proves beyond contradiction that they were never capable of uniting, even for their own preservation: a breath, a scurrilous stanza of a bard, has severed their closest confederacies. No national head exists amongst them as amongst the Mahrattas; and each chief being master of his own house and followers, they are individually too weak to cause us any alarm.

No feudal government can be dangerous as a neighbour; for defence it has in all countries been found defective; and for aggression, totally inefficient. Let there exist between us the most perfect understanding and identity of interests; the foundation-step to which is to lessen or remit the galling, and to us contemptible tribute, now exacted, enfranchise them from our espionage and agency, and either unlock them altogether from our dangerous embrace, or let the ties between us be such only as would ensure grand results: such as general commercial freedom and protection, with treaties of friendly alliance. Then, if a Tatar or a Russian invasion threatened our eastern empire, fifty thousand Rajputs would be no despicable allies.[3.5.11]

=Rajput Loyalty and Patriotism.=—Let us call to mind what they did when they fought for Aurangzeb: they are still unchanged, if we give them the proper stimulus. Gratitude, honour, and fidelity, are terms which at one time were the foundation of all the virtues of a Rajput. Of the theory of these sentiments he is still enamoured; but, unfortunately, for his happiness, the times have left him but little scope for the practice [194] of them. Ask a Rajput which is the greatest of crimes? he will reply, ‘_gunchhor_,’ ‘forgetfulness of favours.’ This is his most powerful term for ingratitude. Gratitude with him embraces every obligation of life, and is inseparable from _swamidharma_, ‘fidelity to his lord.’ He who is wanting in these is not deemed fit to live, and is doomed to eternal pains in Pluto’s[3.5.12] realm hereafter.[3.5.13]

“It was a powerful feeling,” says an historian[3.5.14] who always identifies his own emotions with his subject, “which could make the bravest of men put up with slights and ill-treatment at the hand of their sovereign, or call forth all the energies of discontented exertion for one whom they never saw, and in whose character there was nothing to esteem. Loyalty has scarcely less tendency to refine and elevate the heart than patriotism itself.” That these sentiments were combined, the past history of the Rajputs will show;[3.5.15] and to the strength of these ties do they owe their political existence, which has outlived ages of strife. But for these, they would have been converts and vassals to the Tatars, who would still have been enthroned in Delhi. Neglect, oppression, and religious interference, sunk one of the greatest monarchies of the world;[3.5.16] made Sivaji a hero, and converted the peaceful husbandmen of the Kistna and Godavari into a brave but rapacious soldier.

We have abundant examples, and I trust need not exclaim with the wise minister of Akbar, “who so happy as to profit by them?”[3.5.17]

The Rajput, with all his turbulence, possesses in an eminent degree both loyalty and patriotism; and though he occasionally exhibits his refractory spirit to his [195] father and sovereign,[3.5.18] we shall see of what he is capable when his country is threatened with dismemberment, from the history of Mewar, and the reign of Ajit Singh of Marwar. In this last we have one of the noblest examples history can afford of unbounded devotion. A prince, whom not a dozen of his subjects had ever seen, who had been concealed from the period of his birth throughout a tedious minority to avoid the snares of a tyrant,[3.5.19] by the mere magic of a name kept the discordant materials of a great feudal association in subjection, till, able to bear arms, he issued from his concealment to head these devoted adherents, and reconquer what they had so long struggled to maintain. So glorious a contest, of twenty years’ duration, requires but an historian to immortalize it. Unfortunately we have only the relation of isolated encounters, which, though exhibiting a prodigality of blood and acts of high devotion, are deficient in those minor details which give unity and interest to the whole.

=Gallant Services to the Empire.=—Let us take the Rajput character from the royal historians themselves, from Akbar, Jahangir, Aurangzeb. The most brilliant conquests of these monarchs were by their Rajput allies; though the little regard the latter had for opinion alienated the sympathies of a race, who when rightly managed, encountered at command the Afghan amidst the snows of Caucasus, or made the furthest Cheronese tributary to the empire. Assam, where the British arms were recently engaged, and for the issue of which such anxiety was manifested in the metropolis of Britain, was conquered by a Rajput prince,[3.5.20] whose descendant is now an ally of the British Government.

But Englishmen in the east, as elsewhere, undervalue everything not national. They have been accustomed to conquest, not reverses: though it is only by studying the character of those around them that the latter can be avoided and this superiority maintained. Superficial observers imagine that from lengthened predatory spoliation the energy of the Rajput has fled: an idea which is at once erroneous and dangerous. The vices now manifest from oppression will disappear [196] with the cause, and with reviving prosperity new feelings will be generated, and each national tie and custom be strengthened. The Rajput would glory in putting on his saffron robes[3.5.21] to fight for such a land, and for those who disinterestedly laboured to benefit it.

Let us, then, apply history to its proper use. We need not turn to ancient Rome for illustration of the dangers inseparable from wide dominion and extensive alliances. The twenty-two Satrapies of India, the greater part of which are now the appanage of Britain, exhibited, even a century ago, one of the most splendid monarchies history has made known, too extensive for the genius of any single individual effectually to control. Yet was it held together, till encroachment on their rights, and disregard to their habits and religious opinions, alienated the Rajputs, and excited the inhabitants of the south to rise against their Mogul oppressors. ‘Then was the throne of Aurangzeb at the mercy of a Brahman, and the grandson[3.5.22] of a cultivator in the province of Khandesh held the descendants of Timur pensioners on his bounty’ [197].

Footnote 3.5.1:

[The abandonment of the policy of escheat or lapse, and the recognition of the right of adoption were announced by Lord Canning in 1859.]

Footnote 3.5.2:

As in Deogarh.

Footnote 3.5.3:

[Umara, plural of Amīr, ‘a chief.’]

Footnote 3.5.4:

Gokuldas, the last chief, was one of the finest men I ever beheld in feature and person. He was about six feet six, perfectly erect, and a Hercules in bulk. His father at twenty was much larger, and must have been nearly seven feet high. It is surprising how few of the chiefs of this family died a natural death. It has produced some noble Rajputs.

Footnote 3.5.5:

_Ek bap ka beta._

Footnote 3.5.6:

A.D. 1792.

Footnote 3.5.7:

That of the clan of Deogarh.

Footnote 3.5.8:

Apollo [Krishna] is the patron both of physicians and poets; and though my friend Amra does not disgrace him in either calling, it was his wit, rather than his medical degree, that maintained him at court. He said it was not fitting that the sovereign of the world should be served by clowns or opium-eaters; and that young Nahar, when educated at court under the Rana’s example, would do credit to the country: and what had full as much weight as any of the bard’s arguments was, that the fine of relief on the _Talwar bandhai_ (or girding on of the sword) of a lac of rupees, should be immediately forthcoming.

Footnote 3.5.9:

Patta. [About 30 miles south of Udaipur city.]

Footnote 3.5.10:

Such interference, when inconsistent with past usage and the genius of the people, will defeat the very best intentions. On the grounds of policy and justice, it is alike incumbent on the British Government to secure the maintenance of their present form of government, and not to repair, but to advise the repairs of the fabric, and to let their own artists alone be consulted. To employ ours would be like adding a Corinthian capital to a column of Ellora, or replacing the mutilated statue of Baldeva with a limb from the Hercules Farnese. To have a chain of prosperous independent States on our only exposed frontier, the north-west, attached to us from benefits, and the moral conviction that we do not seek their overthrow, must be a desirable policy.

Footnote 3.5.11:

[The author’s prediction has been realized by recent events.]

Footnote 3.5.12:

_Yamaloka._

Footnote 3.5.13:

The _gunchhor_ (ungrateful) and _satchhor_ (violator of his faith) are consigned, by the authority of the bard, to sixty-thousand years’ residence in hell. Europeans, in all the pride of mastery, accuse the natives of want of gratitude, and say their language has no word for it. They can only know the _namak-haram_ [‘he that is false to his salt’] of the Ganges. _Gunchhor_ is a compound of powerful import, as ingratitude and infidelity are the highest crimes. It means, literally, "abandoner (from _chhorna_, ‘to quit’) of virtue (_gun_)."

Footnote 3.5.14:

Hallam, vol. i. p. 323.

Footnote 3.5.15:

Of the effects of loyalty and patriotism combined, we have splendid examples in Hindu history and tradition. A more striking instance could scarcely be given than in the recent civil distractions at Kotah, where a mercenary army raised and maintained by the Regent, either openly or covertly declared against him, as did the whole feudal body to a man, the moment their young prince asserted his subverted claims, and in the cause of their rightful lord abandoned all consideration of self, their families and lands, and with their followers offered their lives to redeem his rights or perish in the attempt. No empty boast, as the conclusion testified. God forbid that we should have more such examples of Rajput devotion to their sense of fidelity to their lords!

Footnote 3.5.16:

See statement of its revenues during the last emperor, who had preserved the empire of Delhi united.

Footnote 3.5.17:

Abu-l Fazl uses this expression when moralizing on the fall of Shihabu-d-din, king of Ghazni and first established monarch of India, slain by Prithwiraja, the Hindu sovereign of Delhi [_Āīn_, ii. 302]. [Muhammad Ghori, Shihābu-d-dīn, was murdered on the road to Ghazni by a fanatic of the Mulāhidah sect, in March, A.D. 1206 (_Tabakāt-ī-Nāsiri_, in Elliot-Dowson ii. 297, 235). According to the less probable account of Ferishta (Briggs, i. 185), he was murdered at Rohtak by a gang of Gakkhars or rather Khokhars (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 275).]

Footnote 3.5.18:

The Rajput, who possesses but an acre of land, has the proud feeling of common origin with his sovereign, and in styling him _bapji_ (sire), he thinks of him as the common father or representative of the race. What a powerful incentive to action!

Footnote 3.5.19:

Aurangzeb.

Footnote 3.5.20:

Raja Man of Jaipur, who took Arakan, Orissa, and Assam. Raja Jaswant Singh of Marwar retook Kabul for Aurangzeb, and was rewarded by poison. Raja Ram Singh Hara, of Kotah, made several important conquests; and his grandson, Raja Isari Singh, and his five brothers, were left on one field of battle.

Footnote 3.5.21:

When a Rajput is determined to hold out to the last in fighting, he always puts on a robe dyed in saffron. [This was the common practice, saffron being the colour of the bridal robe (Malcolm, _Memoir of Central India_, 2nd ed. i. 358; Grant Duff, _Hist. of the Mahrattas_, 317; Forbes, _Rāsmālā_, 408).]

Footnote 3.5.22:

Sindhia.

APPENDIX

=PAPERS REFERRED TO IN THE SKETCH OF A FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN=

BEING

LITERAL TRANSLATIONS _from_ INSCRIPTIONS _and_ ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, _most of which are in the_ AUTHOR’S POSSESSION

No. I

_Translation of a Letter from the expatriated Chiefs[3.a.1] of Marwar to the Political Agent of the British Government, Western Rajput States._

After compliments.

We have sent to you a confidential person, who will relate what regards us. The Sarkar Company are sovereigns of Hindustan, and you know well all that regards our condition. Although there is nothing which respects either ourselves or our country hid from you, yet is there matter immediately concerning us which it is necessary to make known.

Sri Maharaja and ourselves are of one stock, all Rathors. He is our head, we his servants: but now anger has seized him, and we are dispossessed of our country. Of the estates, our patrimony and our dwelling, some have been made khalisa,[3.a.2] and those who endeavour to keep aloof expect the same fate. Some under the most solemn pledge of security have been inveigled and suffered death, and others imprisoned. Mutasadis,[3.a.3] officers of state, men of the soil and those foreign to it, have been seized, and the most unheard-of deeds and cruelties inflicted, which we cannot even write. Such a spirit has possessed his mind as never was known to any former prince of Jodhpur. His forefathers have reigned for generations; our forefathers were their ministers and advisers, and whatever was performed was by the collective wisdom of the council of our chiefs. Before the face of his ancestors, our own ancestors have slain and been slain; and in performing services to the kings,[3.a.4] they made the State of Jodhpur what it is. Wherever Marwar was concerned, there our fathers were to be found, and with their lives preserved the land. Sometimes our head was a minor; even then by the wisdom of our fathers and their services, the land was kept firm under our feet, and thus has it descended from generation to generation. Before his eyes (Raja Man’s) we have performed good service: when at that perilous time the host of Jaipur[3.a.5] surrounded [198] Jodhpur on the field we attacked it; our lives and fortunes were at stake, and God granted us success; the witness is God Almighty. Now, men of no consideration are in our prince’s presence; hence this reverse. _When our services are acceptable, then is he our lord; when not, we are again his brothers and kindred, claimants and laying claim to the land._

He desires to dispossess us; but can we let ourselves be dispossessed? The English are masters of all India. The chief of —— sent his agent to Ajmer; he was told to go to Delhi. Accordingly Thakur —— went there, but no path was pointed out. If the English chiefs will not hear us, who will? The English allow no one’s lands to be usurped, and our birthplace is Marwar—from Marwar we must have bread. A hundred thousand Rathors—where are they to go to? From respect to the English alone have we been so long patient, and without acquainting your government of our intentions, you might afterwards find fault; therefore we make it known, and we thereby acquit ourselves to you. What we brought with us from Marwar we have consumed, and even what we could get on credit; and now, when want must make us perish, we are ready and can do anything.[3.a.6]

The English are our rulers, our masters. Sri Man Singh has seized our lands; by your government interposing these troubles may be settled, but without its guarantee and intervention we can have no confidence whatever. Let us have a reply to our petition. We will wait it in patience; but if we get none, the fault will not be ours, having given everywhere notice. Hunger will compel man to find a remedy. For such a length of time we have been silent from respect to your government alone: our own Sarkar is deaf to complaint. But to what extreme shall we wait? Let our hopes be attended to. Sambat 1878, Sawan sudi duj.

(August 1821.)

True Translation: (Signed) JAMES TOD.

No. II

_Remonstrance of the Sub-Vassals of Deogarh against their chief, Rawat Gokul Das._

1. He respects not the privileges or customs established of old.

2. To each Rajput’s house a charas[3.a.7] or hide of land was attached: this he has resumed.

3. Whoever bribes him is a true man: who does not, is a thief.

4. Ten or twelve villages established by his pattayats[3.a.8] he has resumed, and left their families to starve.

5. From time immemorial sanctuary (_saran_) has been esteemed sacred: this he has abolished.

6. On emergencies he would pledge his oath to his subjects (_ryots_), and afterwards plunder them.

7. In old times, it was customary when the presence of his chiefs and kindred was required, to invite them by letter: a fine is now the warrant of summons: thus lessening their dignity.

8. Such messengers, in former times, had a taka[3.a.9] for their ration (_bhatta_); now he imposes two rupees [199].

9. Formerly, when robberies occurred in the mountains within the limits of Deogarh, the loss was made good: now all complaint is useless, for his faujdar[3.a.10] receives a fourth of all such plunder. The Mers[3.a.11] range at liberty; but before they never committed murder: now they slay as well as rob our kin; nor is there any redress, and such plunder is even sold within the town of Deogarh.

10. Without crime, he resumes the lands of his vassals for the sake of imposition of fines; and after such are paid, he cuts down the green crops, with which he feeds his horses.

11. The cultivators[3.a.12] on the lands of the vassals he seizes by force, extorts fines, or sells their cattle to pay them. Thus cultivation is ruined and the inhabitants leave the country.

12. From oppression the town magistrates[3.a.13] of Deogarh have fled to Raepur. He lays in watch to seize and extort money from them.

13. When he summons his vassals for purposes of extortion and they escape his clutches, he seizes on their wives and families. Females, from a sense of honour, have on such occasions thrown themselves into wells.

14. He interferes to recover old debts, distraining the debtor of all he has in the world: half he receives.

15. If any one have a good horse, by fair means or foul he contrives to get it.

16. _When Deogarh was established, at the same time were our allotments: as is his patrimony, so is our patrimony._[3.a.14] Thousands have been expended in establishing and improving them, yet our rank, privileges, and rights he equally disregards.

17. From these villages, founded by our forefathers, he, at will, takes four or five skins of land and bestows them on foreigners; and thus the ancient proprietors are reduced to poverty and ruin.

18. From of old, all his Rajput kin had daily rations, or portions of grain: for four years these rights have been abolished.

19. From ancient times the pattayats formed his council; now he consults only foreigners. What has been the consequence? the whole annual revenue derived from the mountains is lost.

20. From the ancient Bhum[3.a.15] of the Frerage[3.a.16] the mountaineers carry off the cattle, and instead of redeeming them, this faujdar sets the plunderers up to the trick of demanding rakhwali.[3.a.17]

21. Money is justice, and there is none other: whoever has money may be heard. The bankers and merchants have gone abroad for protection, but he asks not where they are.

22. When cattle are driven off to the hills, and we do ourselves justice and recover them, we are fined, and told that the mountaineers have his pledge. Thus our dignity is lessened. Or if we seize one of these marauders, a party is sent to liberate him, for which the faujdar [200] receives a bribe. Then a feud ensues at the instigation of the liberated Mer, and the unsupported Rajput is obliged to abandon his patrimony.[3.a.18] There is neither protection nor support. The chief is supine, and so regardless of honour, that he tells us to take money to the hills and redeem our property. Since this faujdar had power, ‘poison has been our fate.’ Foreigners are all in all, and the home-bred are set aside. Deccanis and plunderers enjoy the lands of his brethren. Without fault, the chiefs are deprived of their lands, to bring which into order time and money have been lavished. Justice there is none.

Our rights and privileges in his family are the same as his in the family of the Presence.[3.a.19] Since you[3.a.20] entered Mewar, lands long lost have been recovered. What crimes have we committed that at this day we should lose ours?

We are in great trouble.[3.a.21]

No. III

Maharaja Sri Gokuldas to the four ranks (_char misl_) of Pattayats of Deogarh, commanding. Peruse.

Without crime no vassal shall have his estate or charsas disseized. Should any individual commit an offence, it shall be judged by the _four ranks_ (char misl), my brethren, and then punished. Without consulting them on all occasions I shall never inflict punishment.[3.a.22] To this I swear by Sri Nathji. No departure from this agreement shall ever occur. S. 1874; the 6th Pus.

No. IV

_Grant from Maharana Ari Singh, Prince of Mewar, to the Sindi Chief, Abdu-l Rahim Beg._

Ramji![3.a.23] Ganeshji![3.a.23] Eklingji![3.a.23]

Sri Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Ari Singh to Mirza Abdu-l Rahim Beg Adilbegot, commanding.

Now some of our chiefs having rebelled and set up the impostor Ratna Singh, brought the [201] Deccani army and erected batteries against Udaipur, in which circumstances your services have been great and tended to the preservation of our sovereignty: therefore, in favour towards you, I have made this grant, which your children and children’s children shall continue to enjoy. You will continue to serve faithfully; and whoever of my race shall dispossess you or yours, on him be Eklingji and the sin of the slaughter of Chitor.

_Particulars._

1st. In estates, 200,000 rupees.

2nd. In cash annually, 25,000.

3rd. Lands outside the Debari gate, 10,000.

4th. As a residence, the dwelling-house called Bharat Singh’s.

5th. A hundred bighas of land outside the city for a garden.

6th. The town of Mithun in the valley, to supply wood and forage.

7th. To keep up the tomb of Ajmeri Beg, who fell in action, one hundred bighas of land.

_Privileges and Honours._

8th. A seat in Darbar and rank in all respects equal to the chieftain of Sadri.[3.a.24]

9th. Your kettle-drums (Nakkara) to beat to the exterior gate, but with one stick only.

10th. Amar Balaona,[3.a.25] and a dress of honour on the Dasahra[3.a.26] festival.

11th. Drums to beat to Ahar. All other privileges and rank like the house of Salumbar.[3.a.27] Like that house, yours shall be from generation to generation; therefore according to the valuation of your grant you will serve.

12th. Your brothers or servants, whom you may dismiss, I shall not entertain or suffer my chief to entertain.

13th. The Chamars[3.a.28] and Kirania[3.a.29] you may use at all times when alone, but never in the Presence.

14th. Munawwar Beg, Anwar Beg, Chaman Beg, are permitted seats in front of the throne; Amar Balaona, and honorary dresses on Dasahra, and seats for two or three other relatives who may be found worthy the honour.

15th. Your agent (_Vakil_) shall remain at court with the privileges due to his rank.

By command: SAH MOTI RAM BOLIA,

S. 1826 (A.D. 1770) Bhadon (August) sudi 11 Somwar (Monday).

No. V

_Grant of the Patta of Bhainsror to Rawat Lal Singh, one of the sixteen great vassals of Mewar._

Maharaja Jagat Singh to Rawat Lal Singh Kesarisinghgot,[3.a.30] commanding.

Now to you the whole Pargana of Bhainsror[3.a.31] is granted as _Giras_, viz. [202]:

Town of Bhainsror 3000 1500

Fifty-two others (names uninteresting), besides one in the valley of the capital. Total value 62,000 31,000[3.a.32]

With two hundred and forty-eight horse and two hundred and forty-eight foot, good horse and good Rajputs, you will perform service. Of this, forty-eight horse and forty-eight foot are excused for the protection of your fort; therefore with two hundred foot and two hundred horse you will serve when and wherever ordered. The first grant was given in Pus, S. 1798, when the income inserted was over-rated. Understanding this, the Presence (huzur) ordered sixty thousand of annual value to be attached to Bhainsror.

No. VI

_Grant from Maharana Sangram Singh of Mewar to his Nephew, the Prince Madho Singh, heir-apparent to the principality of Jaipur._

SRI RAMJAYATI

(_Victory to Rama_).

SRI GANESH PRASAD SRI EKLING PRASAD

(_By favour of (_By favour of Ganesh_). Eklinga_).

Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Sri Sangram Singh, Adisatu, commanding. To my nephew, Kunwar Madho Singhji, _giras_ (a fief) has been granted, viz.:

The fief (_patta_) of Rampura; therefore, with one thousand horse and two thousand foot, you will perform service during six months annually; and when foreign service is required, three thousand foot and three thousand horse.

While the power of the Presence is maintained in these districts you will not be dispossessed.

By command: PANCHOLI RAECHAND and MEHTA MUL DAS. S. 1785 (A.D. 1729); Chait sudi 7th; Mangalwar (Tuesday).

_Addressed in the Rana’s own hand._

To my nephew Madho Singh[3.a.35] [203]. My child, I have given you Rampura: while mine, you shall not be deprived of it. Done.

No. VII

_Grant of Bhum Rakhwali (Salvamenta) from the village of Dongla to Maharaja Khushhal Singh._

S. 1806 (A.D. 1750), _the first of Sawan (July)_.

1st. A field of one hundred and fifty-one bighas, of which thirty-six are irrigated.

2nd. One hundred and two bighas of waste and unirrigated, viz.:

Six bighas cultivated by Govinda the oilman.

Three, under Hira and Tara the oilmen.

Seventeen cultivated by the mason Hansa, and Lal the oilman.

Four bighas of waste and forest land (_parti_, _aryana_) which belonged to Govinda and Hira, etc., etc.; and so on enumerating all the fields composing the above aggregate.

_Dues and Privileges_

Pieces of money 12.

Grain 24 maunds.

On the festivals of Rakhi, Diwali, and Holi, one copper coin from each house.

Serana at harvest.

Shukri from the Brahmans.

Transit duties for protection of merchandise, viz., a pice on every cart-load, and half a pice for each bullock.

Two platters on every marriage feast.

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No. VIII

_Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of Amli to Rawat Fateh Singh of Amet._ S. 1814 (A.D. 1758)

The Ranawats Sawant Singh and Subhag Singh had Amli in grant; but they were oppressive to the inhabitants, slew the Patels Jodha and Bhagi, and so ill-treated the Brahmans, that Kusal and Nathu sacrificed themselves on the pyre. The inhabitants demanded the protection of the Rana, and the pattayats were changed; and now the inhabitants grant in rakhwali one hundred and twenty-five bighas as bhum to Fateh Singh[3.a.36] [204].

No. IX

_Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of the Town of Dongla to Maharaja Zorawar Singh, of Bhindar._

To Sri Maharaja Zorawar Singh, the Patels, traders, merchants, Brahmans, and united inhabitants of Dongla, make agreement.

Formerly the ‘runners’ in Dongla were numerous: to preserve us from whom we granted bhum to the Maharaja. To wit:

One well, that of Hira the oilman.

One well, that of Dipa the oilman.

One well, that of Dewa the oilman.

In all, three wells, being forty-four bighas of irrigated (_piwal_), and one hundred and ninety-one bighas of unirrigated (_mal_) land. Also a field for juar.

_Customs or Dignities (Maryad) attached to the Bhum._

1st. A dish (_kansa_) on every marriage.

2nd. Six hundred rupees ready cash annually.

3rd. All Bhumias, Girasias, the high roads, passes from raids and ‘runners,’ and all disturbances whatsoever, the Maharaja must settle.

When the Maharaja is pleased to let the inhabitants of Dongla reinhabit their dwellings, then only can they return to them.[3.a.37]

Written by the accountant Kacchia, on the full moon of Jeth, S. 1858, and signed by all the traders, Brahmans, and towns-people.

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No. X

_Grant of Bhum by the Prince of Mewar to an inferior Vassal._

Maharana Bhim Singh to Baba Ram Singh, commanding.

Now a field of two hundred and twenty-five bighas in the city of Jahazpur, with the black orchard (_sham bagh_) and a farm-house (_nohara_) for cattle, has been granted you in bhum.

Your forefathers recovered for me Jahazpur and served with fidelity; on which account this bhum is renewed. Rest assured no molestation shall be offered, nor shall any pattayat interfere with you.

_Privileges._

One serana.[3.a.38] Two halmas [205].[3.a.39] Offerings of coco-nuts on the Holi and Dasahra festivals. From every hundred bullock-loads[3.a.40] of merchandise, twelve annas. From every hundred and twenty-five ass-loads, six annas. From each horse sold within Jahazpur, two annas. From each camel sold, one anna. From each oil-mill, one pula. From each iron mine (_madri_), a quarter rupee. From each distillation of spirits, a quarter rupee. From each goat slain, one pice. On births and marriages,[3.a.41] five platters (_kansa_). The handful (_inch_) from every basket of greens. With every other privilege attached to bhum.

Irrigated land (_piwal_) 51 bighas. Unirrigated land (_mal_) 110 " Mountain land (_magra_) 40 " Meadow land (_bira_) 25 " —— 226 bighas. ——

Asarh (June) S. 1853 (A.D. 1797).

No. XI

_Charter of Privileges and Immunities granted to the town of Jhalrapatan, engraved on a Pillar in that City._

S. 1853 (A.D. 1797), corresponding with the Saka 1718, the sun being in the south, the season of cold, and the happy month of Kartika,[3.a.42] the enlightened half of the month, being Monday the full moon.

Maharaja Dhiraj Sri Ummed Singh Deo,[3.a.43] the Faujdar[3.a.44] Raj Zalim Singh [206] and Kunwar Madho Singh, commanding. To all the inhabitants of Jhalrapatan, Patels,[3.a.45] Patwaris,[3.a.46] Mahajans,[3.a.47] and to all the thirty-six castes, it is written.

At this period entertain entire confidence, build and dwell.

Within this abode all forced contributions and confiscations are for ever abolished. The taxes called Bhalamanusi,[3.a.48] Anni,[3.a.49] and Rekha Barar,[3.a.50] and likewise all Bhetbegar,[3.a.51] shall cease.

To this intent is this stone erected, to hold good from year to year, now and evermore. There shall be no violence in this territory. This is sworn by the cow to the Hindu and the hog to the Musalman: in the presence of Captain Dilel Khan, Chaudhari Sarup Chand, Patel Lalo, the Mahesri Patwari Balkishan, the architect Kalu Ram, and the stone-mason Balkishan.

Parmo[3.a.52] is for ever abolished. Whoever dwells and traffics within the town of Patan, one half of the transit duties usually levied in Haravati are remitted; and all mapa (meter’s) duties are for ever abolished.

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No. XII

_Abolitions, Immunities, Prohibitions, etc. etc. Inscription in the Temple of Lachhmi Narayan at Akola._

In former times tobacco was sold in one market only. Rana Raj Singh commanded the monopoly to be abolished. S. 1645.

Rana Jagat Singh prohibited the seizure of the cots and quilts by the officers of his government from the printers of Akola.

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No. XIII

_Privileges and Immunities granted to the Printers of Calico and Inhabitants of the Town of Great Akola in Mewar._

Maharana Bhim Singh, commanding, to the inhabitants of Great Akola.

Whereas the village has been abandoned from the assignments levied by the garrison of Mandalgarh, and it being demanded of its population how it could again be rendered prosperous, they unanimously replied: "Not to exact beyond the dues and contributions (_dand dor_) established of yore; to erect the pillar promising never to exact above half the produce of the crops, or to molest the persons of those who thus paid their dues."

The Presence agreed, and this pillar has been erected. May Eklinga look to him who breaks this command. The hog to the Musalman and the cow to the Hindu.

Whatever contributions (_dand_) parmo,[3.a.53] puli,[3.a.54] heretofore levied shall be paid [207].

All crimes committed within the jurisdiction of Akola to be tried by its inhabitants, who will sit in justice on the offender and fine him according to his faults.

On Amavas[3.a.55] no work shall be done at the well[3.a.56] or at the oil-mill, nor printer put his dye-pot on the fire.[3.a.57]

Whoever breaks the foregoing, may the sin of the slaughter of Chitor be upon him.

This pillar was erected in the presence of Mehta Sardar Singh, Sanwal Das, the Chaudharis Bhopat Ram and Daulat Ram, and the assembled Panch of Akola.

Written by the Chaudhari Bhopji, and engraved by the stonecutter Bhima.

S. 1856 (A.D. 1800)

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No. XIV

_Prohibition against Guests carrying away Provisions from the Public Feast._[3.a.58]

Sri Maharana Sangram Singh to the inhabitants of Marmi.

On all feasts of rejoicing, as well as those on the ceremonies for the dead, none shall carry away with them the remains of the feast. Whoever thus transgresses shall pay a fine to the crown of one hundred and one rupees. S. 1769 (A.D. 1713), Chait Sudi 7th.

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No. XV

Maharana Sangram Singh to the merchants and bankers of Bakrol.

The custom of furnishing quilts (_sirak_)[3.a.59] of which you complain is of ancient date. Now when the collectors of duties, their officers, or those of the land revenue stop at Bakrol, the merchants will furnish them with beds and quilts. All other servants will be supplied by the other inhabitants.

Should the dam of the lake be in any way injured, whoever does not aid in its repair shall, as a punishment, feed one hundred and one Brahmans. Asarh 1715, or June A.D. 1659 [208].

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No. XVI

_Warrant of the Chief of Bijolli to his Vassal, Gopaldas Saktawat._

Maharaja Mandhata to Saktawat Gopaldas, be it known.

At this time a daily fine of four rupees is in force against you. Eighty are now due; Ganga Ram having petitioned in your favour, forty of this will be remitted. Give a written declaration to this effect—that with a specified quota you will take the field; if not, you will stand the consequences.

Viz.: One good horse and one matchlock, with appurtenances complete, to serve at home and abroad (_des pardes_), and to run the country[3.a.60] with the Kher.

When the levy (_kher_) takes the field, Gopaldas must attend in person. Should he be from home, his retainers must attend, and they shall receive rations from the presence. Sawan sudi das (August 10) S. 1782.

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No. XVII

Maharaja Udaikaran to the Saktawat Shambhu Singh. Be it known.

I had annexed Gura to the fisc, but now, from favour, restore it to you. Make it flourish, and serve me at home and abroad, with one horse, and one foot soldier.

When abroad you shall receive rations (_bhatta_) as follows:

Flour 3 lb.

Pulse 4 ounces.

Butter (_ghi_) 2 pice weight.

Horses’ feed 4 seers at 22 takas each seer, of daily allowance.

If for defence of the fort you are required, you will attend with all your dependents, and bring your wife, family, and chattels; for which, you will be exempted from two years of subsequent service. Asarh 14, S. 1834 [209].

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No. XVIII

_Bhum in Mundkati, or Compensation for Blood, to Jeth Singh Chondawat._

The Patel’s son went to bring home his wife with Jeth’s Rajputs as a guard. The party was attacked, the guard killed, and there having been no redress for the murder, twenty-six bighas have been granted in mundkati[3.a.61] (compensation).

No. XIX

Rawat Megh Singh to his natural brother, Jamna Das, a patta (_fief_) has been granted, viz.:

The village of Rajpura, value Rupees 401 A garden of mogra flowers[3.a.62] 11 —— Rupees 412 ——

Serve at home and abroad with fidelity: contributions and aids pay according to custom, and as do the rest of the vassals. Jeth 14th, S. 1874.

No. XX

_Charter given by the Rana of Mewar, accepted and signed by all his Chiefs; defining the duties of the contracting Parties._

A.D. 1818.

Siddh Sri Maharana Dhiraj, Maharana Bhim Singh, to all the nobles my brothers and kin, Rajas, Patels, Jhalas, Chauhans, Chondawats, Panwars, Sarangdeots, Saktawats, Rathors, Ranawats, etc., etc.

Now, since S. 1822 (A.D. 1776), during the reign of Sri Ari Singhji,[3.a.63] when the troubles commenced, laying ancient usages aside, undue usurpations of the land have been made: therefore on this day, Baisakh badi 14th, S. 1874 (A.D. 1818), the Maharana assembling all his chiefs, lays down the path of duty in new ordinances.

1st. All lands belonging to the crown obtained since the troubles, and all lands seized by one chief from another, shall be restored.

2nd. All Rakhwali,[3.a.64] Bhum, Lagat,[3.a.65] established since the troubles, shall be renounced.

3rd. Dhan,[3.a.66] Biswa,[3.a.67] the right of the crown alone, shall be renounced.

4th. No chiefs shall commit thefts or violence within the boundaries of their estates. They shall entertain no Thugs,[3.a.68] foreign thieves or thieves of the country, as Moghias,[3.a.68] Baoris,[3.a.68] Thoris:[3.a.68] but those who shall adopt peaceful habits may remain; but should any return to their old pursuits, their heads shall instantly be taken off. All property stolen shall be made good by the proprietor of the estate within the limits of which it is plundered [210].

5th. Home or foreign merchants, traders, Kafilas,[3.a.69] Banjaras,[3.a.70] who enter the country, shall be protected. In no wise shall they be molested or injured, and whoever breaks this ordinance, his estate shall be confiscated.

6th. According to command, at home or abroad service must be performed. Four divisions (_chaukis_) shall be formed of the chiefs, and each division shall remain three months in attendance at court, when they shall be dismissed to their estates. Once a year, on the festival of the Dasahra,[3.a.71] all the chiefs shall assemble with their quotas ten days previous thereto, and twenty days subsequent they shall be dismissed to their estates. On urgent occasions, and whenever their services are required, they shall repair to the Presence.

7th. Every Pattawat holding a separate patta from the Presence shall perform separate service. They shall not unite or serve under the greater Pattawats: and the sub-vassals of all such chiefs shall remain with and serve their immediate Pattawat.[3.a.72]

8th. The Maharana shall maintain the dignities due to each chief according to his degree.

9th. The Ryots shall not be oppressed: there shall be no new exactions or arbitrary fines. This is ordained.

10th. What has been executed by Thakur Ajit Singh and sanctioned by the Rana, to this all shall agree.[3.a.73]

11th. Whosoever shall depart from the foregoing, the Maharana shall punish. In doing so the fault will not be the Rana’s. Whoever fails, on him be the oath (_an_) of Eklinga and the Maharana.

[Here follow the signatures of all the chieftains of rank in Mewar, which it is needless to insert] [211].

Footnote 3.a.1:

The names omitted to prevent any of them falling a sacrifice to the blind fury of their prince. The brave chief of Nimaj has sold his life, but dearly. In vain do we look in the annals of Europe for such devotion and generous despair as marked his end, and that of his brave clan. He was a perfect gentleman in deportment, modest and mild, and head of a powerful clan.

Footnote 3.a.2:

Fiscal, that is, sequestrated.

Footnote 3.a.3:

Clerks, and inferior officers of government.

Footnote 3.a.4:

Alluding to the sovereigns of Delhi. In the magnificent feudal assemblage at this gorgeous court, where seventy-six princes stood in the Divan (_Diwan-i-Khass_) each by a pillar covered with plates of silver, the Marwar prince had the right hand of all. I have an original letter from the great-grandfather of Raja Man to the Rana, elate with this honour.

Footnote 3.a.5:

In 1806.

Footnote 3.a.6:

The historian of the Middle Ages justly remarks, that “the most deadly hatred is that which men, exasperated by proscription and forfeitures, bear their country.”

Footnote 3.a.7:

Hide or skin, from the vessel used in irrigation being made of leather.

Footnote 3.a.8:

The vassals, or those holding fiefs (patta) of Deogarh.

Footnote 3.a.9:

A copper coin, equal to twopence.

Footnote 3.a.10:

Military commander; a kind of inferior _maire du palais_, on every Rajput chieftain’s estate, and who has the military command of the vassals. He is seldom of the same family, but generally of another tribe.

Footnote 3.a.11:

Mountaineers.

Footnote 3.a.12:

Of the Jat and other labouring tribes.

Footnote 3.a.13:

Chauthias. In every town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which the head is the Nagar Seth, or chief citizen, and the four Chauthias, tantamount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their courts and decide in all civil cases.

Footnote 3.a.14:

Here are the precise sentiments embodied in the remonstrances of the great feudal chiefs of Marwar to their prince; see Appendix, No. I.

Footnote 3.a.15:

The old allodial allotments.

Footnote 3.a.16:

Bhayyad.

Footnote 3.a.17:

The _salvamenta_ of our feudal writers; the _blackmail_ of the north.

Footnote 3.a.18:

‘Watan.’

Footnote 3.a.19:

The Rana.

Footnote 3.a.20:

The Author.

Footnote 3.a.21:

With the articles of complaint of the vassals of Deogarh and the short extorted charter, to avoid future cause for such, we may contrast the following: "Pour avoir une idée du brigandage que les nobles exerçaient à l’époque où les premieres _chartes_ furent accordées, il suffit d’en lire quelques-unes, et l’on verra que le seigneur y disait:—‘Je promets de ne point _voler, extorquer_ les biens et les meubles des habitans, de les délivrer des _totes_ ou _rapines_, et autres _mauvaises coutumes_, et de ne plus commettre envers eux d’exactions.’—En effet, dans ces tems malheureux, vivres, meubles, chevaux, voitures, dit le savant Abbé de Mably, tout était enlevé par l’insatiable et aveugle avidité des seigneurs" (Art. ‘Chartres,’ _Dict. de l’Ancien Régime_).

Footnote 3.a.22:

This reply to the remonstrance of his vassals is perfectly similar in point to the 43rd article of Magna Charta.

Footnote 3.a.23:

Invocations to Ram, Ganesh (god of wisdom), and Eklinga, the patron-divinity of the Sesodia Guhilots.

Footnote 3.a.24:

The first of the foreign vassals of the Rana’s house. [Bari Sādri, about 50 miles E.S.E. of Udaipur city, held by the senior noble of Mewār, a Rājput of the Jhāla sub-sept, styled Rāja of Sādri (Erskine ii. A. 93).]

Footnote 3.a.25:

A horse furnished by the prince, always replaced when he dies, therefore called Amar, or immortal.

Footnote 3.a.26:

The grand military festival, when a muster is made of all the Rajput quotas.

Footnote 3.a.27:

The first of the home-chieftains.

Footnote 3.a.28:

The tail of the wild ox, worn across the saddle-bow.

Footnote 3.a.29:

An umbrella or shade against the sun; from _kiran_, ‘a ray.’

Footnote 3.a.30:

Clan (_got_) of Kesari Singh, one of the great branches of the Chondawats.

Footnote 3.a.31:

On the left bank of the Chambal.

Footnote 3.a.32:

To explain these double _rekhs_, or estimates, one is the full value, the other the deteriorated rate.

Footnote 3.a.33:

The bhala, or lance, is the sign-manual of the Salumbar chieftain, as hereditary premier of the state.

Footnote 3.a.34:

Is a monogram forming the word _Sahai_, being the sign-manual of the prince.

Footnote 3.a.35:

_Bhanaij_ is sister’s son; as _Bhatija_ is brother’s son. It will be seen in the Annals, that to support this prince to the succession of the Jaipur Gaddi, both Mewar and Jaipur were ruined, and the power of the Deccanis established in both countries.

Footnote 3.a.36:

This is a proof of the value attached to bhum, when granted by the inhabitants, as the first act of the new proprietor though holding the whole town from the crown, was to obtain these few bighas as bhum. After having been sixty years in that family, Amli has been resumed by the crown: the bhum has remained with the chief.

Footnote 3.a.37:

This shows how bhum was extorted in these periods of turbulence, and that this individual gift was as much to save them from the effects of the Maharaja’s violence as to gain protection from that of others.

Footnote 3.a.38:

A seer on each maund of produce.

Footnote 3.a.39:

The labour of two ploughs (_hal_). _Halma_ is the personal service of the husbandman with his plough for such time as is specified. _Halma_ is precisely the detested _corvée_ of the French régime. “Les _corvées_ sont tout ouvrage ou service, soit de corps ou de charrois et bêtes, pendant le jour, qui est dû à un seigneur. Il y avait deux sortes de _corvées_: les réelles et les personnelles, etc. Quelquefois le nombre des _corvées_ était fixe: mais, le plus souvent, elles étaient à volonté du seigneur, et c’est ce qu’on appelait _corvées à merci_” (Art. ‘Corvée,’ _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_). Almost all the exactions for the last century in Mewar may come under this latter denomination.

Footnote 3.a.40:

A great variety of oppressive imposts were levied by the chiefs during these times of trouble, to the destruction of commerce and all facility of travelling. Everything was subject to tax, and a long train of vexatious dues exacted for “repairs of forts, boats at ferries, night-guards, guards of passes,” and other appellations, all having much in common with the ‘Droit de _Péage_’ in France. “Il n’y avait pas de ponts, de gués, de chaussées, d’écluses, de défilés, de portes, etc., où les féodaux ne fissent payer un droit à ceux que leurs affaires ou leur commerce forçaient de voyager” (_Dict. de l’anc. Régime_).

Footnote 3.a.41:

The privileges of our Rajput chieftains on the marriages of their vassals and cultivating subjects are confined to the best dishes of the marriage feast or a pecuniary commutation. This is, however, though in a minor degree, one of the vexatious claims of feudality of the French system, known under the term _noçages_, where the seigneur or his deputy presided, and had the right to be placed in front of the bride, “et de chanter à la fin du répas, une chanson guillerette.” But they even carried their insolence further, and "poussèrent leur mépris pour les villains (the agricultural classes of the Rajput system) jusqu’à exiger que leurs chiens eussent _leur couvert_ auprès de la mariée, et qu’on les laissât manger sur la table" (Art. ‘Noçages,’ _Dict. de l’anc. Régime_).

Footnote 3.a.42:

December.

Footnote 3.a.43:

The Raja of Kotah.

Footnote 3.a.44:

Commander of the forces and regent of Kotah.

Footnote 3.a.45:

Officers of the land revenue.

Footnote 3.a.46:

Land accountants.

Footnote 3.a.47:

The mercantile class.

Footnote 3.a.48:

Literally ‘good behaviour.’

Footnote 3.a.49:

An agricultural tax.

Footnote 3.a.50:

Tax for registering.

Footnote 3.a.51:

This includes in one word the forced labour exacted from the working classes: the _corvée_ of the French system.

Footnote 3.a.52:

Grain thrown on the inhabitants at an arbitrary rate; often resorted to at Kotah, where the regent is farmer general.

Footnote 3.a.53:

Grain, the property of the government, thrown on the inhabitants for purchase at an arbitrary valuation.

Footnote 3.a.54:

The handful from each sheaf at harvest.

Footnote 3.a.55:

A day sacred to the Hindu, being that which divides the month.

Footnote 3.a.56:

Meaning, they shall not irrigate the fields.

Footnote 3.a.57:

This part of the edict is evidently the instigation of the Jains, to prevent the destruction of life, though only that of insects.

Footnote 3.a.58:

The cause of this sumptuary edict was a benevolent motive, and to prevent the expenses on these occasions falling too heavily on the poorer classes. It was customary for the women to carry away under their petticoats (_ghaghra_) sufficient sweetmeats for several days’ consumption. The great Jai Singh of Amber had an ordinance restricting the number of guests to fifty-one on these occasions, and prohibited to all but the four wealthy classes the use of sugar-candy: the others were confined to the use of molasses and brown sugar. To the lower vassals and the cultivators these feasts were limited to the coarser fare; to juar flour, greens and oil. A dyer who on the Holi feasted his friends with sweetmeats of fine sugar and scattered about balls made of brown sugar, was fined five thousand rupees for setting so pernicious an example. The _sadh_, or marriage present, from the bridegroom to the bride’s father, was limited to fifty-one rupees. The great sums previously paid on this score were preventives of matrimony. Many other wholesome regulations of a much more important kind, especially those for the suppression of infanticide, were instituted by this prince.

Footnote 3.a.59:

‘Defence against the cold weather’ (_si_). This in the ancient French régime came under the denomination of “_Albergie_ ou Hébergement, un droit royal. Par exemple, ce ne fut qu’après le règne de Saint Louis, et moyennant finances, que les habitans de Paris et de Corbeil s’affranchirent, les premiers de fournir au roi et à sa suite de bons oreillers et d’excellens lits de plumes, tant qu’il séjournait dans leur ville, et les seconds de le régaler quand il passait par leur bourg.”

Footnote 3.a.60:

The ‘Daurayat’ or runners, the term applied to the bands who swept the country with their forays in those periods of general confusion, are analogous to the armed bands of the Middle Ages, who in a similar manner desolated Europe under the term _routiers_, tantamount to our _rabars_ (on the road), the _labars_ of the Pindaris in India. The Rajput Daurayat has as many epithets as the French _routier_, who were called _escorcheurs_, _tard veneurs_ (of which class Gopaldas appears to have been), _mille-diables_, _Guilleries_, etc. From the Crusades to the sixteenth century, the nobles of Europe, of whom these bands were composed (like our Rajputs), abandoned themselves to this sort of life; who, to use the words of the historian, “préférèrent la vie vagabonde à laquelle ils s’étoient accoutumés dans le camp, à retourner cultiver leurs champs. C’est alors que se formèrent ces bandes qu’on vit parcourir le royaume et étendre sur toutes les provinces le fléau de leurs inclinations destructives, répandre partout l’effroi, la misère, le deuil et le désespoir; mettre les villes à contribution, piller et incendier les villages, égorger les laboureurs, et se livrer à des accès de cruauté qui font frémir” (_Dict. de l’ancien régime et des abus féodaux_, art. ‘Routier,’ p. 422).

We have this apology for the Rajput _routiers_, that the nobles of Europe had not; they were driven to it by perpetual aggressions of invaders. I invariably found that the reformed _routier_ was one of the best subjects: it secured him from indolence, the parent of all Rajput vices.

Footnote 3.a.61:

_Mund_, ‘the head’; _kati_, ‘cut.’

Footnote 3.a.62:

[The double jasmine, _Jasminum sambac_.]

Footnote 3.a.63:

The rebellion broke out during the reign of this prince.

Footnote 3.a.64:

Salvamenta.

Footnote 3.a.65:

Dues.

Footnote 3.a.66:

Transit duty.

Footnote 3.a.67:

Ditto.

Footnote 3.a.68:

Different descriptions of thieves. [The Moghias are settled principally in E. Mewār; if not identical with, they are closely allied to, the Bāori (Luard, _Ethnographic Survey, Central India_, App. V. 17 ff.). Gen. C. Hervey (_Some Records of Crime_, i. 386 ff.) makes frequent references to dacoities committed by them from their headquarters, Nīmach. The Bāori or Bāwariya are a notorious criminal tribe (Rose, _Glossary_, ii. 70 ff.; M. Kennedy, _Notes on Criminal Classes in Bombay Presidency_, 173 ff., 198 ff.). The Thori in Mārwār claim Rājput origin, and are connected with the Aheri, or nomad hunters (_Census Report, Mārwār, 1891_, ii. 194). According to Rose (_op. cit._ iii. 466) those in the Panjāb are rather vagrants than actual criminals.]

Footnote 3.a.69:

Caravans of merchandise, whether on camels, bullocks, or in carts.

Footnote 3.a.70:

Caravans of bullocks, chiefly for the transport of grain and salt.

Footnote 3.a.71:

On this festival the muster of all the feudal retainers is taken by the Rana in person, and honorary dresses and dignities are bestowed.

Footnote 3.a.72:

This article had become especially necessary, as the inferior chiefs, particularly those of the third class, had amalgamated themselves with the head of their clans, to whom they had become more accountable than to their prince.

Footnote 3.a.73:

This alludes to the treaty which this chief had formed, as the ambassador of the Rana, with the British Government.