Chapter 5

[Sidenote: Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon.] Wiuer yo{u} expounde not. Wherefore I will tell you, a wyuer is a kynde of serpent of good Bulke, not vnlyke vnto a dragon, of whose kinde he is, a thinge well knowen vnto the Heroldes, vsinge the same for armes, and crestes, & supporters of manye gentle and noble menne. As the erle of Kent beareth a wiuer for his creste and supporters, the erle of Pembroke, a wiuer vert for his creste; the erle of Cumberlande, a wiuer geules for his supporters.

[Sidenote: Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not of antiquitye.] Autenticke yo{u} expounde to be antiquytye. But howe yo{u} may seme to force and racke the worde to Chaucers meaninge, I knowe not; but sure I ame the proper signyficat{i}one of autenticke is a thinge of auctoritye or credit allowed by menne of auctoritye, or the originall or fyrste archetypu{m} of any thinge; whiche I muse that you did not remember.

[Sidenote: Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so.] Abandone you expounde libertye; whiche in all Italiane, Frenche, and Spanishe, signifyeth relinquere, to forsake and leave a thinge; w{hi}che me thinkethe yo{u} most hardely stretche to libertye, vnlest yo{u} will saye that, when one forsakethe a thinge, he leaveth yt at libertye; whiche ys but a streyned speche, although the frenche Hollybande, not vnderstandinge the true energye of our tongue, hath expounded yt libertye; whiche may be some warrante vnto you.

VNDER THE TITLE OF YOURE Annotacions and Corrections.

[Sidenote: Of the Vernacle.] IN YOURE ANNOTACIONS you describe, oute of the prologues, the vernacle to be a broche or figure, wherein was sett the instruments wherewith Christe was crucyfyed, and withall a napkyn whereine was the printe of his face. but the vernacle did not conteyne the instrumentes of his deathe, but only the clothe wherein was the figure of his face; as I conceve yt with others.

[Sidenote: Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, and giveth reasons.] Fo: 1. pa: 2. For Campaneus you wolde reade Capaneus, wherunto I cannott yelde. for althoughe Statius and other latine authors do call hym Capaneus; yet all the writers of Englande in that age call him campaneus; as Gower, in confessione amantis, and Lidgat in the historye of Thebes taken out of Statius, and Chaucer hym selfe in many other places. so that yt semethe they made the pronu{n}tiatione of Campaneus to be the dialecte of our tongue for Capaneus. Besides chaucer is in this to be p{ar}doned, in that taking his knightes tale out of the Thesayde of Bocas, written in Italiane (and of late translated into frenche,) doth there, after the Italiane manner, call him campaneus; for so the Italians pronounce woordes beginninge with cap: with the interposit{i}one of the l{ette}re m, pronouncinge yt camp: for, that w{hi}che the Latins call capitoliu{m}, the Italians call campidoglio; and suche lyke. Wherefore since yt was vniversallye receued in that age, to call him Campaneus: lett vs not nowe alter yt, but p{er}mytte yt to have free passage accordinge to the pronuntiat{i}one and wrytinge of that age. since, in deducinge woordes from one language to one other, there ys often additione and substract{i}one of letters, or of Sillabes, before, in the middle, and in the ende of those wordes. whereof infynyte examples mighte be produced, whiche I nowe shonne for brevytye.

[Sidenote: Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of Heros, and giveth reasons.] Fo: 3. pa: 2. (“Noughte comelye lyke to lovers maladye of Hereos.”) for whiche woorde hereos you reade eros, i. cupide, a very good and probable correct{i}one, well gathered out of Luciane. But (salua patient{i}a vestra, and reservinge to myselfe better iudgmente hereafter yf I nowe mystake yt,) I wolde, for the printed hereos of Chaucer, read heroes. whiche two woordes onlye differ in misplacinge of the letters; a comone thinge for the printer to do, and the corrector to overpasse. for Arcyte, in this furye of his love, did not shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, whiche the Heroes, or valiante p{er}sons, in tymes past vsed, for thoughe they loued, yet that passione did not generallye so farre overrule them (althoughe yt mighte in some one p{ar}ticuler personne) as that theye lefte to contynewe the valor, and heroicke actions, whiche they before performed. for the Heroes sholde so love, as that they sholde not forgett, what they were in place, valor, or magnanymytye, whiche Arcite, in this pass{i}one, did not observe “lyke to lovers malady of Heroes.” Whereof I coulde produce six hundred examples, (as the proverbe ys,) were yt not that I avoyde tedious prolixytye.

[Sidenote: Of florins and their name from the Florentines.] Fo: 6. pa: 2. (“Manye a florence.”) In whiche noote yo{u} expounde a florence to be ij^s frenche, and a gelder to be the same in dutche. Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens, suche as was vsed in Chaucers tyme, w{hic}he taking his name of the woorkemenne, beinge florentynes, (of the terrytorye of florence in Italye,) were called Florens; [Sidenote: Sterling money taketh its name from the Esterlings.] as sterlinge money tooke their name of Esterlinges, whiche refyned and coyned the silver in the tyme of kinge Henry the seconde. for two shillinges frenche ys not equall in valewe (as I nowe take yt) to two shillinges Englishe: and much lesse equall to the florens in Chaucers tyme, whiche was of the valewe of thre shillings, fowre pence, or halfe a noble, or, at the leaste, of two shillinges tenne pence farthinge, as apperethe by recorde and historye: some of them being called florens de scuto or of the valewe of the shelde or frenche crowne and some of them called florens regall. Whereof yo{u} shall fynde, in the recorde of pellis exitus in the exchequer in michelmas terme 41. Ed. 3. this note. Bartholomeo de Burgershe militi in denariis sibi liberatis in parte solutionis 8000 florenoru{m} de scuto pretii petii iij^s. iiij^d. sibi debitis de illis 30000 florenoru{m} de scuto in quibus Rex tenebatur eidem Bartholomeo pro comite de Ventadoure, prisonario suo apud Bellu{m} de Poyters in guerra capto, et ab eodem Bartholomeo ad opus Regis empt{o}, vt patet per litteras Regis patentes, quas idem Bartholomeus inde penes se habet. in Dors. de summa subscripta, per bre{ve} de magno sigillo, inter mandata de Term. Michaelis de anno 36 --xx^li. To the valewe whereof agreeth Hipodigma Neustriæ, pa. 127, [Sidenote: King John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens.] where setting downe the ransome of the frenche kinge taken at Poyters to the valewe of thre milliones of florens, he sayethe “of w{hic}he florens duo valebant vj^s. viij^d.” These florens the same Walsingha{m} in another place callethe scutes or frenche crownes, pa. 170, sayinge: Rex quidem Franciæ pro sua redemptione soluit regi Angliæ tres milliones scutoru{m}, quoru{m} duo valent vnu{m} nobile, videlicet, sex solidos et octo denarios. Whiche scutes in lyke manner, in the tyme of kinge Henry the sixte were of the same valewe, as apperethe in Fortescues commentaries of the lawes of Englande. But as those florens for the redempt{i}one of the frenche kinge, were of the valewe of half one noble: so at the tyme of that kings reigne there were also one other sorte of florens, not of lyke valewe, but conteyned within the price of ij^s. x^d. [QR]. called florene regales, as apperethe in this record, of Easter terme, of Pellis exitus before sayed, where yt is thus entred one the sixte of Julye: Guiscardo de Angles. Domino de pleyne martyne, In denariis sibi liberatis per manus Walteri Hewett militis in pretio 4000 florenoru{m} regaliu{m} pretii petii --ij^s. x^d. [QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} 7 computantur pro tribus nobilibus, eidem Guiscardo debitis. Whereby yo{u} see the meanest of these florens did exceed the valewe of ij^s. frenche, (although you sholde equall that with ii^s. Englishe,) as yt did also in other countryes. for in the lowe countryes at those dayes yt was much aboute the valewe of iij^s. iiij^d. beinge halfe a pistolet Italiane or Spanyshe. for so sayethe Heuterius Delphicus, (in the Historye of Burgundye, in the lyfe of Philippe le hardye,) lyving at that tyme, and sonne to the frenche kinge taken prisoner by the Inglishe. Heuterius’ woordes be these. Illustris viri aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} mors adeò comite{m} com{m}ovit, vt relicta obsidione exercitus ad co{m}meatus ducendos in proxima loca distribuerit. Decem millibus florenorum (moneta Belgica est semipistoletu{m} Italicu{m} pendens) pro Anglicani, aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} cadaverum redemptione solutis, &c.

[Sidenote: Of the oken garland of Emelye.] Fo: 7. pa: 2. For unseriall yo{u} will vs to reade cerriall, for cerrus[8] is a kynde of tree lyke one oke, bearinge maste; and therefore by yo{ur} correct{i}one yt sholde be a garland of grene oke cerriall: But for the same reasone (because cerrus ys a kynde of oke as ys also the Ilex) I judge yt sholde not be redde cerriall but unseriall, that ys, (yf you will nedes have this worde cerriall,) a garlande of greene oke not cerriall, as who sholde saye, she had a Garlande of Grene oke, but not of the oke Cerriall. and therefore a garlande of oke unseriall, signifyinge a garlande that was freshe and Grene, and not of dedd wannyshe Coolor as the oke Cerriall in some parte ys. for the Cerrus, being the tree w{hi}che we comonly call the holme oke, (as Cooper also expoundeth the ilex to be that which wee call holme,) produceth two kyndes; whereof the one hathe greater, and the other lesser acornes, whose leaves beinge somewhat grene one the one syde, and of one ouer russett and darkyshe Coolor on the other syde, were not mete for this garland of Emelye, whiche sholde be freshe and Grene one everye parte, as were her younge and grene yeres, lyke to the goddesse to whome she sacryfyced, and therefore a garlande of Grene oke unseriall, not beinge of oke cerriall, for yf yt had byn oke serriall, yt wolde haue shewed duskyshe and as yt were of dedishe leaves, and not freshe and orient as chaucer wolde haue her garlande. And this for yo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall, in some parte: for I wolde suppose that this worde unseriall dothe not vnaptly signifye perfectione of coolor, so that She having a Garlande of Grene oke unseriall, doth signyfye the oke to be grene and unseriall, that is, (as some do expounde this worde unseriall,) unsered, unsinged, unwithered, of freshe coolor, lyke unto the oke Quercus whiche hath no sered nor withered cooloor in his leafes. And yt was of necessytye that Emely (sacryfysinge to Diana) must haue a garlande of the Grene oke Quercus, because that they whiche sacryfyced vnto Diana, otherwise called Hecate, (which name is attribute to Diana, as natalis Comes affirmethe with statius in his Acheleidos in his first Booke sayinge,

Sic vbi virgineis Hecate lassata pharetris,

being Diana adorned with her bowe and arrowes, called also Triuia because Luna, Diana, and Heccate, were all one, whereof Virgil speaketh,

Tergemina{m}q{ue} Hecaten, tria virginis ora Dianæ,)

were adorned w{i}th a crowne of the grene oke Quercus, because that Heccate was wont to be crowned therewith, as hath Pierius Valerianus in his 51 booke of Hieroglyphes, sayinge, Heccate quoquè Quercu coronari solita est. for although Quercus be consecrate to Jupiter, because he gave his oracles in the same in Sylva Dodonea, and therefore called Jupiter Dodoneus; yet Antiqutye adorned and crowned Diana Heccate with the same crowne also. Wherefore I conclude, since she (Emelye) had a garlande of Grene oke, (as Chaucer of purpose addeth that woorde Greene to explane unseriall, whiche signyfyethe unsered, unparched, unwithered in every parte, not lyke to the oke Serriall, whose leafe one the one syde is duskyshe as though yt were somewhat withered,) that the same word unseriall must stand unamended, as well (as I sayed before) by youre owne correct{i}one and the nature of the worde; as for that Diana, called Heccate, was crowned with the oke Quercus and not with the oke cerrus. But yf yo{u} obiecte to mee that, in this place, yt must be a garlande of oke cerriall accordinge to the woordes of Chaucer in one other place, because that he in the flower and the leafe (newely printed by yo{u}) hath these woordes;

I sie come first all in theire clokes white a companye that were for delight. Chapletts freshe of oke serriall Newly spronge and Trompetts they were all;

I denye that therefore in the Knightes Tale yt must be oke serriall. for yt may well bee, that such meane persons as trompettes might be crowned with so base one oke as the serriall ys, whiche I call base in respecte of the oke Quercus (dedicate to the godd Jupiter) wherewithe Heccate was crowned, and whereof Garlands were gyven to the Romans for their nooble desarts in the warres, as apperethe in the Quernall crowne gyven to those whiche had saved a cytyzen. Wherefore Chaucer dothe rightly (and of purpose with great iudgm{en}t in my conceyte) make a difference in the chaplettes of the Trompettes and the garlands of Emelye, in that the trompetts chapletts were of oke seriall newly spronge; and not come to perfect{i}one, whiche yet yf they had byn p{er}fecte wolde not haue byn soo oryente and Greene one bothe sydes as ys the oke Quercus, wherewithe he wolde haue this Emelye crowned, as was her goddesse Heccate Diana (to whom she dyd sacryfyce) accustomed to bee. for so in tymes past (as I sayed before) the sacryfycer sholde be adorned with garlandes of suche thinges, as were consecrate to the goddes to whome they sacryfyced. for whiche cause also I ame not moved, thoughe Caxtone in his seconde editione do call yt one oke serriall. for I knowe (not withstandinge his fayre prologe of printing that by a true copye) there be manye imperfections in that Booke.

[Footnote 8: _The Quercus cerris, the mossy cupped oak?_]

[Sidenote: Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction.] Fo: 9. pa: 1. For euerye) yo{u} will us to reade eyther. But the sence ys good, as well that they dyd ryde one euerye syde of hym, as of eyther syde of him. for they boothe colde not ryde of euerye syde of hym, no moore then they both colde ryde of eyther syde of him; and therefore they two ryding one euerye side of hym, canne haue noone other construct{i}one then that the one did ryde of the one syde and the other one the other side, aud therefore an ouer nice correct{i}one, thoughe some coppies do warrant yt:

[Sidenote: The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or he would not have known Emelye.] Fo: 10. pa: 1. for save only the intellecte,) yo{u} wolde haue us to reade “and also the intellecte.” But yf yo{u} well consider the woordes of Chaucer, (as I have donne in all the written copyes whiche I haue yet seene,) his meaninge ys not that the intellecte was wholye goonne, as yt wolde bee yf yo{u} sholde reade, “and also the intellecte” for “save only the intellecte.” for Chaucers meanynge ys, that all his streng[t]he and vitall Sprites aboute his outewarde partes were gonne, save onlye the intellecte or vnderstandinge, w{hi}che remayned sounde and good, as apperethe after by the followinge woordes, for when deathe approched, and that all outwarde senses fayled, he (Arcite) yet cast eye vppon Emelye, remembringe her, thoughe the cheifest vitall sprite of his harte and his streng[th]e were gonne from hym. but he colde not haue cast his eye vppon Emelye, yf his intellecte had fayled hym. Yet yf you liste to reade, “and also the intellecte,” for saue only the intellecte, yt may after a sorte somewhat be borne withall, notwithstandinge that a pointe at streng[t]he is looste; and a parenthesis includynge (Save only the intellecte, without moore,) will make the sence good in this sort as I have here pointed yt:

And yet moore ouer from his armes two the vital streng[t]he is lost; and all agoo (save only the intellecte without moore) that dwelleth in his hart sicke and sore gan faylen: When the hart felt death &c.

[Sidenote: Straught, a better word than haughte.] Fo: 10. pa: 2. For armes straughte you wolde reade yt haughte, when straughte is moore significa{n}t (and moore answerable to Chaucers woordes whiche followethe) than haughte ys. for he speakethe of the Bredthe and spredinge of the boughes or armes or branches of the tree, whiche this woorde straughte doth signyfye, and is moore aptlye sett downe for stretched, then this woorde haughte, whiche signyfyethe catchinge holde, or holdinge faste, or (yf you will streyne yt againste his nature) stretching on heigh, whiche agreethe not well with Chaucers meanynge. for these be his words:

And twenty fadome of breedth, armes straughte; That is to sayen, the Bowes were so broode, &c.

[Sidenote: Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction.] Fo: 11. pa: 1. For all forgotten in his vassalage, yow wolde haue vs reade, “for all forgotten is then his visage;” a thinge mere impertinente. for the forgettinge of his visage and personage is not materiall, nor regarded of anye to haue his face forgotten, but yt is muche materiall (and so ys Chaucers meanynge) that his vassalage, and the good service donne in his youthe, shold be forgotten when he waxethe olde. And therefore yt must bee “his vassalage forgotten;” as presently after Chaucer sayeth, better for a manne to dye when he is yonge, and his honor in price, than when he is olde, and the service of his youthe forgotten; w{hic}he I coulde dilate and prove by manye examples; but I cannott stande longe vppon euerye pointe, as well for that I wolde not be tedious vnto yo{u}, as for that leysure serveth me not thereunto.

[Sidenote: Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction.] Fo: 13. pa: 1. For lothe yo{u} bidde vs reade leefe, which annotacione neded not to haue byn there sett downe, because the verye woorde in the texte is lefe.

[Sidenote: It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that he coughed at the window.] Fo: 14. pa: 1. for knocked yo{u} reade coughed, but, the circumstance considered, (althoughe they may both stande,) yt is moore probable that he[9] knocked at her[10] windowe, than that he coughed. for although those woordes “with a semely sownde” may haue relatione to the voyce, yet they may as well and with as much consonancye haue reference to a semely and gentle kynde of knockinge at the windowe as to the voyce, and so his meanynge was by that sounde to wake her, whiche wolde rather be by the noyse of a knocke than of a coughe. for so he determyned before to knocke, as apperethe in these verses, when he sayed,

So mote I thryve, I shall at cockes crow Full priuily knocke at his windowe:

And so apperethe by the tale afterwarde that he knocked, as he did before, although he coughed also at the latter tyme, for he knocked twyce.

[Footnote 9: [_Absolon._]]

[Footnote 10: [_The Carpenter’s wife’s._]]

[Sidenote: Surrye or Russye, indifferent which.] Fo: 23. pa: 2. For Surrye you read Russye. true yt is, that some written copies haue Russye, and some Surrye. And therefore indifferent after the written copies, and some auncient printed copies before my fathers editione. But yf I shall interpone my opynione, I wolde more willingly (for this tyme) receve Surrey, because yt is most lykelye that the tartarians whiche dwelt at Sara (a place yet well knowen, and bordering vppon the lake Mare Casp{iu}m,) are nerer to Sorria or the countryes adioynynge called Syria, than to Russya. For as Hato the Armeniane, in his Tartariane Historye, sayeth, The cyttye of Sara was auncyently the famous cyttye of the countrye of Cumania; and the Tartarians obteyned the kingdome of Syria in the yere 1240, w{hi}che must be in the tyme of the fyrst Tartariane emperor called Caius canne, [Sidenote: Cambuscan is Caius canne.] beinge (as I suppose) he whome Chaucer namethe Cambiuscan, for so ys the written copies, such affynytye is there betwene those two names. And, as I gather, yt was after that tyme that the Tartarians had warres in Russia. But I leave yt indifferent at this tyme, as meanynge further to consider of yt.

[Sidenote: “That may not saye naye,” better than “there may no wighte say naye.”] Fo: 31. pa: 2. for these woordes, “that may not saye naye,” yo{u} reade “there may no wighte say naye.” bothe whiche are good, and boothe founde in written coppyes; and yet the firste will better stande, in my conceyte, because [_the king of Faerie_] there speakinge to his wyfe, he urgethe her that she cannott denye yt; when he sayeth, my wyfe that cannott say naye, as who sholde saye yo{u} cannot denye yt because you knowe yt; and experience teacheth yt, so that these woordes, “that cannott say naye,” must be taken as spoken of his wyfes knowledge, and so as good or rather better than “there may no wighte saye naye,” consideringe that these wordes “that cannott saye naye,” dothe signyfye, “whoe cannott saye naye,” in such sorte that this relatyve (that) meanynge (whoe) must haue reference to his antecedente, i. e. this worde wyfe.

[Sidenote: Theophraste, not Paraphraste.] Fo: 35. pa: 2. For “He cleped yt valerye and theophraste,” you saye some wolde haue vs reade “Valery and his Paraphraste.” But as yo{u} haue left yt at libertee to the reader to iudge, so I thinke yt must nedes be Theophraste; as the author [of] Policraticon in his eighte Booke, ca. 11. [Sidenote: The wife of Bath’s Prologue taken from the author of Policraticon.] (from whome Chaucer borrowethe almost worde for worde a great parte of the Wyfe of Bathes Prologe,) doth vouche yt, for the author of that booke, Johannes Sarisburiensis, lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the seconde, sayethe, Fertur authore Hieronimo Aureolus Theophrasti liber, de nuptiis, in quo quæritur an vir sapiens ducat vxorem, etc. And the frenche molinet, moralizinge the Romant of the roose in frenche, and turnynge it oute of verse into proese, writeth, Ha si i’eusse creu Theophraste, &c. Oh, yf I had beleved Theophraste, I had never maried womanne, for he doth not holde hym wise that marieth anye womanne, be she fayre, foule, poore, or riche; as he sayeth in his Booke Aureolle; whiche verye wordes chaucer doth recyte.

[Sidenote: Country, not Couentry.] Fo: 38. pa: 2. for this worde Countrye you will vs to reade Couentrye. But in my writtene copies yt is, “in my Countrye,” whiche I holde the truer and for the sence as good yf not better.

[Sidenote: Maketh, not waketh.] Fo: 41. pa: 1. This woorde makethe is corrected by you, who for the same do place wakethe; w{hi}che cannott well stande, for Chaucers woordes being, “this maketh the fende,” dothe signyfye (by a true conuers{i}one after the dialecte of our tonge, w{hi}che with beawtye vsethe suche transmutac{i}one as I coulde gyve yo{u} manye pretye instances,) that the sence thereof ys, “the fende makethe this,” for whiche Chaucer vseth these wordes by Transposit{i}one, (accordinge to the rhethoricall figure Hiperbatone) “This makethe the fende:” Whiche this? Anger: for that comethe, ys made, or occasioned, by the deuell. But yf yt sholde be wakethe, then must the sence bee, that this (whiche is the anger he speakethe of before) wakethe the fende; whiche oure offences cannot do, because he cannott be waked, in that he neyther slumbrethe nor slepethe, but alwayes watcheth and howrely seekethe occas{i}one to destroye us, lyke a roringe lyone. But yf you will nedes saye “this wakethe the fende,” that is, by conuersione after this manner, “the fende waketh this,” whiche signyfyeth the fende waketh or styrreth this in manne, yt may, after a harde and over-streyned sorte, beare some sence, whiche yet hath not that energye, sprite or lyfe, w{hi}che haue Chaucers woordes, “this maketh the fende.” Whiche woordes are in my written copies, and in all written and auncient printed copies whiche I have yet seene.