CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent Measures Adopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and Liebknecht—A London Celebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, Blood, Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—The Bulwarks of Society—The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities—A New Era of Revolutionary Activity—A Fight to the Death—Are we Prepared?

AS regards the present plans and movements of the reds in Europe, of course it is almost impossible to obtain an adequate conception here. It is known, however, that the French, German, English and Belgian governments have only recently adopted most stringent measures, the effect of which will undoubtedly be to send some very undesirable immigrants to our hospitable shores.

Notwithstanding the measures taken by the French Government, it is reported as tolerably certain that the Revolutionary Congress will meet at Paris, although there is a pressure to have the date of the session delayed until October. Much will depend, probably, upon the proceedings of the proposed meeting of German, Swiss and Austrian Socialists at Zurich the coming summer.

With all their talk of universal brotherhood and a grand combination of the proletariat of every nation against tyranny, race hatreds are very strong among the Socialists of Europe. A French Communist would be more likely to cut a German Socialist’s throat than labor with him for the overthrow of the common oppressor.

The social conference soon to convene at The Hague, it is said, will ask the German leaders to take the decisive step of annulling the Zurich meeting, in order to give the Paris congress the more importance and avoid giving any possible offense by such action as may be taken there. It is well known that Bebel, Liebknecht and their immediate followers have no particular love for the dynamite faction of the Paris Communists, but there are many Swiss, South Germans and Russians who are engaged in the thankless and seemingly hopeless task of reconciling national differences, and these men have no small influence over their fellows by reason of their intelligence and approved courage and the sacrifices they have made for the common cause. By their unceasing labor a large proportion of the rank and file of the German army have been won over to the Socialistic movement, and they do not despair of allaying the French repugnance to affiliating with men of their own ideas from across the Rhine.

The London celebration of the anniversary of the Paris Commune on the night of March 18, 1889, consisted of a small crowd of boozy, beery, pot-valiant, squalid, frowsy, sodden Whitechapel outcasts who shrieked and fought in a small hall in their district under the eye of a single policeman.

“Better not go in, sir,” the policeman said to a correspondent who entered the door of the small hall at 87 Commonwealth Road. “There ain’t no danger, but it’s very unpleasant.”

It was the fumes of scores of dirty pipes and a thousand other causes that made the air almost unbearable. About two hundred people, a fourth of whom were lushed, soggy Whitechapel women, were in the low-ceilinged hall, while a long-haired Pole was screaming an address from the platform. He cursed and swore with frantic blasphemy, and called upon his hearers to arm themselves and wade to liberty through blood. Whenever he uttered the word “blood,” the muddled and maudlin crowd set up a shriek of “Blood, blood, blood!” that was deafening. All of the women and most of the men had soiled red flags and handkerchiefs, which they waved in the air as they shrieked “Blood!” in chorus. Then they would sink back into drunken indifference till the word “blood” was mentioned again.

Two women and a man, says the correspondent, lay in senseless stupor, with the crowd treading on them. One woman’s rags did not half cover her. An illiterate Englishman pushed the Pole aside and began to harangue the people from the platform. It was the most shameless, ribald and obscene harangue imaginable. In the midst of it one woman struck another with a piece of a broken beer glass, and the two females began to fight like cats. Faces were cut and bleeding. No one paid the slightest attention except the policeman, who looked indifferently on. Presently one of the women ran sobbing from the hall with her face streaming blood. Another woman started after her, when a man made a sign to a policeman, and she was restrained. Then a neighbor plucked the correspondent’s sleeve:

“Don’t let that nasty scene deceive you,” he said shortly, “it doesn’t mean that Socialism is dead in London. It means that it is more intelligent. They’ve left off shouting in public and begun to work under cover. This thing to-night proves it.”

The following, from the pen of Vassili Verestchagin, the eminent Russian painter, whose realistic representations of battle scenes have created a great sensation wherever exhibited, and who is also a writer of great ability, will show how the situation in Europe as regards Socialism, Anarchy and Nihilism appears to one close and intelligent observer:

“There is no gainsaying the fact that all the other questions of our time are paling before the question of Socialism that advances on us, threateningly, like a tremendous thunder-cloud.

“The masses that have been for centuries leading a life of expectancy, while hanging on the very borders of starvation, are willing to wait no more. Their former hopes in the future are discarded; their appetites are whetted, and they are clamoring for arrears, which means now the division of all the riches, and so as to make the division more lasting, they are claiming that talents and capacities should be leveled down to one standard, all workers of progress and comfort alike drawing the same pay. They are striving to reconstruct society on new foundations, and, in case of opposition to their aims, they threaten to apply the torch to all the monuments pertaining to an order that, according to them, has already outlived its usefulness; they threaten to blow up the public buildings, the churches, the art galleries, libraries and museums—a downright religion of despair!...

“My friend the late General Skobeleff once asked me, ‘How do you understand the movement of the Socialists and the Anarchists?’ He owned to it that he himself did not understand at all what they aimed at. ‘What do they want? What are they striving to attain?’

“‘First of all,’ I answered, ‘those people object to wars between nations; again, their appreciation of art is very limited, the art of painting not excluded. Thus, if they ever come into power, you, with your strategic combinations, and I, with my pictures, will both be shelved immediately. Do you understand this?’

“‘Yes, I understand this,’ rejoined Skobeleff, ‘and from this on I am determined to fight them.’

“There is no mistaking the fact that, as I have said before, society is seriously threatened at the hands of a large mass of people counting hundreds of millions. Those are the people who, for generations, during entire centuries, have been on the brink of starvation, poorly clad, living in filthy and unhealthy quarters; paupers, and such people as have scarcely any property, or no property at all. Well, who is it that is to blame for their poverty—are they not themselves to be blamed for it?

“No, it would be unjust to lay all the blame at their door; it is more likely that society at large is more to blame for their condition than they are themselves.

“Is there any way out of the situation?

“Certainly there is. Christ, our Great Teacher, has long ago pointed out the way in which the rich and the powerful could remedy the situation without bringing things to a revolutionary pass, without any upheaval of the existing social order, if they would only seriously take care of the miserable; that certainly would have insured them the undisturbed enjoyment of the bulk of their fortune. But there is little hope of a peaceful solution of the question now; it is certain that the well-to-do classes will still prefer to remain Christian in name only; they will still hope that palliative measures will be sufficient to remedy the situation; or else, believing the danger to be distant yet, they will not be disposed to give up much; while the paupers—though formerly they were ready for a compromise—may be soon found unwilling to take the pittance offered them.

“What do they want, then?

“Nothing less than the equalization of riches in the society to come; they claim the material as well as the moral equalization of all rights, trades, all capacities and talents; as we have already said, they strive to undermine all the foundations of the existing state of society, and, in inaugurating a new order of things they claim to be able to open a real era of liberty, equality and fraternity, instead of the shadows of those lofty things, as existing now....

“I do not mean to go into the discussion of the matter; I would not pretend to point out how much justice or injustice, how much soundness or unsoundness there is in these claims; I state only the fact that there is a deep gulf between the former cries for bread and the sharply formulated claims of the present. It is evident that the appetite of the masses has grown within the past centuries, and the bill which they intend to present for payment will not be a small one.

“Who will be required to pay this bill?

“Society, most certainly.

“Will it be done willingly?

“Evidently not.

“Consequently there will be complications, quarrels, civil wars.

“Certainly there will be serious complications; they are already casting their shadows before them in the shape of disturbances of a Socialistic character that are originating here and there. In America, most likely, those disturbances are lesser and less pointed, but in Europe, in France and Belgium, for instance, such disorders assume a very threatening aspect.

“Who is likely to be victorious in this struggle?

“Unless Napoleon I. was wrong in his assertion that victory will always remain with the _gros bataillons_, the ‘regulators’ will win. Their numbers will be very great; whoever knows human nature will understand that all such as have not much to lose will, at the decisive moment, join the claims of those who have nothing to lose....

“It is generally supposed that the danger is not so imminent yet; but, as far as I was able to judge, the impendence of the danger varies in different countries. France, for instance—that long-suffering country which is forever experimenting on herself, whether it be in social or scientific questions, or in politics—is the nearest to a crisis; then follow Belgium and other countries.

“It is very possible that even the present generation will witness something serious in that respect. As to the coming generations, there is no doubt that they will assist at a thorough reconstruction of the social structure in all countries.

“The claims of Socialists, and, particularly, the Anarchists, as well as the disorders incited by them, generally produce a great sensation in society. But no sooner are the disorders suppressed, than society relapses again into its usual unconcern, and no one gives a thought to the fact that the frequency of those painful symptoms, recurring with so much persistency, is in itself a sign of disease.

“Far-seeing people begin to realize that palliative measures are of no more use; that a change of governments and of rulers will not avail any more; and that nothing is left but to await developments contingent on the attitude of the opposed parties—the energetic determination of the well-to-do classes, not to yield, and that of the proletaires, to keep their courage and persevere....

“The only consolation remaining to the rich consists in the fact that the ‘regulators’ have not had time yet to organize their forces for a successful struggle with society. This is true to a certain extent. But, though they do it slowly, the ‘regulators’ are perfecting their organization all the time; yet, on the other hand, can we say that society is well enough organized not to stand in dread of attack?

“Who are the recognized and official defenders of society?

“The army and the church.

“A soldier, there is no doubt of it, is a good support; he represents a solid defense; the only trouble about him is that the soldier himself begins to get weary of his ungrateful part. It is likely that for many years to come yet the soldier will shoot with a light heart at such as are called his ‘enemies;’ but the time is not far distant when he will refuse to shoot at his own people.

“Who is a good soldier? Only one to whom you can point out his father, his mother or his brother in the crowd, saying, ‘Those are enemies of society, kill them’—and who will obey.

“I may remark here, in passing, that it occurred to me to refer to this idea in a conversation I had with the well-known French writer and thinker, Alexandre Dumas, _fils_, and with what success? Conceding the justice of the apprehension, he had no other comforting suggestion to offer than to say: ‘Oh, yes, the soldier will shoot yet!’

“The other defender of society, the priest, has been less ill-used than the soldier, and consequently he is not so tired of his task; but, on the other hand, people begin to tire of him, less heed is paid to his words, and there arises a doubt as to the truth of all that he preaches.

“There was a time when it was possible to tell the people that there is but one sun in the heavens as there is but one God-appointed king in the country. As stars of the first, second, third and fourth magnitude are grouping themselves around the sun, so the powerful, the rich, the poor and the miserable surround the king on earth. And, as all that appeared plausible, people used to believe that such arrangements are as they ought to be. All was accepted, all went on smoothly; none of such things can be advanced nowadays, however; no one will be ready to believe in them....

“Clearly, things assume a serious aspect. Suppose the day comes when the priests will entirely lose their hold on the people, when the soldiers will turn their guns muzzles down—where will society look for bulwarks then? Is it possible that it has no more reliable defense?

“Certainly, it has such a defense, and it is nothing else but _talents_, and their representatives in science, literature and art in all its ramifications.

“Art must and will defend society. Its influence is less apparent and palpable, but it is very great; it might even be said that its influence over the minds, the hearts and the actions of people is enormous, unsurpassed, unrivaled. Art must and will defend society with all the more care and earnestness, because its devotees know that the ‘regulators’ are not disposed to give them the honorable, respectable position they occupy now—since, according to them, a good pair of boots is more useful than a good picture, a novel or a statue. Those people declare that talent is luxury; that talent is aristocratic, and that, consequently, talent has to be brought down from its pedestal to the common level—a principle to which we shall never submit.

“Let us not deceive ourselves. There will arise new talents, which will gradually adapt themselves to new conditions, if such will prevail, and their works may perhaps gain from it, but we shall not agree to the principle of general demolition and reconstruction, when such have no other foundation but the well-known thesis: ‘Let us destroy everything and clear the ground; as to the reconstruction—about that we shall see later on.’ We shall defend and advocate the improvement of the existing things by means of peaceful and gradual measures.”

That is Verestchagin’s view. It is certainly original and at least presents matter for serious reflection to the thoughtful, even though his deductions are not agreed to.

Only recently a tremendous sensation was caused by the discovery of a dynamite bomb factory in Zurich, secretly conducted by students, and the tracing therefrom of a Nihilist conspiracy against the Czar, with extensive ramifications throughout Russia. Official and court circles in St. Petersburg were panic-stricken at the news, and the public journals, as usual, were promptly forbidden publishing information, making comment, or saying a word on the subject. In the meantime the police pushed investigation in all directions and a large number of arrests were made.

Following up the traces of the plot, they found in a street of the capital most important evidences of its ramifications in St. Petersburg. This conspiracy was said to be more formidable than any preceding one. Nor was the danger diminished by the discoveries made. The arrests were only of minor people, and these maintained unbroken fidelity to their leaders, refusing to divulge even the little they were allowed to know.

All over the world the apostles of disorder, rapine and Anarchy are to-day pressing forward their work of ruin, and preaching their gospel of disaster to all the nations with a more fiery energy and a better organized propaganda than was ever known before. People who imagine that the energy of the revolutionists has slackened, or that their determination to wreck all the existing systems has grown less bitter, are deceiving themselves. The conspiracy against society is as determined as it ever was, and among every nation the spirit of revolt is being galvanized into a newer and more dangerous life.

In Chicago the signs of the times are so plain that he who runs may read. The skulking conspirators, who but a few months ago met secretly and in fear, in out-of-the-way cellars and thoroughly tiled halls, now court publicity. Their meetings are advertised and open—any one who chooses may attend—and they evidently feel a confidence and security which was unknown before this year of grace 1889. If this feeling is rampant here in Chicago, where the heaviest blow was struck at Anarchy, what must it be in other American cities, New York for instance, where the reds have a formidable and growing organization, or in Philadelphia, Pittsburg or Cincinnati? It is manifest that a new era of “revolutionary activity” is at hand, and it is to be questioned whether the proper means for meeting the proposed attack have been taken, or are being prepared.

In Europe the same ferment is apparent. In England the conspiracy is still largely under cover, for the English proletariat, as the Anarchists love to call the raw material of Anarchy, is slow to move and difficult to arouse. But the propaganda is busy, and occasional rumblings may be heard of the work going on underground, which should be received as the danger signals they are. In London there are all the factors for the most dangerous mob the world can produce. There are thousands upon thousands of half-starved, desperate men, who have absolutely nothing to lose save lives which they themselves hold as almost worthless, and there is the constant temptation before them of wealth so great and so flaunting, and of a wealthy class often so cruelly unjust, that it need never be a matter of wonder when the East End of London springs at the throat of the West. In England, however, nobody seems to believe that there can be such a thing as a servile revolt—that might occur among the French or the Germans or the Russians, but never in John Bull’s island,—and the conspirators, safely covered by the fancied security of the people, are permitted to undermine at their will the fabric of English society.

In France the Commune is stronger than it ever was, and the Red Terror may appear with every turn of the whirligig of politics. France does not disbelieve in the danger, but it is practically powerless to avert it, owing to the general demoralization which has followed Boulanger’s success. Of course, it can only be a wild and bloody riot followed by a wild and bloody retribution, by a nation frightened out of freedom back into the arms of a strong government, for in France the issues are made up, and the country has made up its mind.

In Spain and Italy, and especially in the smaller states—Switzerland, Belgium and the Scandinavian countries—the Socialists are busy, while in Germany and in Russia a crisis is at hand. Thus, the world over, it is evident that Anarchy is at work with a feverish purpose never before displayed, and the governments are menaced with a danger before which foreign war is as nothing. Nothing but the uprooting of the very foundations and groundwork of our civilization will satisfy these enemies of order. Their fight is to the death. They will neither take nor give quarter. It is war _à l’outrance_—composition or truce is futile and foolish.

Are we prepared, or are we even preparing for the shock?

Let none mistake either the purpose or the devotion of these fanatics, nor their growing strength. This is methodic—not a haphazard conspiracy. The ferment in Russia is controlled by the same heads and the same hands as the activity in Chicago. There is a cold-blooded, calculating purpose behind this revolt, manipulating every part of it, the world over, to a common and ruinous end. Whether the next demonstration of the Red Terror will occur where its disciples are goaded to desperation under despotic measures, as in the land of the Czar, or in our own country, where they are allowed to preach its bloody doctrines under a broad construction of the American constitutional right of free speech, time alone can tell.

But believe me, Anarchy is not an enemy for society to despise.

APPENDIX A.

THE meeting places of the Anarchist groups in Chicago prior to May 4, 1886, were as follows:

South Side, Saturday nights, 2883 Wentworth Avenue.

Southwest Side, No. 1, Saturday nights, 691 South Halsted Street.

Southwest Side, No. 3, Saturday nights, 611 Throop Street.

Vorwaerts, Saturday nights, 204 Blue Island Avenue.

Jefferson, Saturday nights, at or near 1800 Milwaukee Avenue.

Town of Lake, No. 1, Saturday nights, 514 State Street.

Town of Lake, No. 2, every other Sunday evening, in Thomas Hall, corner of Fifty-eighth and Laflin Streets.

Bridgeport, Sunday afternoons, 2 o’clock, 2513 South Halsted Street.

The Lehr und Wehr Verein companies met as follows:

First Group—Tuesday and Friday evenings, at Mueller’s Hall, corner of Sedgwick and North Avenue; also, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, Sunday mornings, for instruction in shooting and rifle practice.

Second Group—Wednesday evenings, and two weekly meetings, together with the Northwest Side Group, at 8 o’clock, at 636 Milwaukee Avenue.

Third Group—Wednesday evenings at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall.

No. 58 Clybourn Avenue was a general meeting-place. A general invitation was extended to all to come there on Sundays for practice in shooting.

List of names of Anarchists and Socialists as found on record with Secretaries Seliger and Lingg, at 442 Sedgwick Street:

William Hesse. Moritz Neff. William Lange. Balthasar Rau. Albert Bonien. Michael Schwab. H. Harmening. William Medow. A. Hovestadt. Oscar Neebe. Franz Hoffman. Ch. Charlevitz. H. Kaune. H. Tietgens. Theodore Polling. Louis Hensling. E. Buschner. Henry Bonnefoi. George Meng. W. L. Rosenberg. Carl Wichmann. Ch. Mauner. Chr. Mauer. John Nedovlacid, _alias_ Pohl. A. Hirschberger. Edward Schnaubelt. John Altherr. William Buffleben. Carl Milbi. Chr. Ramm. Max Mitlacher. Paul Grottkau. Joseph Bach. Albert Gorns. Julius Stegemann. Otto Habitzreiter. William Hoelscher. William Ludwig. H. Perschke. A. Roehr. William Urban. Ernst Altenhofer. H. Fasshauer. Abraham Hermann. Michael Hermann. Lorenz Hermann. Peter Huber. John Neubauer. Rudolph Kobitch. Julius Habitzreiter. Fritz Fischer. Albin Mittlacher. Fritz Reuter. Carl Teuber. Rudolph Ohlf. Theodore Remane. E. Brassholz. Joseph Knochelman. A. Picard. Arthur Fritzsche. Franz Domes. John B. Lotz. John Wohlleben. Gustav Moeller. H. Ulrich. William Neumann. H. Kallina. August Stollidorf. W. Senderson. George Rosenzweig. Robert W. Ebill. S. Heidenbluth. William Luetzgerath. R. Lauterbach. Ernst Fischer. Carl Schroeder. Otto Voigt. Heinrich Menge. John Neunkirchen. William Kaune. Chris Ammer. Carl Leukert. H. Boeltscher. H. Vogelsaenger. B. Leber. Joseph Mattius. John Holm. William Walteck. Carl Puder. N. Willes. William Linden. George Menge. Louis Krauthahn. Wilhelm Schleuter. Paul Riedel. Fritz Huebner. Louis Liebl. Rudolph Effinger. Wilhelm Lindner. Conrad Meier. August Baer. Wilhelm Rieger. Hans Reindel. Rudolph Schnaubelt. William Heinze. Anton Schmidt. Fritz Schmidt. Albert Wilke. Gustav Schroth. Carl Meier. George Engelett. H. Marcmann. H. Albert. Ch. Blendow. August Neuhaus. Chr. Hase. H. C. Eden. H. Thomser. Claus Boege. Frederick Boecer. H. Kirvitt. H. Lehman. Nic Schroegel. Max Biehle. Andrew Decker. Johann Mass. Hermann Klug. H. Honsel. Edward Koelble. Adolph Greschner. Guenther Bock. Fritz Bock. C. Bock. Fritz Linden. Leo Wierig. Nic Keller. Aug. Wassilof. Linarz. Fr. Rathke. Baehrendt. Henry Schmidt. Franz Hein. Chas. Meyer. Otto Bathke. Louis Peters. Wm. Seliger. Christ Jansen. Chas. Scholl. B. Horschke. Kinder. Robert Moench. Latinker. Leopold Miller. E. Trolson. Otto Blonk. Ludwig Sitzberger. Albert Sommer. Albert Dilke. Alfred Bartels. August Asher. Henry Slvetera. Hermann Pabst. John Richlich. Ernst J. Nitschke. Fritz Roeber. W. Callinius. E. Hoffman. W. Matuspkirvitz. Carl Pundt. E. Rudolph. Franz Stahr. Hermann Weg. H. Judknecht. Christ. Drawert. Julius Blecksmith. Carl Rick. Carl Leukert. Gustav Stolze. Edward Heis. Wilhelm Waldeck. Ludwig Lintz. August Pavel. H. Hildemann. Ernst Altenhofer. John Kleinsten. Hermann Hoges. Wilhelm Alb. H. Markmann. H. Albert. Blendow. H. C. Eden. John Maas. Hermann Klug. H. Hansel. F. Thiesen. Henry Abelman. Joseph Neder. Leo Wierig. Nic Keller. Max Hollock. George Binder. Wm. Lueneberg. Anton Besser. Franz Springer. O. Deichman. Joseph Schramm. Carl Kroger. Franz Turban. George Binder. John Kerr. Wenzel Kinzill. Ernst Niendorf. Theodore Blumbach. H. Zwierlein. August Metschke. K. Kumberg. Charles Lovitte. H. Kauney. H. Mathge. Ludwig Luetzeberger. Frederick Schmiecke. Christ Wegemann. Carol Fischhammer. E. Andauer. Bernard Labor. August Litch. Paul Polke. Franz Schumann. Franz Hermann. Franz Bohl. Christ. Killgers. Max Hollock. Total number of members, 232.

Names of Socialists belonging to different parts of the city:

Fritz Kaderli. Alois Preiss. Anton Bonner. Gustav Zerbe. Carl Weidenhammer. Berthold Bauer. Nic Goebel. Franz Frank. George H. Karst. Fritz Witt. August Ziemann. Rudolph Spuhr. Ernst Blanck. August Krause. Wilhelm Helm. Franz Krueger. Frederick Luebbe. Jacob Beck. Hermann Wechmann. Hermann Boese. B. Gromall. Fred Wessling. Franz Schips. Michael Michels. John Tallmann. Gustav Hopper. Carl Chuast. Nic Mueller. Franz Schlopp. Philipp Glaser. John Woehrle. Louis Boechlke. Albert Koch. John Voss. Fred Heiden. Franz Heidench. Carl Michael. George Bloecher. Fred Naffs. Robert Wegener. Max Miller. Frank Wiederkehr. Heinrich Volkmann. Friederich Wargowsky. Gustav Bressmann. Hermann Jocks. Peter Dieterich. John Fromm. Frederich Hanne. Carl Norvotny. Heinrich Simon. August Rieger. Henry Lebierri. Christ Erbman. Rudolph Arndt. John Sellmann. William Rehfeldt. Emil Kaiser. Carl Swansen. Louis Jansen. Jacob Lieser. Carl Billhardt. Johann Grefflath. Fritz Peters. Albert Bittelkau. Leo Engelmann. Christ Feidler. Peter Bucher. George Lange. August Littele. Hermann Pretch. Albert Fork. Wilhelm Hohmann. Hermann Theile. Carl Heinrich. Friederich Rathman. Carl Wild. Wilhelm Wetendorf. Carl Gerbech. Friederich Assmussen. Louis Griep. Heinrich Zeiss. Carl Mund. George Schmidt. August Buchwald. Peter Weber. Christ. Jungknecht. Johann Fleischmann. August Bernatzki. Julius Koschnitzki. Bernard Kaelle. Richard Wagner. Christ. Schumann. George Stange. Johann Siegfried. Frank Ehlert. Heinrich Becker. Johann Peters. Hermann Junke. Julius Beck. Louis Thiess. John Weber. Robert Lattmann. Mike Hartmann. Heinrich Pressler. Otto Bartell. Martin Lausgres. Heinrich Koehler. Fritz Geding. Peter Ferneeten. Louis Schroeder. Heinrich Rauch. John Mangels. Hermann Tombrow. John Koehler. Wilhelm Kramp. Hermann Gnadke. Peter Pauls. Adolph Rudemann. Louis Schalk. Rudolph Firo. Joseph Kaiser. Frank Allring. Heinrich Block. Carl Beck. John Urech. Gustav Roshke. Ed. Peterson. M. Grant. August Hoffman. Gustav Kerstarm. J. Casper. Philipp Wichmann. John Bernier. August Schnedort. Total number, 139.

Names of Socialistic women of North Side, 1886:

Mrs. Back. Mrs. W. Lange. Mrs. Mattius. Mrs. Rehm. Mrs. Johanna Schroeder. Mrs. Antonie Hoverstadt. Mrs. Rosenzweig. Mrs. Fisher. Mrs. Wilhelmina Menge. Mrs. H. Habitzreiter. Mrs. Elizabeth Reuter. Marie Schnaubelt. Mrs. Lane. Mrs. Hermann. Mrs. Pohl. Mrs. Neuhaus. Ida Schnaubelt. Johanna Schnaubelt. Mrs. Schwab. Mrs. Miller. Mrs. Huber. Total number, 21.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Portrait of the Author, Frontispiece

The French Revolution—The Feast of Reason, 16

Storming the Bastile, 18

Karl Marx, 19

Michael Bakounine, 20

Pierre Joseph Proudhon, 21

Louise Michel, 24

Ferdinand Lassalle, 25

Excavated Dynamite Mine in Moscow, 33

“It is Too Soon to Thank God.”—The Assassination of Czar Alexander II., 35

The Czar’s Carriage after the Explosion, 36

Diagram of Elnikoff’s Bomb, 36

The Nihilists in the Dock, 38

Execution of the Nihilist Conspirators, 39

The Book Bomb, 40

Scenes from the Riots at Pittsburg, 1877, 51

The Great Strike in Baltimore—The Militia Fighting their Way through the Streets, 57

The Labor Troubles of 1877—Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct, Chicago, 63

Dr. Carl Eduard Nobiling, 67

Max Hoedel, 67

Banners of the Social Revolution—I., 69

Carter H. Harrison, 70

The Black Flag, 75

The Office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, 76

An Anarchist Procession, 78

The Board of Trade, 80

Banners of the Social Revolution—II., 85

A Group of Anarchists, 87

Banners of the Social Revolution—III., 91

The Red Banner of the Carpenters’ Union, 93

Dr. Nobiling’s Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of Germany, 95

August Reinsdorf, 96

Johann Most, 100

Banners of the Social Revolution—IV., 109

Interior View of Neff’s Hall, 111

A Strike—The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent, 114

Greif’s Hall, 115

A Round-up, 118

Specimen Rioters—Hynek Djenek and Anton Seveski, 120

—— John Pototski and Frank Novak, 121

—— Vaclav Djenek and Anton Stimak, 122

—— Ignatz Urban and Joseph Sugar, 123

Charging the Mob at McCormick’s, 126

Officer Casey’s Peril, 127

Franz Mikolanda, a Polish Conspirator, 128

_Fac-simile_ of the Famous “Revenge” Circular, 130

The Call for the Haymarket Meeting—_Fac-simile_ I., 132

—— _Fac-simile_ II., 135

Neff’s Hall, Exterior View, 136

The Haymarket Meeting—“In the Name of the People I Command You to Disperse,” 140

The Haymarket Riot—The Explosion and the Conflict, 142

Inspector John Bonfield, 143

Captain William Ward, 144

Lieut. (now Chief) G. W. Hubbard, 145

Sergt. (now Capt.) J. E. Fitzpatrick, 146

Lieut. James P. Stanton, 147

Lieut. Bowler, 147

The Desplaines Street Station, 151

The Haymarket Martyrs, 154

Adolph Fischer, 157

The Fischer Family, 158

Fischer’s Belt and Poisoned Daggers, 159

August Spies, 160

Miss Nina Van Zandt, 162

Chris Spies, 163

Miss Gretchen Spies, 164

Michael Schwab, 165

Albert R. Parsons, 166

Mrs. Lucy Parsons, 167

Oscar W. Neebe, 168

Rudolph Schnaubelt, the Bomb-Thrower, 170

Balthasar Rau, 173

Lingg’s Candlestick, 177

Round Iron Bomb, 180

Samuel Fielden, 181

Detective James Bonfield, 184

Officer Henry Palmer, 185

Officer (now Lieut.) Baer, 186

Detective Hermann Schuettler, 189

Detective Michael Hoffman, 189

Detective Michael Whalen, 189

Detective Charles Rehm, 189

Detective John Stift, 189

Detective Jacob Loewenstein, 189

Edmund Furthmann, 191

The East Chicago Avenue Station, 193

A Back-Yard Interview, 195

A Friendly Communication, 197

The Notorious Florus’ Hall, 203

The Shadowed Detectives, 204

The “Red” Sisterhood, 207

Turning the Tables, 209

Underground Auditors, 211

Betrayed by Beauty, 214

Thalia Hall, 218

Underground Conspirators, 220

Officer Nordrum, 221

The Scared Amateur Anarchist, 223

Watching a Suspect, 225

Julius Oppenheimer’s Double, 231

Mr. and Mrs. William Seliger, 236

A Noble Woman’s Influence-A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed, 239

John Thielen, 248

Louis Lingg, the Bomb-maker, 257

Lingg’s Trunk, 258

Coils of Fuse Found in Lingg’s Trunk, 259

Composition Bomb Found in Lingg’s Room, 261

Cast-Iron and Large Gas-pipe Bombs, 262

Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Room, 263

Gas-pipe Bombs without Fuse, 264

Unfinished Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Dinner-box, 265

Lingg’s Revolver, 267

A Desperate Struggle—Louis Lingg’s Arrest, 269

Iron Bolt Found in Lingg’s Trunk, 271

Lingg’s Sweetheart, 274

Ladle used by Lingg in Casting, with Can of English Dynamite, 276

Muntzenberg Peddling Books and Bombs, 281

George Engel, 284

Miss Mary Engel, 285

Gottfried Waller, 287

Underground Rifle Practice—A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 289

Numbered Plates from L. u. W. V. Rifles, 290

“Liberty Hall,” 295

Otto Lehman, 298

Gustav Lehman, 303

Zepf’s Hall, 306

Timmerhof Hall, 309

Herman Muntzenberg, 313

A Hasty Toilet, 325

A Dangerous Storing-Place, 327

An Obstreperous Prisoner, 329

The Conspiracy Meeting—Waller Reading Engel’s “Plan,” 336

The “Czar” Bomb, 343

Anarchist Ammunition—I., 348 1. Incendiary Bomb, with powder flask detached. 2. Gas-Pipe Bombs, without cap or fuse, but loaded with dynamite. Found in Lingg’s Room. 3. Bombs used in Evidence, after analysis by chemists. 4. Gas-pipe Bombs, with fuse and caps, secreted by Julius Oppenheimer under a dancing-platform.

A Group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 352

The Wife-Beater’s Trial, 362

An Incendiary Can, 365

Henry Spies, 368

The Larrabee Street Station, 371

The Hinman Street Station, 374

Neebe’s Sword and Belt, 377

Anarchist Ammunition—II., 381 1. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use with percussion caps, to explode on falling. 2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of infernal machines. 3, 4. Sectional Views of the “Czar” Bomb.

Hon Joseph E. Gary, 384

Portraits of the Jury, 386

Portraits of the Jury, 387

Hon. Julius S. Grinnell, 391

The Great Trial—Scene in the Court-room, 410

Spies’ Manuscript of the Famous “Ruhe” Signal—_Fac-simile_, 421

“Y—Come Monday Evening”—_Fac-simile_, 422

Reduced _Fac-simile_ of Heading of the _Fackel_, 423

Plan of the Seliger Residence, 425

Dynamite Packages, 436 1. Package left at Judge Tree’s House. 2. Package left at C., B. & Q. Railroad offices.

Socialistic Bombs—Diagrams from _Daily News_ of January 14, 1886, 437

Chart of Street Warfare, 438

Interior Plan of Greif’s Hall, 440

Interior Plan of Neff’s Hall, 443

Adolph Lieske, 449

Parsons’ Handwriting, 451

A Picnic of the “Reds” at Sheffield, 453 1. Experimenting with Dynamite. 2. Getting Inspiration. 3. Engel on the Stump. 4. “Hoch die Anarchie!” 5. Mrs. Parsons Addressing the Crowd. 6. Children Peddling Most’s Literature. 7. A Family Feast.

Engel’s Blast Furnace, 469

Moses Salomon, 479

Spies Addressing the Strikers at McCormick’s, 511

Francis W. Walker, 526

Sigismund Zeisler, 536

George C. Ingham, 542

William A. Foster, 546

Capt. William P. Black, 554

Lingg’s Suicide Bombs, 595

E. F. L. Gauss, 607

Henry Severin, 607

Judge Benjamin D. Magruder, 609

Jailor Folz, 629

Benjamin P. Price, 632

Lingg’s Terrible Death, 633 1. Lighting the Deadly Bomb. 2. The Explosion. 3. The Deputy Entering Lingg’s Cell. 4. The Dying Bomb-Maker in the Hands of the Surgeons.

Lingg’s Last Request, 635

John C. Klein, 636

The Chicago Water-works, 641

Sheriff Canute R. Matson, 643

The Execution, 645

John A. Roche, 648

Kierlan’s Souvenir, 653

The Haymarket Monument, 659

An Anarchist “Sunday-school”—Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness, 669

Frank Chleboun, 673

Frank Capek, 673

Charles L. Bodendick, 675

Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678

Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678

Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678

Hronek’s Portrait and Description—I. Showing New Police Method of Identifying Criminals, 679

Hronek’s Portrait and Description—II., 680

End of Project Gutenberg's Anarchy and Anarchists, by Michael Schaack