Part 7

75. Of the groups beginning with m (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged--mb, md, mf, mp, ms, mt: _gamba_ ＞ gamba (if _bobansa_ is from βόμβος, it is irregular); ✱_semitarium_ ✱_semidarium_ ＞ semdięr; _triumphāre_ ＞ triomfar; _lampas_ ✱_lampa_ ＞ lampa; ✱_camisīle_? ＞ camsil (dialectically cansil; so Samson, Sanso); _cŏmĭtem_ ＞ comte (dialectically conte). For mbd in _ambo dŭos_ see § 111, 2. Mn in the literary language generally remained unchanged (often spelled _mpn_), but in some dialects it was assimilated into nn, which was locally simplified into n: _dŏmĭna_ _dŏmna_ ＞ dompna domna donna dona, _damnāre_ ＞ dampnar damnar dannar danar, _fēmĭna_ ✱_fēmna_ ＞ fẹmna fẹnna (_feme_ is from _fémena_ ＜ _fēmĭna_),[75] _hŏmĭnem_ ✱_hŏmnem_ ＞ omne (_ome_ is from ✱_ómene_ ＜ _hŏmĭnem_).[75] When final, it regularly became n, occasionally m: _damnum_ ＞ dan, _somnum_ ＞ son som.[76] Mnc´ ＞ ndz nz in ✱_domnicĭlla_ ＞ donzẹla. Mpt mt ＞ mt, dialectically nt: _computāre_ ＞ comtar contar, _temptāre_ ＞ temptar tentar; _domitāre_ ＞ domptar.[77]

76. (1) Of the groups beginning with n (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following generally remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)--nc, nd, ng, nm, nt: _hanka_ ＞ anca, _blank-_ ＞ blanc (-ca -cha), _franko_ ＞ franc (-ca -cha); _mandāre_ ＞ mandar, _ŭnda_ ＞ ọnda; _lŏngum_ ＞ lonc (-ga -ia), _plango_ ＞ planc, _rĭng_ ＞ rẹnc; _anĭma_ ＞ anma (also, by dissimilation, arma); _sentīre_ ＞ sentir. For _final_ nd, nt, see (2) below. Nc´ ＞ nts ns: ✱_francē(n)sis_ ＞ francẹs, _mancĭpium_ ＞ mansip (also massip: cf. ns below), _vĭncere_ ＞ vẹncer vẹnser. Nct became in different dialects n´ int nt ntš: _jŭnctum_ ＞ iọnh ioint iọnt iọnch, _ŭnctūra_ ＞ onchüra, ✱_pĭnctūra_ ＞ peintüra penchüra, _planctum_ ＞ planh planch, _sanctum_ ＞ sanh saint sant. Ndc´ became, in different dialects, ndz (later nz), nts, ndž: _quīndĕcim_ ＞ quinze quintze quinge. Ndt ＞ nd nt: ✱_rendĭta_ ＞ renda renta. Nf remained in some dialects, while in others it became ff, then f: _confŭndit_ ＞ confọn cofọn, _infantem_ ＞ enfant effant efant, _infĕrnum_ ＞ enfęrn efęrn. Ng ＞ ng: _mŏnăchum_ ✱_mon’gu_ ＞ mongue (_manĭcum_ ＞ margue by dissimilation). Ns, in learned words and new formations (see § 55, N), remained in most dialects, while in others (especially those of the centre) it became ss, then s; _consĭlium_ ＞ consẹlh cossẹlh, _in sĭml_ ＞ ensẹm essẹm, ✱_insignāre_ ＞ ensenhar essenhar, _pensāre_ ＞ pensar pessar, _sensus_ ＞ sens; for _final_ ns, see § 63, (5). Ntc´ ＞ nts ns in _pantĭcem_ ＞ pansa. Nv remained in some dialects, while in others it became vv, then v: _convenīre_ ＞ convenir covenir. Ndc, ndg, n-g, ng´ have been treated under § 73.

(2) Final nd remained as nt in the eastern and central part of the territory, became n in the west and a part of Limousin, and disappeared altogether in a part of Languedoc and Gascony: _amando_ ＞ aman, _descĕndit_ ＞ deissẹn, _grandem_ ＞ grant gran gra, _mŭndum_ ＞ mọnt mọn, _vēndit_ ＞ vẹnt bẹn, _profŭndum_ ＞ preọn, _quando_ ＞ quant quan. Final nt remained in most of the territory, but in a part of Languedoc and Gascony became n or disappeared: _fŏntem_ ＞ font fon fo, _mŏntem_ ＞ mont mon, _quantum_ ＞ quant quan, _vĕntum_ ＞ vent bent be.

For _efanh_, _parenh_, _monh_ ＜ _mŭndi_, etc., see § 51, 1.

77. Of the groups beginning with r (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)--rb, rc, rd, rf, rg, rm, rn, rp, rs, rt, rv: _barba_ ＞ barba, _cŏrbum_ ＞ corp; _barca_ ＞ barca, _cĭrcāre_ ＞ cercar, _clĕrĭcum_ ✱_clĕrcum_ ＞ clęrc, _fŭrca_ ＞ fọrca fọrcha, _mercātum_ ＞ mercat; _ardĕntem_ ＞ arden, ✱_perdūtum_ ＞ perdüt, _vĭr(ĭ)dem_ ＞ vẹrt; _ŏrphănum_ ＞ ǫrfe; ✱_carricāre_ ✱_carrigāre_ ✱_cargāre_ ＞ cargar cariar, _largum_ ＞ larc (-ga -ia), _sērĭca_ ✱_sēr’ga_ ＞ sẹrga; _ĕ́rēmum_ ＞ ęrm, _fōrma_ ＞ fọrma; _hibĕrnum_ ＞ ivęrn, _tabĕrna_ ＞ tavęrna, _tornāre_ ＞ tornar; _wërpan_ ＞ guerpir; _arsum_ ＞ ars, _cŭrsum_ ＞ cọrs (for _vĕrsus_ ＞ vęs, see § 55, R); _artem_ ＞ art, _fŏrtem_ ＞ fǫrt; _servīre_ ＞ servir. For _final_ rn, rs, see § 63, (5); § 65, R. Rc´> rts rs: _parcĕre_ ＞ parcer, _parcit_ ＞ partz, ✱_tŏrcĕre_ ＞ tǫrser. Rdc´ became, in different dialects, rdz (later rz), rts, rdž: _quatuŏrdĕcim_ ✱_quattōrdĕcim_ ＞ quatọrze quatọrtze quatọrge. Rdg before a ＞ rg, rdž: _vĭridicantem_ ✱_vĭrdigantem_ ＞ verguan verian. Rdt ＞ rd: _perdĭta_ ＞ pęrda. Rps ＞ rs: ✱_escarpsus_ (= _excerptus_) ＞ escars. Rtm ＞ rtm or rm: _fŏrti mĕnte_ ＞ fortmen formen. For rg´ see § 73.

78. Of the groups beginning with s (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged through the literary period (except that c before a became tš in the north and northeast)--sc, sm (ssm), sn, sp, st: ✱_bŭscum_ (? = _bŭxum_)? ＞ bọsc, ✱_lŭscum_ ＞ lọsc, _pascha_ ＞ pasca pascha, _pĕrsĭca_ _pĕssĭca_ ✱_pĕsca_ ＞ pęsca, _piscātor_ ＞ pescaire, _piscarium_ ＞ pesquier peschier, _þrëscan_ ✱_trescāre_ ＞ trescar; _ex-mĭttĕre_ ✱_esmĭttĕre_ (§ 55, X) ＞ esmẹtre, _pĕssĭmus_ ＞ pęsmes; _eleemŏsy̆na_ ＞ almǫsna, _asĭnum_ ＞ asne; _expōnĕre_ ✱_espōnĕre_ ＞ espọnre, _gaspildjan_? ＞ guespilhar; _præpŏsĭtum_ ＞ prebǫst, _trīstem_ ＞ trist. For _final_ scs, sts, see 2 below. Sc´ became, in most of the territory, is; in parts of the north and northeast, s; in the west and the extreme east, i(t)š and (t)š (cf. § 73, Ssy): _co(g)nōscĕre_ ＞ conọisser, _crēscĕre_ ＞ crẹisser, _ex-cĕrnĕre_ ✱_escĕrnīre_ ＞ eissernir, ✱_ex-cerebellāre_ ✱_es-_ ＞ esservelar, _fascem_ ＞ fais, _nascĕre_ ＞ naisser nasser naicher nacher, _pĭscem_ ＞ pẹis pẹich pẹch. Scb became sb in _epĭscŏpus_ ✱_ebíscobus_ ＞ bisbes (also bispes and ebesques). Spm became sm in _blasphemāre_ ＞ blasmar. Spt ＞ st: _hŏspĭtem_ ＞ ǫste (also ǫsde). Stg became sg and sdž in _domesticāre_ ✱_-gāre_ ＞ domesgar domesiar. Stm became sm in _asthma_ ＞ asma. For the later history of the s in all these groups, see § 65, S, 1.

1. _Prĕsby̆ter_ became regularly pręstre: § 71, 1. But beside _prĕsby̆ter_ there existed in Vulgar Latin _prebĭter_ (_Einf._, § 140), the syllable _pres-_ being replaced by the Latin prefx _præ-_ or _pre-_, through the analogy of such words as _præbĭtor_, _præposĭtus_. From the accusative _prebĭtĕrum_ we have regularly prevẹire. Pręire is a cross between pręstre and prevẹire.

2. Final sts, in nearly all the territory, was reduced to ts: _finïstis_ ＞ finitz, _hŏstis_ ＞ ǫz (accusative ǫst), _trīstes_ ＞ tritz (sg. trist); but sts was kept in ẹstz ＜ _ĭstos_ and in its derivative aquẹstz. Similarly final scs was generally reduced to cs: ✱_bŭscus_? ＞ (bǫcs) bǫcs (accusative bǫsc), _quĭsquis_ ＞ quẹcs.

3. _Conois_ etc. ＜ _co(g)nōsco_ etc. (beside _conosc_ etc.) are doubtless due to the second and third persons (_conoisses_ _conois_ etc.). Some of the modern eastern dialects have _-isso_ corresponding to _-sca_ (_freisso_ etc.): this seems to indicate an old metathesis of sc in that region.

7. MISCELLANEOUS GROUPS.

79. Of the groups not yet discussed, the most important are ct, gd, gn, ks, which show palatalization. It is now generally assumed that the Celts, who had turned their native ct into χt, pronounced Latin ct in the same way when they learned Latin (Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, § 186), and likewise substituted χs for ks (Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, I, § 650), and probably χd, χn for gd, gn. The χ was attracted into a palatal spirant by the following dental, and the dental itself was then palatalized. Most philologists explain the development of cl, gl into l´ (cf. § 68) in a similar way. Inasmuch as Indo-European pt had also been changed to χt in Celtic, it is not unlikely that the Celts substituted χt, χs for Latin pt, ps in a few words; the χ replacing p may sometimes have been rounded.

1. To account for palatalization in the non-Celtic parts of southern Gaul, we may assume either that the spirant pronunciation spread from the Celtic to the other regions, or that in the latter the palatalization came about simply through the mutual attraction of the guttural and the dental.

80. The groups will now be discussed in alphabetical order:--

Bc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱_reprŏb(ĭ)cat_ ＞ reprǫpcha.

Brg ＞ rg or urg in _fabrĭca_ ✱_fabrĭga_ ＞ farga faurga. Cf. § 70, Br.

Bs ＞ bs in the learned words _absens_, _absensa_.

Bsc ＞ sc: _obscūrus_ ＞ escürs.

Bst ＞ st: _sŭbstat_ ＞ sọsta.

Bt ＞ bt, t: _subtīlem_ ＞ sobtil sotil. See also βt below.

Bts ＞ ts: _sŭbtus_ ＞ sọtz.

βc ＞ uc: ✱_avĭca_ ✱_aβca_ ＞ auca.

βc´ ＞ udz or uts, later uz, us: _avicĕllum_ ✱_aβcĕllu_ ＞ auzęl aucęl. Cf. § 65, C´, 1.

βd ＞ ud, in the west bd: _dēbĭtum_ ✱_dēβĭdu_ ✱_deβdu_ ＞ dẹude, _mal’habĭtum_ ✱_malaβĭdu_ ✱_malaβdu_ ＞ malaude; _cīvitātem_ ✱_cīβidāde_ ✱_ciβdad_ ＞ cibdat. Cf. βt below.

βt ＞ ut, in the west pt: _dēbĭtum_ ✱_dēβtu_ ＞ dẹute dẹpte, _dŭbĭto_ ✱_dŭβto_ ＞ dọute dọpte, _mal’habĭtum_ ✱_malaβtu_ ＞ malaute malapte; _cīvitātem_ ✱_cīβtate_ ＞ ciutat (later cieutat: § 44, 2) ciptat, ✱_mŏvĭta_ ✱_mŏβta_ ＞ mǫuta, ✱_remōvĭtum_? ＞ remọute (_Girart_). _Depte_, _malapte_ are not confined to the west (modern Limousin _dete_, Dauphiné _malate_); they come also from Latin _dēb’tum_, _mal’hab’tum_: cf. § 47, (3).

Cc´ ＞ its ＞ is; in the west and the extreme east itš or tš: _ecc’hīc_ ＞ eici eissi eichi achi.

Cm ＞ cm, m: ✱_Jácomus_ ＞ Iacmes Iames (also, perhaps borrowed, Iaimes, Iaumes).

C´m ＞ im or sm: _dĕcĭmum_ ＞ dęime dęsme, _facĭmu(s)_ ＞ faim. Cf. § 52, (4).

Ct ＞ tš in most of the territory; but in the north and northeast, and in the southwest, it became, as in French, it: _coctāre_ ＞ cochar coitar, _dīctum_ ＞ dig dit, _factum_ ＞ fag fait, _lacte_ ＞ lag lait, _lĕctum_ ＞ lięg lęit, _lūcta_ ＞ lücha, _nŏctem_ ＞ nuęg nuęit, _pactum-a_ ＞ pacha, _pĕctus_ ＞ pięg pęitz, _ŏcto_ ＞ uęich[78] uęit. The ct of _(e-)jectāre_ ＞ getar does not show popular treatment; the word is similarly irregular in most of the other languages.

C´t seems to give the same results as ct, namely tš and it: _dīcĭtis_ ＞ ditz, ✱_explĭcitāre_ ＞ esplechar espleitar, _facĭtis_ ＞ faitz, _placĭtum_ ＞ plach plait, (hence _plaieiamen_, _plaideiar_), ✱_vŏcĭtum_ (= _vacuum_) ＞ vuęch vǫig[79] vǫh (hence _voiar_; _voidar_ would appear to presuppose a form ✱vǫit).

DC, dg: see § 73, D-g.

DC´, in the greater part of the territory, became dz, later z; but in Auvergne and some western dialects it became ts, and in parts of the southeast and southwest it gave dž: _duŏdĕcim_ ✱_dōdĕcim_ ＞ dọze dọtze dọge, _jūdĭcem_ ＞ iütge, _radicīna_ ＞ razina, _sēdĕcim_ ＞ sẹze sẹtze sẹtge. _Iütge_ may have been influenced by iütiar.

Dn developed peculiarly in _consuetūdĭnem_ ✱_costūmen_ ＞ costüm, _incūdĭnem_ ✱_inclūd-_? ＞ enclütge.

Gd ＞ dž and id, corresponding to the tš and it from ct: ✱_frĭgdum_ (= _frīgdum_) ＞ frẹg frẹit (fem. frẹia frẹida).[80] The irregularity in _amy̆gdăla_ ＞ amandola goes back to Vulgar Latin. _Frezir_ _freizir_ is perhaps from ✱_fre(i)zar_ (cf. Italian _frizzare_) ＜ ✱_frigdiare_.

G’d: see Yd.

Gm ＞ m: _pigmĕntum_ ＞ pimen. _Fragment_ is learned. Greek γμ became um: _phlĕgma_ ＞ flęuma, _sagma_ ＞ sauma.

Gn ＞ n´: _agnĕllum_ ＞ anhęl, _pŭgnum_ ＞ pọnh. According to the rhymes, final n´ would seem to have become n in many dialects. _Stagnum_ ＞ estanc, _rēgnum_ ＞ rẹnc (also _reing_) show an early metathesis. When _gnōsco_ lost its _g_, _cognōsco_ became ✱_conōsco_ in popular Latin.

Gnd ＞ n´d, later, in different dialects, ind, n´d, nd, ndž: _cŏgnĭtum_ ✱_cŏn´ĭdu_ ＞ ✱cǫnhede ✱cǫnhde, then cǫinde, cuęnde, cǫnge. Cf. Gnt below. See § 47, 1.

Gnt ＞ n´t, later, in different dialects, int, n´t, nt: _cŏgnĭtum_ ＞ ✱_cŏn´ĭtu_ ＞ ✱cǫnhete (the t being due to clerical influence) ＞ cǫinte cǫnte; _dĭgnitātem_ ✱_dĭn´tāte_ ＞ denhtat. Cf. Gnd above.

Ks ＞ is, in most of the territory; in Auvergne and in the extreme east it became itš or tš: _ac sīc_ ＞ aissi, _exāmen_ ＞ eissam eicham echam, _exĭlium_ ＞ eissilh, _exīre_ ＞ eissir eichir ichir, ✱_exorbāre_ ＞ eissorbar, _laxat_ ＞ laissa, _uxōrem_ ＞ oissọr, _tŏxĭcum_ ＞ tuęissec. In _essaiar_, _essemple_, _essilh_, the prefix became es- through the analogy of ex- before consonants: cf. § 55, X.

Ksc ＞ sc; before a, in the north and northeast, stš: ✱_laxicāre_ ＞ laschar, _toxicāre_ ＞ toscar.

Ksm ＞ s´m, later sm: _prŏxĭmum_ ＞ prǫsme pruęsme. For the later history of the s (pruęime), see § 65, S, 1.

Kss ＞ is: ✱_exsanguinātum_ ＞ eissancnat, ✱_exsūcāre_ ＞ eissügar (_essugar_ presupposes a Vulgar Latin es-: see § 55, X).

Pf ＞ f: _sapphīrum_ ＞ safir.

Ppc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱_cloppicāre_ ＞ clopchar.

Ps, in some dialects, remained unaltered; but in most of the territory it changed (through χs: § 79) to is, iš, š, s, and us; iš and š belonging especially to the west, us to the east: _capsa_ ＞ capsa caissa caisha casha, _ĭpse_ ＞ ẹps ẹis, _ĭpsa mĕnte_ ＞ epsament eissamen ichamens, _met-ĭpse_ ＞ medẹis mezẹish medẹs mezẹus, _ne-ĭpse_ ＞ neẹps nẹis nẹus. The ps forms seem to have been crowded out by the others, especially by those with is.

Pt ＞ pt, later t (except in parts of Languedoc and Gascony); in a few words, ut, it: ✱_accaptāre_ (or ✱_accapitāre_?) ＞ acaptar achatar, _aptum_ ＞ apte, _adaptāre_ ＞ azautar (hence _azaut_) through ✱aðaχtāre (§ 79), _baptizāre_ ＞ baptegar (_g_ = dž) bateiar, _capitāle_ ＞ captal catal chatal, _captīvum_ ＞ captiu catiu and more commonly caitiu chaitiu (through ✱caχtīβu: § 79), _rŭpta_ ＞ rọta, _septimāna_ ＞ septmana setmana, _sĕptem_ ＞ sęt. _Escrich_ _escrit_ (= _scrīptum_) are based on _dich_ _dit_.

Td ＞ t (through V. L. tt): _nĭtĭdum_ ＞ nẹt, _pūtĭdum_ ＞ püt. Cf. § 47, (1).

Tm: _marĭtĭma_ ＞ marẹdma.

Tn: if _renha_, ‘rein’, is connected with _rĕtĭne_ (see Körting), it must have been influenced by _renhar_ ＜ _regnāre_.

Ts: _et sīc_, under the influence of _ac sīc_, became ✱_ec sīc_ ＞ eissi eichi ichi.

Yd ＞ dž and id: _cōgĭto_ ✱_cōyĭdo_ ＞ cüg cüit, _cōgitāre_ ✱_cōyidare_ ＞ cüiar cüidar, _rĭgĭdum_ ✱_rĭyĭdu_ ＞ rẹide (§ 50, 1). _Rede_ and the feminine _reza_ are peculiar. Cf. § 49, (1).

FINAL CONSONANTS.

81. The only single consonants that occur in Latin at the end of a word are b, c, d, l, m, n, r, s, t. The only groups (in words preserved) are ks, nt, st.

SINGLE FINAL CONSONANTS.

82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (_ad_, _in_, _per_, _et_) are really medial consonants and must be distinguished from final n, r, t in independent words (_nōmen_, _frater_, _amat_); final d occurs only in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order:--

B appears as b in Iacǫb, p in Iǫp, both learned.

C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects; in others it fell only after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels: _eccu’hŏc_ (§ 55, W) ＞ acǫ (§ 43, 2), _ecce hŏc_ ＞ aissǫ çǫ sǫ, _hŏc_ ＞ ǫ meaning ‘it’ (while ǫc, ‘yes’ probably comes from ✱_hocque_: cf. A. Thomas in _Rom._, XXXVII, 322); _fac_ ＞ fai, _illác_ (§ 16, 4) ＞ lai la, _ecce hac_ ＞ sai sa; _dīc_ ＞ di, _ecce hīc_ ＞ eici, _sīc_ ＞ si. Düi ＜ _dūc_ may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of _düire_ and of _fai_. Cf. § 63, (6).

D in _apud_ fell early: see § 65, P, 2. In the proclitics _ad_, _quĭd_, the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most dialects ð ＞ z (cf. § 65, D): a, quẹ; að az, quẹð quẹz.

L fell in _in sĭmul_ ＞ essẹm. It remained in the learned Abęl, tribunal. It is believed by some that _sivals_, ‘at least’, comes from _sī vel_.

M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): _crēdam_ _crēda_ ＞ crẹza, _dōnum_ _dōnu_ ＞ dọn, _fŏrtem_ _fŏrte_ ＞ fǫrt; _Adam_ is learned. At the end of an independent monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf. § 65, N): _jam_ ＞ ia, _rĕm_ ＞ rẹ rẹn (Marcabru uses rẹy for the rhyme), _sŭm_ (verb) ＞ sọ sọn. At the end of proclitics, m was probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n before dentals, ŋ before gutturals, and disappeared before spirants; but the n forms (helped by the analogy of _en_, _non_) and those without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before labials, and probably took the place of ŋ before gutturals; we find, then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before all other sounds: _quĕm_ ＞ que, _sŭm_ (verb) ＞ sọ sọn, _sŭm_ (= _sŭum_) ＞ sọ sọn sọm, ✱_tŭm_ (= _tŭum_) ＞ tọ tọn tọm.

N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): _nōmen_ _nōme_ ＞ nọm. At the end of proclitics we generally find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms before other consonants, but often m before a labial: _ĭn_ ＞ en (_en amar_, _en cant_), e (_e Fransa_, _e ls_), em (_em breu_); _nōn_ ＞ non (_non es_, _non ges_), no (_no falh_, _no tol_), nom (_nom plagues_).

R remained: _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _cŏr_ ＞ cǫr, _marmor_ ＞ marbre (_marme_ shows dissimilation), _sŏror_ ＞ sǫrre (_sor_ through proclitic use). So in proclitics: _per_ ＞ per, _sŭper_ ＞ sọbre.

1. A Provençal final r began to fall in the west and south in the 14th century: cf. § 65, R, 1.

S remained: _amīcus_ ＞ amics, _cŏrpus_ ＞ cǫrs, _facias_ ＞ fassas, _fŏrtes_ ＞ fǫrtz, _ŏpĕras_ ＞ ǫbras, _sŭbtus_ ＞ sọtz. Between a palatal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some dialects: _annos_ ＞ anz, _fīlios_ ＞ filz; cf. § 63, (1), (8).

1. Final s began to fall or to become i in many dialects as early as the 14th century: cf. § 65, S, 1. In _mai_, beside _mais_, the fall was earlier.

2. Final ts ＞ t, in the second person plural of verbs, in parts of Limousin and Dauphiné: _habētis_ ＞ avęt. Cf. § 64. In all first person plural forms (except esmes) final s fell very early: _amāmus_ _amāmu’_ ＞ amám. Cf. § 167.

3. Through the influence of such common adverbs as _entz_ ＜ _ĭntus_, _fors_ ＜ _fŏris_, _ios_ ＜ _deōrsum_, _mais_ ＜ _magis_, _mens_ ＜ _mĭnus_, _nemps_ ＜ _nĭmis_, _plus_ ＜ _plūs_, _sotz_ ＜ _sŭbtus_, _sus_ ＜ _sūrsum_, s, coming to be regarded as an adverbial ending, was often added to the suffix _-men_ (_belamens_), to many other adverbs, as _ensem-s_, _era-s_, _onca-s_, _poissa-s_, and to some prepositions, as _sen-s_ (cf. _tras_, _vers_, etc.). By the analogy of such double forms, we have _for_, _men_ beside _fors_, _mens_.

4. _Magis_, used as a proclitic, probably became in Vulgar Latin ✱_mais_ and ✱_mas_, whence Provençal _mais_ and _mas_. For _mai_, see 1 above.

T, in independent words, fell very early, except in the preterit of verbs; there it was retained in most dialects in weak preterits of the first and third conjugations, in many dialects in weak preterits of the fourth, but disappeared in strong preterits: _amat_ ＞ ama, _cantābat_ ＞ cantava, _dar_’ ✱_hat_ ＞ darạ, _dōnet_ ＞ dọn, _stat_ ＞ estạ, _partībat_ ＞ partia, _placet_ ＞ platz, _tenēr_’ + _-ē_(_b_)_at_ ＞ tenria, _vĕnit_ ＞ ven; _donāvit_ ＞ donęt donę, _vēndĭdit_ ✱_vendĕ́dit_ ＞ vendęt vendę, _partīvit_ _partīt_ ＞ partị partịt, _placuit_ ＞ plac, _vīdit_ ＞ vi. In the proclitics _et_ and ✱_ot_ (= _aut_), the t fell before consonants; before vowels it became d, which, under the influence of _ad_ and _quĭd_, developed like an original d: _et_ ＞ e, eð ez; ✱_ot_ ＞ o, oð oz; later, e and o came to be used often before vowels also.

FINAL GROUPS.

83. Ks remained in Vulgar Latin at the end of monosyllables only (§ 55, X); there it became, in Provençal, is: _rēx_ ＞ rẹis, _sĕx_ ＞ sęis. _Grecx_, _nicx_ are Latinisms.

Nt was generally reduced to n; but in the extreme north and some parts of the south the t was retained in _-ant_: _amant_ ＞ aman, _habē(b)ant_ ＞ avian aviant; _cantent_ ＞ canten; _vēndunt_ ＞ vẹndon. In some dialects the n fell after o, u (vẹndo, au); _-on_ and _-o_ were used concurrently by the poets.

St ＞ s in _ĕst_ ＞ ęs. Cf. § 28, 5.

SPORADIC CHANGE.

84. For certain consonant changes no laws have been established.[81] Some of them doubtless originate in the language of children, which is governed by principles different from those which regulate the speech of adults. Others are due to vague associations of sound or sense. Borrowed and learned words are especially exposed to such whimsical alteration.

INSERTION.

85. The insertion (or addition) of a consonant, in such cases as those mentioned below, is probably always due to some false association or wrong etymology, but the specific cause often cannot be ascertained; the added consonant seems to be generally a liquid or a nasal:--

alhọnd_r_e -s ＜ _aliŭnde_: V. L. ✱_aliŭnder_?

co_n_si = _cossi_ ＜ _eccu’ sīc_: analogy of the prefix _co-_ _con-_. Cf. § 76, (1), nf, ns.

enc_l_utge ＜ _incūdĭnem_: cf. French _enclume_.

e_n_gal = _egal_ ＜ _æquālem_: analogy of the prefix _e-_ _en-_. Cf. § 76, (1), nf, ns.

i_n_vęrn = _ivern_ ＜ _hibĕrnum_: _hi-_ mistaken for the prefix _in-_; cf. Italian _inverno_, etc.

par_v_en (hence _parvensa_) ＜ _parĕntem_ (_parēre_): analogy of _ferven_, _serven_, or of _espaven_, _espavensa_, or influence of _parui_, etc.?

pe_n_chenar ＜ _pectināre_: analogy of _pencheire_, _penchura_?

perd_r_is = _perditz_ ＜ _perdīcem_: progressive assimilation? Cf. French _perdrix_.

pǫuze_r_ = _pouze_ ＜ _pŏllĭcem_: confusion with _polgar_ ＜ _pollicāre_.

ref_r_eitọr = _refeitor_ ＜ _refectōrium_: association with _refreidar_ (_freit_).

re_n_linquir = _relinquir_ ＜ _relĭnquĕre_: analogy of _e-_ _en-_; cf. _reforsar_ and French _renforcer_.

METATHESIS.

86. Metathesis is not very common in Provençal, although a few texts offer many examples; it is apparently restricted to liquids and nasals:--

cabi_r_ǫl = ✱_cabriol_ ＜ _capreŏ́lum_.

cocod_r_illa ＜ _crocodīlum_: cf. Italian _coccodrillo_.

c_r_aba = _cabra_ ＜ _capra_.

enf_r_ondar = ✱_enfondrar_ ＜ French _effondrer_ ＜?✱_infŭndulāre_.

esc_r_emir ＜ _skirmôn_: cf. French _escrimer_.

esta_n_c ＜ _stagnum_: cf. French _étang_.

estu_r_men = _estrument_ ＜ _instrumĕntum_: cf. Italian _stormento_.

fo_r_mir = _fromir_ ＜ _frumjan_: cf. French _formir_, etc.

f_r_eïr = _ferir_ ＜ _ferīre_.

g_r_ada = _garda_ ＜ ✱_warda_.

g_r_epir = _guerpir_ ＜ _wërpan_.

lhu_n_ = _nulh_ ＜ _nūllum_: analogy of _negun_. Cf. Fr. _nune part_ (Balzac).

p_r_esseguier (also _pess-_) ＜ ✱_préssega_ ＜ _pĕrsĭca_.

rẹ_n_c (also _regne_) ＜ _rēgnum_.

t_r_ida ＜ τίγριδα.

t_r_onar ＜ _tonitruāre_ + _thrŏnus_.

t_r_uǫill ＜ _tŏrculum_.

t_r_obar ＜?_tŭrbāre_: see Körting.

1. In _ginhol_ = _genolh_ ＜ _genŭcŭlum_ the palatalization is shifted from the liquid to the nasal. In _lunh_ = _nulh_ ＜ _nullum_, on the other hand, the palatalization remains at the end of the word, but the liquid and the nasal change places.

DISSIMILATION.

87. Dissimilation, like the other irregular phenomena, affects mainly liquids and nasals, particularly r; it is not, however, entirely confined to these classes. The two nasals, m and n, are similar enough to undergo dissimilation. Some of the cases go back to Vulgar Latin, while others are peculiar to Provençal or to Provençal and French. In the table below, a dash indicates the total disappearance of the consonant in question.

β + β ＞ β + -- (v + --): _habēbam_ ＞ ✱_aβēa_ ＞ avia, ✱_vivāciārium_ ＞ viacier, _vivācius_ ＞ viatz. _Vianda_, whatever its ultimate origin may be, was probably borrowed from French.

kw + kw ＞ k + kw: _quīnque_ ＞ _cīnque_ ＞ cinc.

l + l ＞ r + l, -- + l, d + l: _calamĕllum_ ＞ calamęl caramęl, ✱_umbilīcŭlum_ ＞ emborígol, _flēbĭlem_ ＞ flẹble frẹble fẹble, _ŭlulāre_ ＞ ulular udolar. Perhaps püs = plüs ＜ _plūs_ is to be explained by dissimilation, occurring in such phrases as _plus larc_, _plus lonc_.

m + m ＞ n + m: _memorāre_ ＞ membrar nembrar (renembransa).

m + n ＞ m + r: ✱_comĭnicāre_ ＞ comenegar comergar, ✱_indomĭnicātum_ ＞ endomeniat endomergat, _mancĭpium_ ＞ mansip massip marsip, _manĭcum_ ＞ margue, _mŏnăchum_ ＞ mongue morgue.

n + m ＞ r + m: _anĭma_ ＞ anma arma, ✱_mĭnimāre_ ＞ mermar.