Part 6

(3) Rr, when intervocalic, seems generally to have been distinguished from r during the literary period and later: _cŭrrĕre_ ＞ cọrre, ✱_corrŭptiāre_ ＞ corrossar, _errāre_ ＞ errar, _tĕrra_ ＞ tęrra. Occasionally, however, rr is found in rhyme with r.

2. GROUPS ENDING IN L.

68. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that bl, rl, sl remained unchanged; ml developed a glide consonant between its two members; pl, tl, βl and yl respectively voiced, assimilated, and vocalized their first element; while cl, gl were fused into l´. For an explanation of this last phenomenon, see § 79.

Bl ＞ bl: _nĕbŭla_ ＞ nębla, ✱_oblītāre_ ＞ oblidar, _sabulōnem_ ＞ sablọn.[59]

βl ＞ ul: _fabŭla_ ✱_faβla_ ＞ faula, _sibilāre_ ✱_siβlāre_ ＞ siular, _tabŭla_ ✱_taβla_ ＞ taula.

Cl ＞ l´: _genŭcŭlum_ ＞ genọlh, _ŏcŭlum_ ＞ ǫlh, _sĭtŭla_ ✱_sĭcla_[60] ＞ sẹlha, _vĕtŭla_ _vĕcla_[60] ＞ vęlha. In learned words we find gl, cl: ✱_e(c)clĕsia_ ＞ glęiza, _joculārem_ ＞ ioglar, _sæcŭlum_ ＞ sęgle sęcle.

C´l ＞ il: _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile.

Dl ＞ dl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: _mŏdŭlum_ ＞ ✱mǫdle mǫlle.

Gl ＞ l´: _rēgŭla_ ＞ rẹlha, ✱_strĭgŭla_ ＞ estrẹlha, _vĭg(ĭ)lat_ ＞ vẹlha. Lẹula ＜ _lĕgŭla_, tẹula ＜ _tēgŭla_ are irregular: cf. _Archivio glottologico italiano_, XIII, 439, 459.

Ml ＞ mbl: _sĭmĭlāre_ ＞ semblar, _trĕmŭlat_ ＞ trẹmbla. In _sembrar_ we find an r ＜ l due perhaps to the analogy of membrar ＜ _memorāre_. _In semel_ gives ensẹmble essẹms.

Pl ＞ bl: _cōpŭla_ ＞ cọbla, _dŭplum_ ＞ dọble. Learned words have pl: _duplicar_.

Rl ＞ rl: _Carŏlus_ ＞ Carles, _hōrolŏgium_ ＞ orlǫi, ✱_paraulare_ ＞ parlar.

Sl ＞ sl: _ī(n)sŭla_ ＞ isla. For _ilha_, see § 65, S, 1.

Tl ＞ tl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: _rŏtŭlum_ ＞ rǫtle rǫlle, _spathūla_ ＞ espatla espalla espala. In really popular words tl had become cl in Vulgar Latin.[61]

Yl ＞ il: _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes. Cf. § 65, Y, (1).

69. A group of three consonants remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: _ambulāre_ ＞ amblar, _implēre_ ＞ emplir, _avŭncŭlus_ ＞ avọncles, _cĭrcŭlus_ ＞ cẹrcles, _mascŭlus_ ＞ mascles, ✱_afflammāre ＞ aflamar_, _inflāre_ ＞ enflar, _ŭngŭla_ ＞ ọngla, _emplastrum_ ＞ emplastre.

1. _Selcle_, beside _cercle_, seems to show an assimilation of the r to the l of the next syllable. _Empastre_, beside _emplastre_, has been influenced by _pasta_. _Emblar_ is probably from V. L. ✱_imbolare_ = _involare_.

3. GROUPS ENDING IN R.

70. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that br, gr, lr, nr generally remained unchanged; mr, sr, zr (and sometimes lr, nr) developed a glide consonant; cr, pr voiced, and βr, c´r, dr, tr, yr vocalized their first element.

Br ＞ br, also ur, occasionally ir (through ür): _fabrum_ ＞ fabre faure[62], _fĕbrem_ ＞ fębre fęure, _lībra_ ＞ liura; _Octōbrem_ ＞ ochọyre. For brg, see § 80.

βr ＞ ur, occasionally ir: _bĭbĕre_ ＞ bęure, débēr’ hábḙo ＞ deβr’áyo ＞ deurái, ✱_rōbŏrem_ ＞ rọure rọire; ✱_mŏvĕre_ (= _mŏvēre_) ＞ mǫure, _plŏvĕre_ ＞ plǫure.

Cr ＞ gr: _acrem_ ＞ agre, _lacrĭma_ ＞ lagrema, _lŭcrum_ ＞ lọgre, _macrum_ ＞ magre, _sacrāre_ ＞ sagrar, _sŏcrum_ ＞ sǫgre.[63] In late learned words we find cr: _secret_.

C´r ＞ ir: _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫire, _dīcĕre_ ＞ dire, _dūcere_ ＞ düire, _facĕre_ ＞ faire. Cf. § 49, (1).

Dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: _divīdĕre_ ＞ devire, _quadrum_ ＞ caire, vídēr’ hábe̯o ＞ veð’r-áyo ＞ veirái. After au, apparently, ð simply disappeared: _claudĕre_ ＞ claure. Late learned words have dr: _quadrupedi_.

Gr, in popular words, was reduced to r in Vulgar Latin in parts of the Empire _fra(g)rāre_ ＞ ✱frarar ✱flarar flazar, _intĕ(g)rum_ ＞ entęr entięr, _nĭ(g)rum_ ＞ nęr nięr,[64] _pere(g)rīnum_ ＞ peleri, _pĭ(g)rĭtia_ ＞ perẹza; these forms occur in Gascony, Rouergue, and Limousin, but forms with gr are found in the same region. Elsewhere, in these same words, and everywhere, in more bookish words, gr remained in Vulgar Latin; this gr was kept in most of the Provençal territory, but was changed to ir in Dauphiné, Auvergne, and Languedoc: _fragrāre_ ＞ flairar, _integrāre_ ＞ enteirar, _intĕ́grum_ ＞ entęgre entęir,[65] _nĭgrēscĕre_ ＞ negrezir, _nĭgrum_ ＞ nẹgre nẹir,[65] _peregrīnum_ ＞ pelegri, _pĭgrĭtia_ ＞ pigręza. Purely learned words have gr everywhere: _agricultura_.

G´r: see Yr.

Lr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ldr[66]: vălēr’ hábe̯o ＞ valrai valdrai, ✱vólēr’ hábe̯o ＞ volrai voldrai.

Mr ＞ mbr: _camĕra_ ＞ cambra, _memorāre_ ＞ membrar, _nŭmĕrum_ ＞ nọmbre.

Nr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ndr[66] _cĭnĕrem_ ＞ cẹnre cẹndre, _dīe Vĕnĕris_ ＞ divenres divendres, _in-gĕnerāre_ ＞ engenrar, _Henrīcum_ ＞ Enric, _expōnĕre_ ＞ espọnre espọndre, ✱_gĕnĕrem_ (= _gĕnus_) ＞ genre, _gĕnĕrum_ ＞ genre gendre, _honorāre_ ＞ onrar ondrar, _tenēr’ habeo_ ＞ tenrai tendrai, _venīr’ habeo_ ＞ venrai vendrai.

Pr ＞ br: _capra_ ＞ cabra, _cŭperāre_ ＞ cobrar, _erĭpĕre_ ＞ erẹbre, _ŏpĕra_ ＞ ǫbra, _pauper_ ＞ paubre, ✱_pĭperāta_ ＞ pebrada, _recĭpĕre_ ＞ recẹbre, _sŭperāre_ ＞ sobrar, _sŭper_ ＞ sọbre. Purely learned words have pr: _caprin_. It is uncertain whether _paupre_ (beside the usual _paubre_) is a Latinism or represents some dialect in which au prevented voicing.

Sr ＞ str: ✱_ĕssĕre_ (= _ĕsse_) ＞ ęstre. For ęsser, see § 49, (2).

Tr ＞ dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _fratrem_ ＞ fraire, _latro_ ＞ laire, _mater_ ＞ maire, _ŭtĕrem_ ＞ ọire, _pĕtra_ ＞ pęira, _Pĕtrus_ ＞ Pęires, _petrōnem_ ＞ peirọ, _petrōsus_ ＞ peirọs, _pre(s)by̆tĕrum_ (_Einf._, § 140) ＞ prevẹire, _servītor_ ＞ servire, _vĭtrum_ ＞ vẹire. Learned words have dr and tr: ✱_poenĭtĕre_ ＞ _penedre_ (_penedir_), _impetrāre_ ＞ _impetrar_.

Yr ＞ ir: _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęyre.

Zr ＞ zdr: _mīsĕrunt_ + ✱_mĭssĕrunt_ ＞ ✱mẹzron mẹsdron.

1. _Redebre_ (beside _rezemér_) ＜ _redĭmere_ has apparently been influenced by _recebre_. The Burgundian _sor_ for _sobre_ comes from the prefix _sŭr-_ (_sŭr-rīdēre_, etc.). _Perri_ ＜ ✱_pētrīnum_ is probably French.

71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: _ŭmbra_ ＞ ọmbra, _arbŏrem_ ＞ arbre, _sepŭlcrum_ ＞ sepulcre, ✱_canc(e)rōsus_ ＞ cancrọs, ✱_addīrēctum_ ＞ adrẹit, _fŭndĕre_ ＞ fọndre, _ardĕre_ ＞ ardre, ✱_offerīre_ ＞ offrir, ✱_Hungaría_ ＞ Ongria, _rŭmpĕre_ ＞ rọmpre, _apprĕssum_ ＞ apręs, _asprum_ ＞ aspre, _ŭltra_ ＞ ọltra, _intrāre_ ＞ entrar, _mo(n)strāre_ ＞ mostrar, _mĭttĕre_ ＞ mẹtre. Lβr and rg´r, however, regularly became ldr and rdr, and llr became ldr to the same extent as lr (q. v.): _absŏlvĕre_ ＞ absǫldre (_absolvre_ is probably a Latinism), _pŭlvĕrem_ ＞ pọldre; ✱_dē-ēr’ gĕre_ ＞ dẹrdre; _tollĕre_ ＞ tǫlre tǫldre. Rmr became rbr in _marmor_ ＞ marbre (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ＜ _pĕndĕre_) through the analogy of genre gendre, etc.; the first r having been lost by dissimilation.

1. The four-consonant group sbtr is reduced to str in _prestre_ ＜ _prĕsby̆ter_. _Prever_ is perhaps a proclitic syncopation of a V. L. ✱_preβiter_. Cf. § 78, 1.

4. GROUPS ENDING IN W.

72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations of consonant + u̯, cf. § 40, (2). A w thus evolved seems to have developed like Germanic w (cf. § 56, W): it became gw (assimilating the preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal), and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § 62, (2). Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand, to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that we find in βw ＞ ww.

1. G. Körting (_Zs._, XXII, 258) would explain through the analogy of the perfects in _-cui_ all other perfect forms which in Provençal have g and c corresponding to Latin _-ui_ etc.

ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: _habuĭssem_ ＞ aguẹs, _dēbuit_ ＞ dẹc (§ 63); ✱_co(g)nōvuit_ (cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 357) ＞ conọc, ✱_crevuĭstī_ ＞ creguist, ✱_movuĭsset_ ＞ mogues, ✱_plŏvuit_ ＞ plǫc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic _treuwa_ ＞ tręgua tręga (_treva_ is probably French).

1. The diphthong of _aic_ = _habuī_ is probably not a phonetic development. The first and third persons of the preterit, _aic_ and _ac_ (＜ _habuit_), have been differentiated after the pattern of the present--_ai_ and _a_.

Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱_sĕduit_ ＞ sęc.

1. _Vezoa_ ＜ _vĭdua_ must be an early learned word: _veuva_ is perhaps from _veua_ ＜ _veuða_ ＜ _veðua_.

Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: _antīqua_ ＞ antiga, _ĕqua_ ＞ ęga, _æquālem_ ＞ egal (_engal_ has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix _en-_ or _e-_ ＜ _in-_), _nŏcuit_ ＞ nǫc, _placuĭstī_ ＞ plaguist, ✱_sĕquĕre_ (= _sĕqui_) ＞ sęgre, ✱_sequīre_ ＞ seguir, _tacuĭssem_ ＞ taguẹs.

1. Several words show a different development: cf. _Ltblt._, XXIV, 335; _Zs._, XXVIII, 381. In _aqua_ (or _acqua_) and _aquĭla_ (or ✱_acquĭla_) the first consonant became, for some reason, a spirant, which later changed to i: aχwa ＞ aiwa ＞ aigua aiga, áχwila ＞ áiwila ＞ áigwila ＞ aigla. So _aiglentina_. These same words show irregularities in other languages. Perhaps the dialect form _eigal_ (Auvergne, Arles) for _egal_ is to be explained in the same way; but the _ei_ here may be analogical.

2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c´) in Vulgar Latin: _coquĕre_ (+ _cŏcus_) ＞ _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫzer, _tŏrquēre_ ✱_tŏrquĕre_ (+ ✱_tŏrco_ ✱_tŏrcunt_) ＞ ✱_tŏrcĕre_ ＞ tǫrser. Cf. § 55, W.

Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: _caluit_ ＞ calc, ✱_toluĭstī_ ＞ tolguist, _valuĭssem_ ＞ valguẹs, _vŏluĕrunt_ (§ 16, 2) ＞ vǫlgron.

Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: _tĕnuit_ ＞ tẹnc, ✱_venuĭsset_ ＞ venguẹs; _sanguem_ ＞ sanc; _cīnque_ (= _quinque_) ＞ cinc.

1. Tęuns ＜ _tĕnuis_ is probably a learned word; the transposition of u and n may have been due originally to a misreading of the letters. _Ianuer_, _manual_, etc. are learned. _Maneira_ is apparently from a Vulgar Latin ✱_man(u)aria_ from _manuarius_. For _enquerre_ ＜ _inquærĕre_, see § 59.

2. _Exstĭnguĕre_ (+ ✱_exstĭngo_ ✱_exstĭngunt_) ＞ ✱_estĭngĕre_ ＞ estẹnher.

Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: _sapuĭsset_ ＞ saubẹs, _recĭpuit_ ＞ recẹup.

1. _Saupes_ apparently belongs to a dialect in which au prevented voicing. Cf. § 65, P, 3.

Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: _mĕruit_ ＞ męrc.

Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in _consuetūdĭnem_ ✱_costūmen_ ＞ costüm (costüma). _Cōnsŭo_ apparently became ✱_cōsio_, whence an infinitive ✱_cōsĕre_ or ✱_cosīre_ (Pr. cǫzer, cosir).

Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: _pŏtuit_ ＞ pǫc.

1. _Ba(t)tuo_, _qua(t)tuor_ were reduced to _batto_, ✱_quattor_ in Vulgar Latin: Pr. _bat_, _quatre_.

5. GROUPS ENDING IN Y.

73. This class contains: 1st, combinations of consonant + y ＜ e̯ or i̯, cf. § 40, (2); 2d, consonant + g´ ＞ y (§ 55, G), the g´ having been in some cases always contiguous to the preceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g ＞ y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § 65, G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § 65, Y. See § 63, (1). The groups will be considered in alphabetical order:--

Bry ＞ bry in _ebriācum_ ＞ ebriac (_iure_ is probably French).

βy was early reduced to y in _habeo_ _habeam_ etc. and _dēbeo_ _dēbeam_ etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of _audio_ ＞ ✱_auyo_ _audiam_ ＞ ✱_auya_ and _video_ ＞ ✱_veyo_ _vĭdeam_ ＞ ✱_veya_; this y, like any other medial y (§ 65, Y), became džy̆ or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form ✱_ach_), aia; dẹi dẹch, dẹia. Aside from these words, βy ＞ udž and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy--uy prevailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: _abbrĕviat_ ＞ abręuia, ✱_aggrĕviat_ ＞ agrẹuia, _allĕviat_ ＞ alęuia, _avĭŏ́lum_ ＞ aviǫl aiǫl, _cavĕa_ ＞ gabia cauia, _labia_ ＞ lavia-s, ✱_leviarius_ ＞ leugięrs, ✱_rabiam_ (= _rabiem_) ＞ rabia rauia,[67] ✱_rabiāre_ ＞ rabiar, _rabiōsus_ ＞ rabiọs rauiọs, _rŭbeum_ ＞ rọg rọi,[68] ✱_sabium_ ＞ savi sabi, _atavia_ ＞ tavia, _vidŭvium_ ＞ vezọig bedọi.[68] In purely learned words, Latin _bi_, _vi_, etc., are kept: _abiurament_, _fluvial_. _Brĕvio_ ＞ bręy: cf. § 65, β, 3.

Cc´y: see C´y.

Cly ＞ l´: _coclearium_ ＞ cuilhięr.

Cty ＞ is: _factiōnem_ ＞ faissọ, _lectiōnem_ ＞ leissọ, _suspectiōnem_ ＞ sospeissọ. In purely learned words we find the spellings _cti_, _cci_, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: _electio_, _accio_. Cf. Ssy.

C´y, cc´y, kwy ＞ ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: _bracchia_ ＞ brassa, _bracchium_ ＞ bratz bras (§ 64), _faciam_ ＞ faza fassa, _faciem_ ＞ fatz fas, _glaciem_ ＞ glatz glas[69], _laqueāre_ ＞ lassar, _laqueum_ ＞ latz las, ✱_pĕcia_ ＞ pęssa, _placeam_ ＞ plassa. Learned words have _zi_ and _ci_, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, _Zs._, XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): _iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia_. Cf. Pty.

D-g ＞ dž: _jūdĭco_ ＞ iütge, _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ męge, ✱_sĕdĭcum_ ＞ sęie[70].

Dy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Gdy: see § 80, Gd.

Gy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Kwy: see Cy.

Lc´y ＞ lts ＞ uts ＞ us: _calceāre_ ＞ caussar. Cf. Lty. See § 74, (2).

Lg´ apparently became ldz ＞ udz ＞ uz in ✱_fŭlgĕrem_ (= _fŭlgur_) ＞ fọuzer.

Ll-g´ ＞ l´ in _cŏllĭgit_ ＞ cuęlh. Cf. Ly.

Lly: see Ly.

Lny ＞ n´: _balneum_ ＞ banh.

Lty ＞ lts >uts ＞ us: ✱_altiāre_ ＞ auçar aussar. Cf. Lc´y. See § 74, (2).

Lvy ＞ lby ＞ uby in _salvia_ ＞ saubia (Gascon).

Ly, lly ＞ l´: _consĭlium_ ＞ cossẹlh, _fīlium_ ＞ filh, _fīlia_ ＞ filha, _nūllī_ + vowel ＞ nülh. Learned words have _li_: _familiarmens_. _Lili_ _liri_ _lire_ ＜ _līlium_ are doubtless learned; _lis_ is French.

Mby ＞ mby, mdž, and ndž; mdž being the usual form in the literary language: _cambiāre_ ＞ camiar caniar cambiar.

Mmy ＞ my, mdž, and ndž: _commeātus_ ＞ comiatz coniatz.

Mny ＞ n´ in Limousin and in the extreme east and southwest, elsewhere ndž: _somniāre_ ＞ sonhar soniar. _Somni_, beside _suenh_ _songe_, is learned.

Mply ＞ mply in _ampliāre_ ＞ ampliar, probably learned.

My ＞ my and n´: _sīmia_ ＞ simia, _vindēmia_ ＞ vendẹmia vendanha.

Nc´y ＞ nts ＞ ns: ✱_Francia_ ＞ Fransa. Cf. Nty.

Nd-g ＞ ndž: ✱_pĕndĭcat_ ＞ penia, _vĭndĭco_ ＞ vẹnie. Similarly _mandūcāre_ ＞ ✱_mandugare_ _manduyare_ _mandyare_ ＞ maniar[71].

Ndy ＞ n´: ✱_Burgŭndia_ ＞ Borgọnha, _verecŭndia_ ＞ vergọnha.

N-g ＞ ndž: ✱_excommĭnĭco_ (= _excommūnĭco_) ＞ escomẹnie[71], _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monie.

Ng´ ＞ n´ and ndž: _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iọnher iọnger, _ŭngĕre_ ＞ ọnher ọnger, _plangĕre_ ＞ planher planger, _pŭngĕre_ ＞ pọnher pọnger. _Angel_ is probably learned.

Ng´y ＞ ndž: _spŏngia_ ＞ esponia.

Nny ＞ n´: _stanneum_ ＞ estanh.

Nty ＞ nts ＞ us: _cantiōnem_ ＞ cansọ, _comĭn(i)tiāre_ ＞ comensar, _sperantia_ ＞ esperansa. Purely learned words have _nti_: _essentia_. Cf. Nc´y.

Ny ＞ n´: _extraneum_ ＞ estranh, _tĕneo_ ＞ tenh, _vĕniat_ ＞ venha. Before or during the literary period final n´ or n´s lost its palatal quality in many dialects: _ingĕnium_ ＞ genh gen. If _estraniar_ comes from _extraneāre_ (and not from ✱_extranicāre_), it must be a word of later adoption; so _estrangier_. In _sotran_ ＜ _subterraneum_ there is probably a change of suffix.

Pry probably became regularly bry: _capreŏlum_ ＞ ✱cabriǫl cabirǫl (cabrǫl seems to be a new formation from _cabra_). _Coyre_ ＜? _cŭpreum_ is unexplained.

Pty ＞ ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: ✱_captiāre_ ＞ cassar, ✱_corrŭptiāre_ ＞ corrossar, _nĕptia_ ＞ nęssa, ✱_nŏptias_ (§ 38, 2) ＞ nǫssas. Cf. C´y.

Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became ptš, later tš: _apium_ ＞ ache api, ✱_apprŏpiat_ (＜ _prŏpe_) ＞ aprǫpcha aprǫcha aprǫpia, _sapiam_ ＞ sapcha sacha sapia, _sapiĕntem_ ＞ sachent sapient, _sēpia_ ＞ sẹpia. _Asabentar_ is from sabẹn. _Piion_ ＜ _pipiōnem_ is French. Learned words have _pi_: _copia_; but _mancĭpium_ ＞ _mancip massip_.

Rc´y ＞ rts (＞ rs?): _urceŏ́lum_ (_Zs._, XXVI, 668) ＞ orzǫl.

Rdy ＞ rdz: ✱_dis-tardiat_ ＞ destarza. Ordi = _hŏrdeum_ is perhaps from the genitive _hŏrdeī_, as in _tres modii hordei_, etc.

R-g ＞ rdž: _clĕrĭcus_ ＞ clęries.

Rg´ ＞ rdž and rdz (＞ rz): _argĕntum_ ＞ argen, ✱_burgē(n)sis_ ＞ borgẹs borzẹs (also _borgues_, under the influence of _borc_), ✱_dē-ērĭgit_ ＞ dẹrs, ✱_dē-ē(i)gĕre_ ＞ dẹrzer (also _derdre_: § 71), _sŭrgĕre_ ＞ sọrger sọrzer, _sŭrgit_ ＞ sọrtz.

Rny ＞ rn´: ✱_Arvĕrnium_ ＞ Alvęrnhe.

Rr-g ＞ rdž: ✱_carrĭcat_ ＞ caria.

Rry ＞ ir: _porrum_ ＞ ✱_porreum_ ＞ poyre; but ✱_horrearium_? ＞ orgięr (cf. Körting).

Rt-g ＞ rdž and rts (＞ rs): ✱_excŏrtĭcat_ ＞ escǫria escǫrsa.

Rty ＞ rts ＞ rs ✱_fortiāre_ ＞ forsar, _tĕrtium_ ＞ tęrz tęrs. _Convercio_ is learned.

Rvy ＞ rvy rby: ✱_cĕrvia_ ＞ cervia cerbia.

Ry ＞ r´, which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word[72]: ✱_exclariāre_ ＞ esclairar, ✱_donatōria_ ＞ donadọira, ✱_fĕria_ ＞ fęira fięira, _fĕriat_ ＞ fęira, _matĕria_ ＞ madęira, ✱_mŏriat_ ＞ mǫira, _primaria_ ＞ premęira premięira (§ 23, 1), ✱_punitōria_ ＞ punidọira, _varia_ ＞ vaira, _variāre_ ＞ vairar; ✱_a(u)gūrium_ ＞ aür, _cŏrium_ ＞ cuęr, ✱_donatōrium_ ＞ donadọr, _impĕrium_ ＞ empięr, _mĭnistĕrium_ ＞ mestięr, ✱_mŏrio_ ＞ mǫr muęr, _monastĕrium_ ＞ mostięr (§ 45, 3), _primarius_ ＞ premięrs, ✱_punitōrius_ ＞ punidọrs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: _Auriācum_ ＞ Auriac (_Zs._, XXVII, 559). Learned words have _ri_: _bori_ ＜ _ebŏreum_, _contrari_.

1. Adjectives in _-er_ (_-ier_) and _-or_, coming from _-arium_ and _-ōrium_, regularly have feminines in _-eira_ (_-ieira_) and _-oira_. By the analogy of the masculine, there is a feminine in _-era_ in parts of the west; by the analogy of the feminine, there is a masculine in _-eir_ in Auvergne. The i of _vair_ probably comes from the feminine _vaira_ and from the verb _vairar_. The noun _feira_ sometimes becomes _fiera_ like a feminine adjective.

Sc´y: see Ssy.

Ssy, sc´y, sty ＞ s´, which in most of the territory became is, but in the west and the extreme east developed into i(t)š and (t)š: ✱_bassiāre_ ＞ baissar baichar bachar, ✱_angŭstia_ ＞ engọissa, ✱_ingrŏssiat_ ＞ engruęissa, _fascia_ ＞ faissa, ✱_grassiāre_ ＞ graissar, _pŏstea_ ＞ puęissas pueih püch, _ūstium_ ＞ üis.

Sty: see Ssy.

Sy ＞ z´, which in most of the territory became iz, but in parts of the northeast, north, and west developed into i(d)ž and (d)ž, and in some scattered dialects gave y and z: _basium_ ＞ bais bai (§ 63), _basiare_ ＞ baisar baiiar baiar bayar basar, _quasi_ + vowel ＞ cais quaish, _camisia_ (cf. _Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie_, XII, 265) ＞ camiza, _cerĕsea_ (_Einf._, § 103) ＞ ciręiza cirięiia cerięya cerięza, _ma(n)siōnem_ ＞ maisọn maiiọn maiọn mayọ, _occasiōnem_ ＞ ochaizọ, _pre(hen)siōnem_ ＞ preisọ (cf. enpreyọna, ‘imprisons’), _quĭd se_ + vowel ＞ quẹis, Ger. _sazjan_ ＞ saisir, _to(n)siōnem_ ＞ toisọ.

T-g ＞ dž: ✱_coratĭcum_ ＞ corage, ✱_paratĭcum_ ＞ parage, _viaticum_ ＞ viatie. For _messatgue_, etc., see § 65, (3).

Try apparently became ir: _atrium_? ＞ aire, _arbĭtrium_ ＞ albire.

Tty ＞ ts ＞ s: ✱_plattĕa_ ＞ plassa.

Ty ＞ apparently t´ ＞ d´ ＞ generally d´z´,[73] which in most of the west and north became dz, but in the south and east developed into idz; dz and idz, when they remained medial, were reduced, before and during the literary period, to z and iz: ✱_altĭtia_ ＞ altẹza, ✱_bellĭtia_ ＞ belẹza, _malĭtia_ ＞ malẹza, _pigrĭtia_ ＞ perẹza, ✱_prĕtiat_ ＞ pręza, ✱_rikĭtia_ ＞ riquẹza; _palatium_ ＞ palatz palaitz palais (§ 64), _pŭteum_ ＞ pọtz püis, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz pręs, _solatium_ ＞ solatz solas; _potiōnem_ ＞ pozọn poizọn, ✱_pretiāre_ ＞ prezar, _ratiōnem_ ＞ razọ raizọn, _s(t)atiōnem_ ＞ sazọ saizọn. The forms without i prevail in the literary language, and in words in which the dz comes after the accent (especially in the ending -ẹza) they seem to have encroached largely upon the ground of the others.[74] According to some philologists, the development of ty differed according to its position before or after the accent: for a brief bibliography of the discussion, see _Zs._, XXVII, 689. In learned words we find _zi_, _ci_, _çi_, _ti_: _estimatio_, _iustizia_ _-icia_ _-ecia_ _-eçia_, _natio_ _nacio_, _negoci_, _servizi_ _-ici_ (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545, XXV, 736, XXXI, 200).

1. _Palai_ (beside _palatz_ _-aitz_ _-ais_) may have been made from _palais_ (used by Bertran de Born and in _Flamenca_) by dropping the s which was regarded as an inflectional ending. It was perhaps influenced by such words as _bais_ _bai_: cf. Sy. A clerical Latin ✱_palasium_, however, would account, not only for _palai_ _palais_, but also for French _palais_ and for Italian _palagio_.

2. Modern _poijon_ (Alps) and _rajo_ (Limousin) have perhaps followed the analogy of such words as _maison_ _maijon_ _majon_: cf. Sy.

3. _Escoisson_ ＜ _excŭtiunt_ seems to follow ✱_escois_ ＜ _excŭtio_. It was perhaps influenced by _conoisson_ ＜ _co(g)nōscunt_.

4. Some of the modern western dialects have d in _radon_, _sadon_, etc. = _razo_, _sazo_, etc.

6. GROUPS BEGINNING WITH L, M, N, R, OR S.

74. (1) Of the groups beginning with l (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c before a became tš in the north and northwest).-- lb, lc (and llc), lg (llg), lm, lp, lv: _alba_ ＞ alba; _calcāre_ ＞ calcar, _collocāre_ ✱_colcāre_ ＞ colcar (-char); _collocare_ ✱_collogare_ ✱_colgare_ ＞ colgar; _hëlm_ ＞ ęlm, _ŭlmum_ ＞ ọlm; _cŏlăphum_ ✱_cŏlpum_ ＞ cǫlp (κόλπος ＞ gọlfe is unexplained); _calvum_ ＞ _calv_ (= calf?), _salvāre_ ＞ salvar. Ld, ls (lls), lt (llt) were regularly unchanged except for the vocalization of the l: see below. Lc´ (llc´) became lts, and then the l was vocalized: see below. Lc´p became lp in _calce pīsāre_ ＞ calpisar. Lg´, llg´, have been treated in § 73. Lvs, lvt became ls, lt, and then the l was vocalized: see below.

(2) L became u before the dental consonants d, s, t in most of the dialects. The vocalization seems to have begun in the 8th century and to have progressed through the literary period and later. It is difficult to trace it, as _l_ long continued to be written for u. In modern Provençal, ls remains in Languedoc, lt in Rouergue. _Auça_ occurs in the _Boeci_. The l was probably first retracted, to differentiate it from the following dental; and then this velar l was opened into u. Ex.: _cal(ĭ)daria_ ＞ caudiera, _cal(ĭ)dum_ ＞ caut, _sŏl(ĭ)dum_ ＞ sǫlt sǫut; _falsum_ ＞ fals faus, _malos_ ＞ mals maus, _valles_ ＞ vals vaus; ✱_fallĭta_ ＞ fauta, _mŭltum_ ＞ mọlt mọut, ✱_tŏllĭtum_ ＞ tǫlt tǫut; _dŭlcem_ ＞ dọlz dọutz dọus, _pŏllĭcem_ ＞ pǫutz, _salĭcem_ ＞ sautz; _calvus_ ＞ ✱cals caus, ✱_vŏlvĭta_ ＞ vǫlta vǫuta. So ✱_altiat_ ＞ auça aussa, ✱_calceare_ ＞ cauçar caussar: cf. § 73, Lc´y, Lty. In dọs (= dọus) and mọt (= mọut) the ọ seems to have absorbed the u. Cf. § 65, L.

1. The final t of _molt_ seems to have been lost sometimes before a consonant: hence _mul_, which, influenced by _man_, ‘many’, became _mon_.

2. _Altretal_ (also _autretal_) became _atretal_ by dissimilation; hence we have also _atressi_ for _altressi_ (_autressi_). _Aital_, _aitan_ seem to be made up of _tal_, _tan_ with the first syllable of _aissi_ (＜ _ac sīc_), regarded as a prefix meaning ‘just’.

3. _Pallĭdus_ ＞ _palles_ (through the feminine ✱_páleza_).

4. _Fouzer_ is from _fŭlger_ or ✱_fŭlgerem_ = _fŭlgur_.