Chapter 2

The old story of Chaucer’s having been fined for beating a Franciscan friar in Fleet Street is doubted by Thynne, though hardly, I think, on sufficient grounds. Tradition (when it agrees with our own views) is not lightly to be disturbed, and remembering with what more than feminine powers of invective “spiritual” men seem to be not unfrequently endowed, and also how atrociously insolent a Franciscan friar would be likely to be (of course from the best motives) to a man like Chaucer, who had burnt into the very soul of monasticism with the caustic of his wit, I shall continue to believe the legend for the present. If the mediæval Italians are to be believed, the cudgelling of a friar was occasionally thought necessary even by the most faithful, and I see no reason why hale Dan Chaucer should not have lost his temper on sufficient provocation. Old men have hot blood sometimes, and Dickens does not outrage probability when he makes Martin Chuzzelwit the elder, fell Mr Pecksniff to the ground.

Much of the tract is taken up by corrections of etymologies, and the explanation of obscure and obsolete words. It is a little curious that the word “orfrayes,” which had gone so far out of date as to be unintelligible to Master Speight, should, thanks to the new rage for church and clergy decoration, have become reasonably common again. The note on the “Vernacle” is another bit of close and accurate antiquarian knowledge worth noting. It is most tantalizing that after all he says about that mysterious question of “The Lords son of Windsor,” a question as mysterious as that demanding why Falstalf likened Prince Henry’s father to a “singing man” of the same place, we should be left as wise as we were before. We have here and there, too, hints as to what we have lost from Thynne’s great storehouse of information; how valuable would have been “that long and no common discourse” which he tells us he might have composed on that most curious form of judicial knavery, the ordeal; and possibly much more so is that of his “collections” for his edition of Chaucer! This last may, however, be still recovered by some fortunate literary mole.

The notice, by no means clear, but certainly not complimentary, of “the second editione to one inferior personne, than my father’s editione was,” may refer to any of the editions of Chaucer which, according to Lowndes, were printed more or less from William Thynne’s edition in 1542, 1546, and 1555; but from another passage hinting that Speight followed “a late English corrector whom I forbear to name,” I suspect that the “inferior personne” was poor John Stowe, and the edition to have been that edited by him in 1561, the nearest in point of date to that of Speight.

The manuscript from which this tract is reprinted is, like most of the treasures of the Bridgewater Library, wonderfully clean and in good order. It is entirely in the Autograph of Francis Thynne, and was evidently written purposely for the great Lord Chancellor Egerton, and bears his arms emblazoned on the title-page. Master Speight most probably got _his_ copy of Animadversions in a more humble form.

In conclusion may I remark that, as usual, the green silk ribands, originally attached to the vellum and gold cover, are closely cut away, probably for the purpose of being converted into shoe-ties, which Robert Green informs us was the usual destination of those appended to presentation copies, hinting at the same time that they were generally the only solid advantage gained by the dedicatee from the honour done him.

LIST OF THYNNE’S WORKS

1. The perfect Ambassador, treating of the Antiquity, Privileges, and Behaviour of men belonging to that Function. 12mo, 1651 & 1652.

(This was first published in 1651 under the title “The application of certain histories concerning Ambassadors and their functions.” The title-page only is new. MS. note by Bliss. British Museum, 8005--a.)

2. Annals of Scotland, in some part continued from the time in which Ra. Holinshead left, being an. 1571 unto the year 1586. London, 1586. fol.

3. “There are also the catalogues of the Protectors, Governors, or Regents of Scotland during the King’s minority, or the minority of several kings, or their insufficiency of government. There are also the catalogues of all Dukes of Scotland by creation or descent, of the Chancellors of Scotland; Archbishops of St Andrews and divers writers of Scotland.” _A. a’ Wood._

4. Catalogue of English Cardinals set down in R. Holinshed’s Chronicle at the end of Q. Mary.

5. “A Discourse of Arms,” dated “Clerkenwell Grene, 5th of Jan., 1593.” MS. in the College of Arms.

6. “Catalogue of the Chancellors of England.” MS. in the Bridgewater Library.

7. “Collections for the History of England.” MS. in Bridgewater Library.

8. Animadversions on Speight’s Chaucer, MS. in Bridgewater Library.

9. Several Collections of Antiquities. Notes concerning Arms, monumental Antiquities, &c. MS. Cotton’s Lib. Cleopatra, C. 3. p. 62.

10. A discourse of the duty and office of a Herald of Arms, ad. 1605. MS. Bib. Ashmol. n. 835.

11. Missellanies of the Treasury. MS. 1599.

12. Matters concerning Heralds, and Tryal of Armes and the Court Military. MS. Bib. Ashmol. 12 (printed in Hearne’s Collection of Curious Discourses).

13. Names of the Earls Marshall of England, A.D. 1601. MS. Bib. Ashmol. 1374.

14. Epitaphia. Sive monumenta Sepulchrorum Anglici et Latini quam gallice. MS.

“In the castrations to Hollingshed’s Chronicles are the four following discourses by this Author, which were suppressed from political motives, they have been added to the late quarto Edition.”

15. The Collection of the Earls of Leicester, compiled in 1585.

16. The lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, written in 1586.

17. Treatise of the Lord Cobham. (Is this the “Lives of the Lords Cobham of Cobham, Randale and Harborough,” British Mus. MS. add. 12,514. f. 56?)

18. The catalogue of the Lord Wardens of the Cinque Ports, and constables of Dover Castle, as well in the time of King Edward surnamed the Confessor, as since the reign of the conqueror. MS. 1585 (Was in the library of More, Bishop of Eley, and now in the British Museum. MS. add. 12,514).

19. Of Stirling Money.

20. Of what antiquity shires were in England.

21. Of the antiquity and etymology of terms and fines for administration of justice in England.

22. Of the antiquity of the houses of Law.

23. Of Epitaphs.

24. On the antiquity, &c., of the high Steward of England.

25. The antiquity and office of Earl Marshall. (These last seven are printed in “Hearne’s Curious Discourses.” 8vo, 1775.)

26. Discourse of bastards. Brit. Mus. MS. add. 4176, fol. 139.

27. The Plea between the advocate and the anti-advocate concerning the Bath and Batchelor Knights. Brit. Mus. MS. add. 12,530.

28. Annals of England. Mus. Brit. MS. add. 926, 1017, 12,514.

29. The kinges book of all the border Knyghtes, Squiers, and gentlemen of this realm of England, by Francis Thynne, 1601, MS. Mus. Brit. MSS. add. 11,388.

(The same volume contains much curious matter collected and illustrated by Thynne--principally bearing on the philosopher’s stone. The principal paper is a rhyming Latin poem, “De Phenicæ sive de Lapide Philosophico,” referred to in the tract.)

Collections out of Domus Regni Angliæ. Nomina Episcoporum in Somerset. Nomina Saxonica de Donatoribus a Regibus Eadfrido, Eadgare et Edwardo, Catalogus Episcoporum, Barton and Wells. A book of collections and commentaries de historia et Rebus Britannicis.

Collections out of manuscript, Historians Registers of Abbies, Leger books, and other antient manuscripts.

ANIMADVERSIONS.

+To the righte Honorable his singular goode Lorde Sir Thomas Egertone knighte lorde keper of the greate seale and Master of the Rooles of the Chancerye.+

It was (Ryghte honorable and my verye good lorde) one annciente and gretlye estemed custome emongste the Romans in the heigh[t]e of their glorye, that eche one, accordinge to their abylytye or the desarte of his frende, did in the begynnynge of the monthe of Januarye (consecrated to the dooble faced godd Janus one the fyrste daye whereof they made electione of their cheife officers and magystrates) presente somme gyfte unto his frende as the noote and pledge of the contynued and encresed amytye betwene them, a pollicye gretlye to be regarded, for the manye good effectes whiche issue from so woorthye cause. This custome not restinge in the lymyttes of Italye, but spredinge with the Romans (as did their language and many other their usages and lawes) into euerye perticuler Countrye where theyr powre and gouermente stretched. passed also ouer the Oceane into the litle worlde of Brytannye, being neuer exiled from thence, nor frome those, whome eyther honor, amytye, or dutye doth combyne. ffor whiche cause lest I myghte offende in the breche of that moste excellente and yet embraced Custome, I thynke yt my parte to presente unto yo{u}r Lo{rdship} suche poore neweyeres gyfte as my weake estate and the barrennesse of my feble skyll will permytte: Wherefore, and because Cicero affirmethe, that he whiche hathe once ouer passed the frontiers of modestye must for euer after be impudente, (a grounde w{hi}che I fynde fully veryfyed in my selfe, havinge once before outgonne the boundes of shamefastnesse in presentinge to yo{u}r Lordshippe my confused collect{i}ons and disordered discourse of the Chauncelors)[3] I ame nowe become utterlye impudente in not blusshinge to salute you agayne (in the begynnynge of this newe yere) with my petye animadvers{i}ons, uppon the annotac{i}ons and corrections delivered by Master Thomas Speghte uppon the last edit{i}one of Chaucer’s workes in the yere of oure redempt{i}one 1598; thinges (I confesse) not so answerable to yo{u}r Lordshippes iudgmente, and my desyre, as boothe your desarte and my dutye doo challenge. But althoughe they doo not in all respectes satisfye youre Lordshippes expectac{i}one and my goode will, (accordinge as I wyshe they sholde), yet I dobt not but yo{u}r lordshippe (not degeneratinge from youre former curtesye wontinge to accompanye all youre act{i}ons) will accepte these trifles from yo{u}r lovinge well-willer, in suche sorte, as I shall acknowledge my selfe beholdinge and endebted to yo{u}r Lordshippe for the same. whiche I hoope yo{u}r Lordshippe will the rather doo (with pardonynge my presumptione) because you haue, by the former good acceptance of my laste booke, emboldened me to make tryall of the lyke acceptance of this pamfelette. Wherefore yf yo{u}r Lordshippe shall receve yt curteouslye (and so not to dischorage mee in my sweete and studiouse idlenesse) I will hereafter consecrate to yo{u}r lykinge some better labor of moore momente and higher subiecte, answerable to the excellencye of yo{u}r iudgemente, and mete to declare the fulnesse of the dutyfull mynde and service I beare and owe unto your Lordshippe, to whome in all reuerence I commytte this simple treatyce. Thus (withe hartye prayer comendinge youre estate to the Almightye (who send to yo{u}r Lordshippe manye happye and helthfull yeres and to me the enlarged contynuance of youre honorable fauo{r}) I humblye take my leave. Clerkenwell grene the xx of December 1599. Yo{u}r Lordshippes wholye to dyspose, Francis Thynne.

[Footnote 3: “_The names and Armes of the Chancellors collected into one Catologue by ffrancis Thynn declaring the yeres of the reignes of the kinges and the yere of our Lorde in whiche they possessed that office._” --_Folio MS. Bridgewater Library._]

TO MASTER THOMAS SPEIGHTE ffrancis Thynn sendeth greeting.

[Sidenote: The author is vexed that Master Speight did not consult him on his new edition of Chaucer.] THE INDUSTRYE AND LOVE (MASTER SPEIGHT) whiche you haue used, and beare, uppon and to oure famous poete Geffrye Chaucer, deseruethe bothe comendat{i}one and furtherance: the one to recompense yo{u}r trauayle, the other to accomplyshe the duetye, whiche we all beare (or at the least yf we reuerence lernynge or regarde the honor of oure Countrye, sholde beare) to suche a singuler ornamente of oure tonge, as the woorkes of Chaucer are: Yet since there is nothinge so fullye perfected, by anye one, whereine some imp{er}fect{i}one maye not bee founde, (for as the prouerbe is Bernardus, or as others have Alanus, non videt omnia,) you must be contented to gyve me leave in discharge of the duetye and love whiche I beare to Chaucer, (whome I suppose I have as great intereste to adorne withe my smale skyll as anye other hath, in regarde that the laborious care of my father made hym most acceptable to the worlde in correctinge and augmentinge his woorkes,) to enter into the examinat{i}one of this newe edit{i}one, and that the rather, because you with _Horace_ his verse “si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti,” have willed all others to further the same, and to accepte yo{u}r labors in good p{ar}te, whiche as I most willingly doo, so meaninge but well to the worke, I ame to lett yo{u} understande my conceyte thereof, whiche before this, yf yo{u} wolde have vouchesafed my howse, or have thoughte me worthy to have byn acqueynted with these matters, (whiche yo{u} might well have donne without anye whatsoeuer dispargement to yo{ur}selfe,) you sholde haue understoode before the impressione, althoughe this whiche I here write ys not nowe uppon selfe will or fonnd conceyte to wrangle for one asses shadowe, or to seke a knott in a rushe, but in frendlye sorte to bringe truthe to lighte, a thinge whiche I wolde desire others to use towardes mee in whatsoeuer shall fall oute of my penne. Wherefore I will here shewe such thinges as, in mye opynione, may seme to be touched, not medlinge withe the seconde editione to one inferior personne then my fathers editione was.

[Sidenote: Also vexed at a side blow at his father’s edition, and justifies him as editor.] Ffyrste in yo{ur} forespeche to the reader, yo{u} saye “secondly the texte by written copies corrected” by whiche worde corrected, I maye seme to gather, that yo{u} imagine greate imperfect{i}one in my fathers editione, whiche peraduenture maye move others to saye (as some unadvisedlye have sayed) that my father had wronged Chaucer: wherefore to stoppe that gappe, I will answere, that Chaucers woorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce, yf not thrice, and therfore by oure carelesse (and for the most p{ar}te unlerned) printers of Englande, not so well performed as yt ought to bee: so that of necessytye bothe in matter, myter and meaninge, yt must needes gather corrupt{i}one, passinge throughe so manye handes, as the water dothe the further yt run{n}ethe from the pure founteyne. To enduce me and all others to iudge his edit{i}one (whiche I thinke yo{u} neuer sawe wholye together, beinge fyrst printed but in one coolume in a page, whereof I will speake hereafter) was the p{er}fectest: ys the ernest desire and love my father hadde to have Chaucers woorkes rightlye to be publy{s}hed. for the performance whereof, my father not onlye used the helpe of that lerned and eloquent kn[i]ghte and antiquarye Sir Briane Tuke, but had also made greate serche for copies to p{er}fecte his woorkes, as apperethe in the ende of the squiers tale, in his edit{i}one printed in the yere 1542; [Sidenote: His father’s collection of MS. Chaucers and their curiosity.] but further had comiss{i}one to serche all the liberaries of Englande for Chaucers works, so that oute of all the Abbies of this Realme (whiche reserved anye monumentes thereof) he was fully furnished w{i}th multitude of Bookes. emongst w{hic}he one coppye of some p{ar}te of his woorkes came to his handes subscribed in diuers places withe “examinatur Chaucer.” By this Booke, and conferringe manye of the other written copies together, he deliuered his edit{i}one, fullye corrected, as the amendementes under his hande, in the fyrst printed booke that euer was of his woorkes (beinge stamped by the fyrste impress{i}one that was in Englande) will well declare, at what tyme he added manye thinges w{hi}che were not before printed, as you nowe haue donne soome, of whiche I ame p{er}swaded (and that not w{i}thoute reasone) the originall came from mee. [Sidenote: The Pilgrime’s Tale telling forth the evil lives of churchmen.] In w{hi}che his edit{i}one, beinge printed but w{i}th one coolume in a syde, there was the pilgrymes tale, a thinge moore odious to the Clergye, then the speche of the plowmanne; that pilgrimes tale begynnynge in this sorte;

“In Lincolneshyre fast by a fenne, Standes a relligious howse who doth yt kenne,” &c.

In this tale did Chaucer most bitterlye enveye against the pride, state, couetoussness, and extorc{i}one of the Bysshoppes, their officialls, archdeacons, vicars generalls, comissaryes, and other officers of the spirituall courte. The invent{i}one and order whereof (as I have herde yt related by some nowe of good worshippe bothe in courte and countrye but then my fathers clerkes,) was, that one comynge into this relligious howse, walked upp and down the churche, beholdinge goodlye pictures of Bysshoppes in the windowes, at lengthe the manne contynuynge in that contemplatione, not knowinge what Byshoppes they were, a grave olde manne withe a longe white hedde and berde, in a large blacke garment girded unto hym, came forthe and asked hym, what he iudged of those pictures in the windowes, who sayed he knewe not what to make of them, but that they looked lyke unto our mitred Byshoppes; to whome the olde father replied, yt is true, they are like, but not the same, for oure byshoppes are farr degenerate from them, and withe that, made a large discourse of the Byshoppes and of their courtes.

[Sidenote: William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII., who promiseth to countenance him.] This tale when kinge henrye the eighte had redde, he called my father unto hym saying Williame Thynne I dobte this will not be allowed, for I suspecte the Byshoppes will call the in questione for yt, to whome my father, beinge in great fauore with his prince, (as manye yet lyvinge canne testyfye,) sayed yf yo{ur} grace be not offended, I hoope to be protected by yo{u}, whereuppon the kinge bydd hym goo his waye and feare not. All whiche not withstandinge, [Sidenote: The promise broken through the power of Wolsey.] my father was called in quest{i}one by the Bysshoppes and heaved at by cardinall Wolseye his olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostly for that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his Collen Cloute againste the Cardinall, [Sidenote: The most part of Colin Clout written at William Thynne’s house at Erith.] the moste p{ar}te of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse at Erithe in Kente. But for all my fathers frendes, the Cardinalls p{er}swadinge auctorytye was so greate withe the kinge, that thoughe by the kinges favor my father escaped bodelye daunger, yet the Cardinall caused the kinge so muche to myslyke of that tale, that chaucer must be newe printed and that discourse of the pilgrymes tale lefte oute, and so beinge printed agayne, some thynges were forsed to be omitted, and the plowmans tale (supposed, but untrulye, to be made by olde Sir Thomas Wyat, father to hym which was executed in the firste yere of Quene Marye, and not by Chaucer,) with muche ado p{er}mitted to passe with the reste, [Sidenote: Chaucer’s works like to be destroyed by parliament.] in suche sorte that in one open parliamente (as I have herde St. Johne Thynne reporte, beinge then a member of the howse,) when talke was had of Bookes to be forbidden, chaucer had there for euer byn condempned, had yt not byn that his woorkes had byn counted but fables. [Sidenote: Reasons why the Pilgrime’s Tale should be Chaucer’s.] Whereunto yf yo{u} will replye, that their colde not be any suche pilgrymes tale, because Chaucer in his prologues makethe not mentione of anye suche persoune, whiche he wolde haue doune yf yt had byn so: for after that he had recyted the knighte, the squyer, the squiers yeomane, the prioresse, her noone, and her thre prests, the monke, the fryer, the marchant, the clerke of Oxenforde, seriante at the lawe, franckleyne, haberdassher, goldsmythe, webbe, dyer and tapyster, cooke, shypmane, Doctor of physecke, wyfe of Bathe, p{ar}soune and plowmane, he sayeth at the end of the plowmans prologue,

There was also a Reue, and a Millere A sumpneure, and a Pardoner A manciple and my selfe there was no mo.

All whiche make xxx persons with Chaucer: wherefore yf there had byn anye moore, he wolde also haue recyted them in those verses, whereunto I answere, that in the prologes he lefte oute some of those w{hic}he tolde their tales; as the chanons yomane, because he came after that they were passed out of theyre Inne, and did overtake them, as in lyke sorte this pilgrime did or mighte doo, and so afterwardes be one of their companye, as was that chanons yeomane, althoughe Chaucer talke no moore of this pilgrime in his prologe then he doothe of the chanons yeomane; whiche I dobte not wolde fullye appere, yf the pilgrimes prologe and tale mighte be restored to his former light they being nowe looste, as manye other of Chaucers tales were before that, as I am induced to thinke by manye reasons.

[Sidenote: How William Thynne’s collection of Chaucer’s MS. was dispersed abroad.] But to leave this, I must saye that in those many written Bookes of Chaucer, w{hic}he came to my fathers hands, there were manye false copyes, whiche Chaucer shewethe in writinge of Adam Scriuener, (as yo{u} have noted) of whiche written copies there came to me after my fathers deathe some fyve and twentye; whereof some had moore and some fewer tales, and some but two and some three. w{hic}he bookes beinge by me (as one nothinge dobting of this whiche is nowe donne for Chaucer) partly dispersed aboute xxvj years agoo, and partlye stoolen out of my howse at Popler: I gave divers of them to Stephen Batemanne person of Newington, and to div{er}s other, whiche beinge copies unp{er}fecte and some of them corrected by my fathers hande yt maye happen soome of them to coome to some of yo{ur} frendes handes, whiche I knowe yf I see agayne: and yf by anye suche written copies yo{u} have corrected Chaucer, yo{u} maye as well offende as seme to do good. But I judge the beste, for in dobtes I will not resolve with a settled judgement, althoughe yo{u} may iudge this tediouse discourse of my father a needlesse thinge in setting forthe his diligence in breaking the yce, and givinge lighte to others, who may moore easely p{er}fecte then begyne any thinge, for facilius est addere qua{m} Invenire, and so to other matters.