Part 5

(2) Gw (Germanic w) and kw (Latin qu) were reduced, perhaps in the 10th century, to g and k, except in the west, where the w was retained: _wahta_ ＞ gaita guaita, _warjan_ ＞ garir guarir, _wërra_ ＞ gęrra guęrra, _wīsa_ ＞ gisa guisa; _quando_ ＞ can quan, _quare_ ＞ car quar. It should be noted that the _u_ was commonly kept in the spelling (especially before e and i) after it had ceased to be pronounced, _gu_ and _qu_ being regarded merely as symbols for “hard” g and c. For cinc ＜ _quīnque_, see § 87, kw. Sw remained in _suavem_ ＞ suau.

(3) To groups beginning with s a vowel had been prefixed in Vulgar Latin (§ 55, S); this vowel appears in Provençal as e. Sc´ apparently did not occur in any popular word; sl early became scl; the other groups (sc, scl, scr, sp, st, str) remained unchanged, except that in the north and northeast sc ＞ stš before a: _scala_ ＞ escala eschala, _schŏa_ ＞ escǫla, _slahta_ ＞ ✱_sclatta_ ＞ esclata, _scrībĕre_ ＞ escriure, _spīna_ ＞ espina, _stare_ ＞ estar, _strĭngĕre_ ＞ estrẹnher.

MEDIAL CONSONANTS.

63. (1) It is well to note at the outset that when, through the fall of an unaccented vowel (§ 51), an early Provençal b, d, dz, dž, g, z, or ž was made final or contiguous to a final s, it became voiceless: _ŏpus_ ＞ ǫbus ＞ ǫbs ǫps, _ŏrbum_ ＞ ǫrbu ＞ ǫrb ǫrp: _datum_ ＞ dadu ＞ dad dat, _vĭrĭdem_ _vĭrdem_ ＞ vẹrde ＞ vẹrd vẹrt; _prĕtium_ ＞ prędzu ＞ prędz pręts (written _pretz_), _vōcem_ ＞ vọdze ＞ vọdz vọts (written _votz_); _mĕdium_ ＞ męyu mędžu ＞ mędž mętš (written _meg_ or _mech_); _amīcus_ ＞ amigus ＞ amigs amics, _largum_ ＞ largu ＞ larg larc; _rīsum_ ＞ rizu ＞ riz ris; _basium_ ＞ bažu ＞ baiž baiš (bais). The combination tšs, however, loses either its second or its third element: ✱_gaudios_ ＞ gautšs ＞ gautš or gauts (both of them often written _gaugz_); so _nŏctes_ ＞ nuetšs ＞ nuetš or nuets (_nuegz_). For local variations of g, see (6). For _apud_ ＞ _ab_ _ap_ _am_ _an_, see § 65, P. 2.

(2) Under the same conditions, y became i: _vĭdeo_ ＞ vẹyo ＞ vẹy vẹi, _pĕjus_ ＞ pęyus ＞ pęys pięis.

(3) Under the same conditions, ð, coming from intervocalic d, fell when final, but became t before s: _audit_ ＞ auði ＞ auð au; _crūdus_ ＞ cruðus ＞ cruds crüts. So _crūdum_ ＞ crü, _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ, _fraudem_ ＞ frau, _gradum_ ＞ gra, _nīdum_ ＞ ni, _nōdum_ ＞ nọ, _pĕdem_ ＞ pę, _sapidum_ ＞ sabe, _tĕpidum_ ＞ tębe; _grados_ ＞ grats, _nōdus_ ＞ nọts, _nūdus_ ＞ nüts, _pĕdes_ ＞ pęts. The two sets of forms influenced each other: hence _degras_, _fes_,[41] _nis_, _pes_, etc.; _crut_, _grat_, _not_, _nut_,[41] etc.

(4) Under the same conditions, β, coming from v or from intervocalic b, became u if preceded by a vowel, but fell if preceded by a consonant: _bĭbit_ ＞ bẹβi ＞ bẹβ bẹu, _vīvit_ ＞ βịβi ＞ βịβ vịu, _claves_ ＞ claβes ＞ claβs claus, _vīvus_ ＞ βīβus ＞ βịβs vịus; _salvet_ ＞ sal, _salvum_ ＞ sal, _sĕrvit_ ＞ siẹr, _nĕrvos_ ＞ nęrs, _salvus_ ＞ sals, _sĕrvus_ ＞ sęrs. Sometimes, however, final β preceded by a consonant, instead of falling, became f: _salvet_ ＞ salf, _salvum_ ＞ salf, _sĕrvit_ ＞ sięrf, _vŏlvit_ ＞ vǫlf; it may be that these are the only regular forms for cons. + β _when final_, and that _sal_, _sier_ are due to the analogy of _sals_, _siers_.

(5) Under the same conditions, final n, if preceded by a vowel, was kept in the extreme west, parts of the north, and all the southeast and east, but fell everywhere else; n before s was generally kept only in the southeast and east: _bĕne_ ＞ be ben, _canem_ ＞ ca can, _sŏnum_ ＞ so son[42]; _bŏnus_ ＞ bos bons, _mansiōnes_ ＞ maisọs maisọns. In _mĭnus_ ＞ mẹns the n was kept, perhaps through the analogy of menọr. If the n was preceded by a consonant (r), the fall seems to have been even commoner: _cŏrnu_ ＞ cǫr cǫrn, _tŏrno_ ＞ tọr tọrn; _diŭrnus_ ＞ iọrs iọrns. For iọrnh ＜ _diŭrnī_, see § 51, 1. Provençal n coming from nn never falls: _annus_ ＞ ans.

(6) Under the same conditions, g, representing original c or g, became c after o or u, and after other vowels either became c or was changed to i (which fused with a preceding i): _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc, _lŏcus_ ＞ lǫcs, _paucum_ ＞ pauc, _Hūgo_ ＞ Uc; _Aureliācum_ ＞ Aurelhac, _dīco_ ＞ dic di, _Henrīcum_ ＞ Enric Enri, ✱_trago_ ＞ trac trai. The forms with c are the commoner; they have been most persistent in the west.

(7) The vocalization of l before s (_malus_ ＞ maus) is a different phenomenon from the foregoing. See § 65, L.

(8) An m or an n that becomes contiguous to final s often develops into mp or nt, but oftener (judging from the spellings) does not: _nĭmis_ ＞ _nems_ _nemps_; _annos_ ＞ _ans_ _anz_.

(9) Between a liquid or a nasal and a final s, a b or a p generally fell, unless supported by the analogy of a form in which the b or p was final: _ambos_ ＞ _ams_ _ambs_, _cŏrpus_ ＞ _cors_, _tĕmpus_ ＞ _tems_ _temps_; cf. _balbs_ (_balb_), _orbs_ (_orb_).

1. The d, n, t of the proclitics _ad_, _quid_, _in_, _aut_, _et_ will be treated under Final Consonants.

64. Final ts from any source, in Provence, Limousin, and a part of Languedoc and Gascony, was reduced, during the literary period, to s: _amātis_ ＞ amatz amas, _habētis_ ＞ avętz avęs, _dīcit_ ＞ ditz dis, _grandes_ ＞ granz grans, _latus_ ＞ latz las, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz pręs. On the other hand, in a part of Limousin (especially in Limoges), and also in Dauphiné, -ts, in the second person plural of verbs, became t: habētis ＞ avęt.

SINGLE MEDIAL CONSONANTS.

65. The single medial consonants will now be considered separately, in alphabetical order:--

β, coming from b or v, became v; except in the west and a part of the centre, where, if it remained intervocalic, it changed to b: _habētis_ ＞ avętz abętz, _debēre_ ＞ devẹr debẹr, _faba_ ＞ fava faba; _avārum_ ＞ avar, _æstīva_ ＞ estiva, _brĕvem_ ＞ bręu,[43] _clavem_ ＞ clau, _dīe Jŏvis_ ＞ diiǫus, _lĕvat_ ＞ lęva, _novĕlla_ ＞ novęla nabęra (Gascon), _vīvus_ ＞ vius. When the preceding or following vowel was o or u, a β before the accent fell in most dialects, being fused with the vowel: _abŭndare_ ＞ aondar abondar, _gŭbĕrnare_ ＞ goernar governar, proclitic _ŭbĭ_ ＞ ọ, _prŏbare_ ＞ proar, _sŭbĭnde_ ＞ soẹn sovẹn sobẹn, _trĭbūtum_ ＞ treüt; _Lŭdovīcus_ ＞ Lozoics, _Provĭncia_ ＞ Proẹnsa Provẹnsa, _novĕllum_ ＞ noęl novęl, _novĕmbrem_ ＞ noembre novembre, _pavōnem_ ＞ paọn, _pavōrem_ ＞ paọr (cf. § 55, V).

1. The perfect endings _-avi_ etc., _-ivi_ etc. had lost their v in Latin. For avia, etc., see § 87, β.

2. _Abans_, beside _avanz_, _avan_ ＜ _ab_ _ante_, apparently shows the influence of Pr. _ab_ = _apud_. _Abet_ ＜ _abiĕtem_ (§ 40, 1) is unexplained: cf. Italian _abete_. _Abora_ is a Provençal compound of _ab_ and _ora_. _Trap_, beside _trau_ ＜ _trabem_, is doubtless from the nominative _traps_ ＜ _trabs_, which seems to have been differentiated in meaning from the V. L. nominative _trabis_.

3. _Brey_, _grey_, _ney_, beside _breu_ ＜ _brĕvem,_ _greu_ ＜ ✱_grĕvem_, _neu_ ＜ _nĭvem_ (cf. § 25, 1, e), have been subjected to the attraction of _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_, _ley_ ＜ _lēgem_. _Greug_ is a post-verbal noun from _greuiar_ ＜ ✱_grĕviare_.

4. _Natiz_ = _natius_ ＜ _natīvus_ seems to have been influenced by _mestis_ ＜ _mixtīcius_. _Massis_ is from ✱_massīcius_.

5. _Paziment_ = _pavamen_ owes its z perhaps to the analogy of _aizimen_.

6. In purely learned words, _b_ and _v_ were written as in Latin: _diabol_, _diluvi_.

C, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to g, and then developed like any other g. See G.

1. After au, apparently, c did not change: ✱_auca_ (＜ ✱_avĭca_ ＜ _avis_) ＞ _auca_, _pauca_ ＞ _pauca_, _rauca_ ＞ _rauca_, ✱_traucare_ (? ＜ ✱_trabucare_) ＞ traucar. Cf. § 65, P, 3.

2. In purely learned words, c remained unchanged: _vocal_. _Alucar_ _aluchar_, _aluc_ seem to be learned formations patterned after _antelucānus_ and Low Latin _lucānus_.

C´, when it became contiguous to a consonant, through the fall of the unaccented vowel of the penult, was reduced to i: _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫire, _dīcĕre_ ＞ diire dire, _dīcĭtis_ ＞ ditz, _facĕre_ ＞ faire, _facĭmu(s)_ ＞ faim, _facĭtis_ ＞ faitz, _fēcĕram_ ＞ fẹira, _fēcĕrunt_ ＞ fẹiron, _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile. When it remained intervocalic, it was assibilated during the transition period (§ 55, C); in most of the Provençal territory it became dz, which during the literary period was simplified to z; but in some dialects of the south and the northwest it resulted in idz (later iz), an i-glide having developed before the consonant while it was still palatal: _aucĕllum_ ＞ auzęl, _jacēre_ ＞ iazẹr, _lĭcēre_ ＞ lezẹr, _lūcēre_ ＞ lüzẹr lüzir lüisir, _placēre_ ＞ plazẹr plaizẹr; _crŭcem_ ＞ crọz crọiz crọis (see §§ 63, 64), _dīcere_ ＞ dízer, _dīcit_ ＞ ditz dis, _dūcit_ ＞ dütz düs, _facit_ ＞ fatz fas, _jacet_ ＞ iatz ias iays, _pacem_ ＞ patz pas pais, _placet_ ＞ platz plas plais, _verācem_? ＞ verais, _vōcem_ ＞ vọtz vọiz.

1. _Aucel_, beside _auzel_, perhaps belongs to a dialect in which c´ was not voiced after au: cf. C, 1. See § 80, Bc´.

2. _Iasser_, beside _iazer_, seems to be due to _ias_ ＜ _jacet_ and _iassa_ ＜ _jaceat_.

3. For _desma_ _deima_, see S, 1.

4. In purely learned words, c´ ＞ ts: _acĭdum_ ＞ aci.

D, in a part of the west, remained unchanged; elsewhere, during the Vulgar Latin period, it opened into ð, which fell in the 11th century and earlier in parts of the north and east, and in the rest of the Provençal territory became z as early as the first part of the 12th century: _audīre_ ＞ auzir auir audir,[44] _audit_ ＞ au,[45] _cadit_ ＞ ca, _crudēlem_ ＞ cruzęl cruęl crudęl, _fīdat_ ＞ fia, ✱_gaudo_ ＞ gau, _hŏrrĭda_ ＞ ǫreza, _hŏrrĭdum_ ＞ ǫre, _laudo_ ＞ lau, _alauda_ ＞ lauzẹta laudẹta, _rīdat_ ＞ ria, _tradĕre_ ＞ trazir trair tradir, _vidēre_ ＞ vezẹr vẹr vedẹr, _vĭdet_ ＞ vẹ. When ð became contiguous to a following consonant (except final s), it changed to i: _divīdĕre_ ＞ divire,[46] _traditōrem_ ＞ traidọr (which, influenced by _traïr_, was pronounced traïdọr).[47]

1. _Crey_, beside _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_, follows _dei_ ＜ _dēbeo_, _vei_ ＜ _vĭdeo_. _Mercey_, beside _merce_ ＜ _mercēdem_, shows the influence of _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_, _lei_ ＜ _lēgem_, and perhaps French _fei_ ＜ _fĭdem_. Cf. β, (3).

2. _Grau_ = _gra_ ＜ _gradum_, _niu_ = _ni_ ＜ _nīdum_ belong to the Catalan dialect, in which ð fell before the 8th century: _gradum_ ＞ _graðu_ ＞ _gra-u_ ＞ _grau_, the u being preserved through combining into a diphthong with the a.

3. In purely learned words, d remained: _odi_ ＜ _ŏdium_.

F is very rare (cf. § 59). The few examples appear to show that f (presumably in the 6th century or earlier) became β, and then developed like any other β (see β): _Stĕphănum_ ＞ Estęve, _co(n)fortāre_? ＞ ✱coβortar ＞ ✱coortar ＞ conortar (through the common use of the double forms, _con-_, _co-_), _gryphum_ ＞ griu, _raphănum_ ＞ rave rafe, ✱_refusāre_ ＞ rehusar refusar, ✱_prefŭndum_ (= _pro-_) ＞ preọn. Nevertheless, cofịn ＜ _cŏphĭnum_, defǫrs ＜ _de fŏris_, grifọ, profięg ＜ _profĕctum_, rafe, would seem to indicate that in some words, possibly less popular at the outset, f was retained.

1. In purely learned words, f was kept: _antifona_, _Caifas_, _philozophia_.

G, representing original c and g, had a varied development.[48] For the fall of g in some words in Vulgar Latin, see § 55, G.

(1) Before a, g remained in the greater part of the territory, but in the north and east it early became y; and this y was generally retained in the eastern dialects (often fusing with a preceding i), while in most of the northern it developed into dž (cf. Y): _amīca_ ＞ amiga amiia amia, _dīcam_ ＞ diga dia, _mīca_ ＞ miga miia mia,[49] _pacāre_ ＞ pagar paiar, _precāre_ ＞ pregar preiar; _castigāre_ ＞ castigar castiar, _legālem_ ＞ leial leyal lial, _ligāmen_ ＞ liam, _lĭgātum_ ＞ legat liat, _plaga_ ＞ plaga plaia, _regālem_ ＞ reial, _rūga_ ＞ rüa.[50]

(2) Before o and u (ü), g was preserved, except in a few words which (doubtless in Vulgar Latin times) lost it either in all or in many dialects: _acūtum_ ＞ agüt, _secŭndum_ ＞ segọn, _secūrus_ ＞ segürs; ✱_a(u)gūrium_ ＞ agür aür, _a(u)gŭstum_ ＞ agọst[51] ahọst, proclitic _ĕgo_ ＞ ęu, ✱_fagŏttum_ ＞ fagǫt, _figūra_ ＞ figüra, _Hugōnem_ ＞ Ugọ. For a g that becomes final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (6): _amīcus_ ＞ amics amis, _Auriācum_ ＞ Auriac, _cŏcum_ (= _cŏquum_) ＞ cǫc, _jŏcus_ ＞ iǫcs, _Ludovīcum_ ＞ Lozoic Lozoi, _prĕco_ ＞ pręc; _castīgo_ ＞ chastic chasti.

(3) Between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, g, early in the Provençal period, became y, which developed into dž before the literary epoch; cf. § 49, (4): _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrge, ✱_coratĭcum_ ＞ coratge, _domĭnĭcum_ ＞ dimẹnge, _manĭca_ ＞ mania, _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ męge, _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monge, ✱_paratĭcum_ ＞ paratge, _viatĭcum_ ＞ viatie. In some dialects, however, the vowel of the penult, after liquids and nasals, fell too early for the g to become y: clęrgue,[52] esta(t)ga, mętgue, mongue.

1. _Amiu_, _chastiu_ belong to the dialect of Forez; so perhaps _fau_ ＜ _fagum_, _preu_ ＜ _prĕco_. These forms indicate a very early fall of the g in the dialect to which they belong. Cf. § 51, 3.

2. In purely learned words, Latin g remains unchanged: _paganōrum_ ＞ _paganor_.

G´ became y during the Vulgar Latin period (§ 55, G). See Y.

1. In purely learned words the letter _g_ was retained, but it was doubtless pronounced dž: _astrologia_.

L remained: _colōrem_ ＞ colọr, _male_ ＞ mal, ✱_volēre_ (= _velle_) ＞ volẹr. Before final s, l became u in most dialects, in some as early as the 10th century: _malos_ ＞ maus, _talis_ ＞ taus; _l_ was written, however, long after l had been vocalized. Under the influence of forms in which -ls ＞ -us, final l became u in the southwest and in some other regions: _Aprīlem_ ＞ abriu. Cf. § 74, (2). Au ＜ -al is common in William of Poitiers.

1. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10.

2. _Orifan_, beside _olifan_ ＜ _elephantem_, is probably French.

L´ will be considered, as ly, under Groups, § 73, Ly.

M remained: _amāre_ ＞ amar, _hŏmo_ ＞ om, _timōrem_ ＞ temọr.

1. Occasionally _-am_ rhymes with _-an_ (_afan_: _fam_, _portam_: _avan_); this seems to show an indistinct pronunciation of the final nasal in some dialects. Cf. _aven_ = _avem_ ＜ _habēmu(s)_ in the _Nobla Leyczon_. Cf. § 167, 2.

N remained: _bŏnas_ ＞ bonas, _donāre_ ＞ donar, _lūna_ ＞ lüna. For n final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (5): _fīnis_ ＞ fis fins, _panem_ ＞ pa pan.

1. In _canorgue_, _dimergue_, _morgue_, etc., beside _canonge_, _dimenge_, _monge_, etc., the r may be explained partly by dissimilation, partly by the analogy of _clergue_ and of words with double forms (§ 87).

2. _Menhs_ _meins_, beside regular _mens_ ＜ _mĭnus_, show the influence of the alternative forms _genhs_ _geins_ and _gens_ from _ingĕnium_ (see § 73, Ny).

3. _Iassey_ (= _iasse_, the latter part of which may be from _exín_ = _exĭnde_), _tey_ (= _te_ ＜ _tĕnet_), used by Marcabru, are doubtless due either to a mistaken imitation of conventional borderland forms (see § 25, 3) or to the analogy of _crei_ = _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_ (_crei_ itself being due to the analogy of _dei_ ＜ _dēbeo_, _vei_ ＜ _vĭdeo_).

N´ will be considered, as ny, under Groups, § 73, Ny.

P, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to b: _capĭllum_ ＞ cabẹl, _rīpa_ ＞ riba, ✱_sapēre_ (= _sapĕre_) ＞ sabẹr, _trepalium_ ＞ trebalh; _capit_ ＞ cap (§ 63), _sapis_ ＞ saps.

1. In some borderland dialects p ＞ v, as in French: _saver_. _Evescat_, _evesque_, beside _bisbat_, _bisbe_, are French.

2. _Apud_, used as a proclitic, became for some reason in Vulgar Latin ✱_apu_, which developed regularly into ✱_abu_ and, after the fall of intertonic vowels, _ab_. This _ab_ assimilated its b more or less to a following consonant, becoming _ap_ before voiceless consonants, _am_ before nasals; _am_, used before dentals, became _an_: hence we have four forms, _ab_, _ap_, _am_, _an_. _Amb_ perhaps developed first from _am_ before l, as in _am l’autre_; when used before a consonant with which mb did not readily combine, it expanded into _ambe_. See Elise Richter, _Zs._, XXVI, 532; J. Huber, _Zs._, XXX, 583.

3. In some dialects, apparently, p was not voiced after au: _sapuĕrunt_ ✱_sapwĕrunt_ ✱_saupĕrunt_ ＞ _saubron_ _saupron_. Cf. § 65, C, 1.

4. In purely learned words, p remains: _epifania_.

R remained: _amāra_ ＞ amara, _durāre_ ＞ dürar, _ĕrat_ ＞ ęra. Final rs was reduced to s, in most dialects, during and after the literary period: _priōres_ ＞ priọrs priọs (_Girart_); the reduction apparently began in Limousin as early as the 12th century (Bertran de Born rhymes iọs and flọrs).

1. Final r began to fall in many dialects in the 14th century. At present it has disappeared all through the south and west: _amōrem_ ＞ _amou_, _flōrem_ ＞ _flou_.

2. In some dialects (especially those of Gard and Hérault) intervocalic r and z were confused, probably during the literary period: _gyrāre_ ＞ _girar_ _gisar_; conversely _audīre_ ＞ _auzir_ _aurir_. Cf. _Revue des langues romanes_, XL, 49, 121.

S was voiced to z, probably from the 4th to the 6th century: _pausa_ ＞ pausa, _presĕntem_ ＞ presen; _rīsum_ ＞ ris (§ 63).

1. An s that became contiguous to n was changed, in a few dialects, to r: _almosna_ _almorna_, _disnar_ _dirnar_. In modern Limousin and some of the dialects of Dauphiné, Languedoc, and Gascony, s has disappeared before nasals: _asne_ _ane_, _caresma_ _carema_, _disnar_ _dinar_ (so _blasmar_ _blamar_, _desma_ _dema_); the fall began during the literary period. S before a consonant in many of the modern dialects, and final s in some, has become i: _asne_ _aine_, _caresma_ _careima_ (so perhaps _desma_ _deima_, _pruesme_ _prueime_); some traces of this change occur in texts of the literary period. Cf. _Zs._, XXIII, 413. _Isla_, in Limousin, became _ilha_ (perhaps through _iyla_): cf. _Zs._, XXIII, 414. Cf. § 78.

2. In some southeastern dialects intervocalic z after au has changed to v: _causa_ _cauva_ (so _auzir_ _auvir_); possibly the _auvent_ of the _Boeci_, v. 23, is to be connected with this.

T, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to d: _amāta_ ＞ amada, _natālis_ ＞ nadals, _servitōrem_ ＞ servidọr; _habētis_ ＞ avętz avęs avęt (§§ 63, 64), _latus_ ＞ latz las, _natum_ ＞ nat. For a t which became contiguous to r (_amātor_ ＞ amaire), see § 52, (1), and § 70, Tr.

1. In some dialects of the south and southeast, final t fell shortly after the literary period: _amātum_ ＞ _amat_ _ama_.--_Appoestat_ is French.

2. _Tōtus_, in Gaul, became _tōttus_ as early as the 4th century: hence Pr. _tota_ _totas_. For _meteis_ ＜ _met-ĭpse_ see § 131, (2).

3. _Espaza_ (beside _espada_) ＜ _spatha_, was perhaps influenced in its pronunciation by the spelling of the Latin word.[53] _Ez_, coming from _et_ before a vowel, shows the influence of _az_ (＜ _ad_ + vowel) and _quez_ (＜ _quĭd_ + vowel). _Grazal_, ‘grail’, is perhaps a cross between ✱_cratella_ ＜ _crater_ and _gradale_, ‘service-book’; so _grazalet_. _Grazir_ _grazire_ (cf. _agradar_) is perhaps altered from an earlier ✱_grazar_ ＜ ✱_gratiare_. _Mezeis_ ＜ _met-ĭpse_, _mezesmes_, _meesmes_ (beside _medesmes_) ＜ ✱_met-ĭpsĭmus_ have been subjected to the analogy of _ez_ ＜ _et_ and _quez_ ＜ _quĭd_ or of _ĭd ĭpsum_: § 131, (2).

4. In some dialects _tī_ became a sound written _h_: _peccatī_ ＞ _peccah_. See § 51, 1.

5. In purely learned words, t remains: _eternal_.

W will be considered, as gw, under Groups, § 72, βw.

X is a symbol for ks: see Groups, § 79, Ks.

Y, representing Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z (cf. § 55, G, Y; § 57, Z) had a varied development.

(1) When it became contiguous to a following consonant (§§ 45, 49) it changed to i: _adjutāre_ ＞ _ayudāre_ ＞ ay’dar ＞ aidar, _medietātem_ ＞ meitat; _cōgitāre_ ＞ cüidar, _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęyre, _propagĭnem_ ＞ probaina, _rĭgĭda_ ＞ rẹida, ✱_tragĕre_ ＞ traire; _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes.

(2) When it remained intervocalic, it became dž in most of the territory, but in the northeast and parts of the north it was not changed:[54] _audiam_ ＞ auia, _in-ŏdiare_ ＞ enoiar, _invĭdia_ ＞ envẹia, _invĭdiōsus_ ＞ enveiọs enveyọs, ✱_gladia_ ＞ glaya, _mediānum_ ＞ meian, ✱_pŏdiāre_ ＞ poiar, _radiāre_ ＞ raiar, _sordĭdior_ ＞ sordẹier, _vĭdeat_ ＞ vẹia; _fragĭlem_ ＞ fragel; ✱_exagiāre_ ＞ assatiar essaiar essayar, _corrĭgia_ ＞ corrẹia corrẹya, _fagea_ ＞ faia faya, _regiōnem_ ＞ reiọ; _dīe Jŏvís_ ＞ diiǫus, _major_ ＞ maier, _pĕjor_ ＞ pięier, _pejōrem_ ＞ peiọr, _trŏja_ ＞ trǫia; _baptizāre_ ＞ bateiar. For a dž or a y that became final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (1), (2): _audio_ ＞ auch, _in ŏdio_ ＞ enuęg (plural enuętz enuęg) enǫi, _gaudium_ ＞ gauch, _gladium_ ＞ glai, _mĕdium_ ＞ męg męi, _hŏdie_ ＞ ǫi, _pŏdium_ ＞ puęg pǫi, _radium_ ＞ rai; _fŭgit_ ＞ füg füi, _grĕgem_ ＞ gręy, _lēgem_ ＞ lẹg (pl. lẹitz) lẹi, _lĕgit_ ＞ lięg, _magis_ mais,[55] _rēgem_ ＞ rẹi, _exagium_ ＞ essai; _pĕjus_ ＞ pięis.

(3) Before accented e or i, y disappeared (doubtless in Vulgar Latin: § 55, G), except in some western dialects, where it became dž: _vagīna_ ＞ guaīna, ✱_legīre_ (= _lĕgĕre_) ＞ legir,[56] _magĭster_ ＞ maẹstre maiẹstre magẹstre, ✱_pagē(n)sis_ ＞ paẹs pagẹs, _regīna_ ＞ reïna, _sagĭtta_ ＞ saẹta saiẹta sagẹta.

1. _Detz_ _ditz_ ＞ _dĭgĭtus_ are irregular and unexplained. The word is irregular in some other Romance languages, notably in Italian. Cf. Gröber’s _Grundriss_, I, p. 507.

2. _Glavi_, beside _glai_ (and learned _glazi_) ＜ _gladium_, is supposed by some to show the influence of Celtic _cládibo_. Cf. Körting; also H. Schuchardt, _Zs._, XXV, 345.

3. _Messér_ seems to be a contraction (due to proclitic use) of ✱_messeyer_ = _mes_, ‘my’, + ✱_seyer_? ＜ ✱_sĕyor_ = _sĕnior_ (cf. A. Lindström, _L’analogie dans la déclinaison des substantifs latins en Gaule_, 1897-8, pp. 292-3).

4. In purely learned words, _di_, _g_, _gi_, _z_ are retained, the _g_ being pronounced presumably as dž, the _z_ as z: _odi_, _fragil_, _regio_, _canonizar_.

MEDIAL GROUPS.

66. Medial groups may be conveniently classified as follows:--A. _Double Consonants_ (1); B. _Groups of Dissimilar Consonants_: groups ending in l (2), groups ending in r (3), groups ending in w (4), groups ending in y (5), groups beginning with l, m, n, r, or s and not ending in l, r, w, or y (6), all other groups (7). This order will be followed.[57]

1. It should be noted that the prefixes _ad-_, _sub-_ regularly assimilate their d or b to the following consonant: ✱_ad-rīpāre_ ＞ _arribar_, _sub-venīre_ ＞ _sovenir_. _Sosrire_, _sosterrar_, _sostraire_ show a substitution of prefix, due, no doubt, to the analogy of _sospirar_, _sostener_.

1. DOUBLE CONSONANTS.

67. In general, the double consonants became single, in the 9th or 10th century (perhaps earlier before the accent), but underwent no other change save those described in §§ 63, 64: _abbātem_ ＞ abat, _sĭccum_ ＞ sẹc, _rĕddo_ ＞ ręt, _affībulāre_ ＞ afiblar, _aggregāre_ ＞ agregar, _flamma_ ＞ flama, _pĭnna_ ＞ pẹna, _cappa_ ＞ capa, _passum_ ＞ pas,[58] _mŭttum_ ＞ mọt, _advenīre_ ✱_avvenīre_ ＞ avenir.

(1) Cc before a, in the east and northeast, became tš; elsewhere, c; _bŭcca_ ＞ bọca bọcha, _vacca_ ＞ vaca vacha.

(2) Ll, in some southern dialects, became l´; elsewhere, l: _capĭllum_ ＞ cabẹl cabẹlh, _grȳllum_ ＞ gril grilh, _mantĕllum_ ＞ mantęl mantęlh, _villānus_ ＞ vilas vilhas. It is possible, however, that -llī regularly became l´ in Limousin, while ll before other vowels was not palatalized: _caballum_ ＞ caval, _caballī_ ＞ cavalh; _ĭllī_ ＞ ilh, _ĭllōs_ ＞ ẹls; this would account in part for the frequent occurrence of _lh_ in the poems. So in some dialects -nnī ＞ n´: _annī_ ＞ anh. Cf. § 51, 1. For final ls and l, see § 65, L: _ĭllos_ ＞ ẹls ẹus, _vallem_ ＞ val vau. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10: _appĕllat_ ＞ apęla apęra.