Part 3

It is to be noted that ę does not break before u ＜ l nor before i ＜ ð: _bĕllus_ ＞ bęls ＞ bęus, _pĕtra_ ＞ ✱pęðra ＞ pęira, _Pĕtrum_ ＞ ✱Pęðre ＞ Pęire, _rĕtro_ ＞ ✱ręðre ＞ ręire[20]. The breaking must, therefore, have occurred before these developments of l and ð, both of which apparently antedate the _Boeci_: cf. _euz_ = _els_, v. 139; _eu_ = _el_, v. 155; _Teiric_ ＜ ✱_Teðric_ ＜ _Theodorīcum_, v. 44, etc. On the other hand, there is no diphthong before ts, dz, s, z coming from Latin c´, cy, pty, tty, ty: _dĕcem_ ＞ dętz, _pĕttia_ (or _pĕcia_) ＞ pęssa, _nĕptia_ ＞ nęssa, ✱_prĕtiat_ ＞ pręza, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz[21]. The breaking, therefore, took place after these consonants had ceased to be palatal. We may ascribe it with some confidence to the period between the seventh and tenth centuries.

1. A number of cases of ię before r are doubtless to be explained by analogy. _Hĕri_ ＞ ęr; _autre_ + _er_ ＞ autręr, which, through the influence of adjectives in -ęr -ięr, became autrięr: hence the form ięr. _Fĕrio_, _mĕreo_ ＞ fięr, mięr; hence, by analogy, the first person forms profięr, quięr, then the third person forms fięr, mięr, profięr, quięr, sięrf (but sęrvon, sęrva), and the subjunctives ofięira, sofię(i)ra.

2. Ięsc (= _ĕxeo_), ięscon, ięsca receive their diphthong either from earlier forms with s´ or from ięis ＜ _ĕxit_.

ị

31. Cl. L. ī ＞ V. L. ị: _amīcum_ ＞ amịc, _fīnem_ ＞ fịn, _trīstem_ ＞ trịst.

1. Frẹg, frẹit are from V. L. ✱_frĭgdum_ = _frīgĭdum_, the ĭ being perhaps due to the analogy of _rĭgĭdum_.

32. In the 13th century or earlier the group iu, in most dialects, became ieu: _captīvum_ ＞ caitiu caitieu, _æstīvum_ ＞ estiu estieu, _revīvĕre_ ＞ reviure revieure, _sī vās_ ＞ sius sieus.

ọ

33. Cl. L. ō, ŭ ＞ V. L. ọ ＞ Pr. ọ, which developed into ụ probably during the literary period: _dolōrem_ ＞ dolọr, _spōnsa_ ＞ espọsa, _flōrem_ ＞ flọr; _bŭcca_ ＞ bọca, _gŭla_ ＞ gọla.

1. An irregular ǫ, which is found in some words, goes back to Vulgar Latin: cǫbra = _re-cŭperat_, cǫsta (also ọ) = _cōnstat_, nǫra = _nŭra_, ǫu = _ōvum_, plǫia = _plŭvia_, redǫbla = ✱_redŭplat_, sǫbra = _sŭperat_, suefre = _sŭffero_. V. L. ✱_cŏperat_ may be regarded as a fusion of _cŭperat_ and ✱_cŏperit_ (§ 40, 1; cf. _Rom._ XXXI, 9); ✱_cŏstat_ is unexplained; ✱_nŏra_ shows the influence of _sŏror_ and _sŏcĕra_; the _ŏ_ of ✱_ŏvum_ has been explained as due to differentiation from the following _v_; ✱_plŏia_ is to be connected with the popular _plŏvĕre_ (cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, § 142); ✱_sŏperat_ follows the analogy of ✱_cŏperat_; ✱_sŏffero_ evidently follows _ŏffero_. Redǫbla (also ọ) is not accounted for. If trǫba has anything to do with _tŭrbat_, it was perhaps influenced by _prŏbat_ (cf. _Zs._, XXVIII, 50). Engǫissa ＜ V. L. ✱_angŏstia_ = _angŭstia_. See A. Thomas, _Nouveaux essais de philologie française_, 1904, 339.

2. Some words have ü: iüs (also iọs) ＜ _deōrsum_ shows the influence of süs ＜ _sūrsum_; lür (usually lọr) ＜ _illōrum_ (cf. _lur_ in the dialects of Navarre and Aragon) comes through an ✱_illūrum_ due to the analogy of _illūi_ = _illi_; melhüra (ọ), peiüra (ọ) perhaps follow aüra ＜ ✱_a(u)gūrat_; rancüra is a mixture of _rancōrem_ and _cūra_; üis is from V. L. _ūstium_ = _ōstium_ (cf. _Zs._, XXV, 355); üpa ＜ _ŭpŭpa_ is due to onomatopœia.

3. The adverbs _ar_, _ara_, _er_, _era_, _eras_, meaning ‘now,’ are hardly to be connected with _hōra_. Meyer-Lübke takes _era_, etc., from a Latin ✱_era_ corresponding to Greek άρα; _ara_, _ar_ may come directly from άρα, άρ: cf. _Gr._, III, 552, note.

4. _Tonleu_, ‘tariff,’ from τελώνιον, shows double metathesis. For _adoutz_, ‘fount,’ see A. Thomas, _Essais de philologie française_, 1897, 205.

34. Before tš, dž (and it, id), before n´, and before final i, an ọ becomes ü in various dialects: _cōgĭtat_ ＞ cüia cüida, ✱_stŭdiat_ ＞ estüia, _fŭgit_ ＞ füg, _refŭgium_ ＞ refüg; _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iünher, _ŭngĕre_ ＞ ünher, _pŭgnum_ ＞ pünh; _dŭī_ ＞ düi, _sŭm_ ＞ sọ + i ＞ süi. The ü before tš, dž apparently occurs everywhere except in Dauphiné; before n´ it is to be found in nearly all the dialects of the north and west; before final i it seems to be limited to Bordeaux, Auvergne, and a part of Languedoc.

ǫ

35. Cl. L. ŏ ＞ V. L. ǫ ＞ Pr. ǫ: _cŏr_ ＞ cǫr, _cŏrpus_ ＞ cǫrs, _mŏrtem_ ＞ mǫrt, _ŏpĕra_ ＞ ǫbra, _rŏta_ ＞ rǫda.

1. For demọra (also ǫ) ＜ ✱demŏrat, see Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, I, 204, § 220. For prọa (also prǫa, prueva) ＜ _prŏbat_, see _Rom._, XXXI, 10, footnote 3.

36. Before a nasal, in most of the dialects of Limousin, Languedoc, and Gascony, ǫ became ọ: _bŏnum_ ＞ bọn, _fŏntem_ ＞ fọnt, _pŏntem_ ＞ pọnt. Cf. E. Levy in _Mélanges de philologie romane dédiés à Carl Wahlund_, 1896, p. 207.

1. If the nasal was n´, the vowel remained open in most or all of these dialects: _cŏgnĭta_ ＞ _coinda_ _cuenda_ _cuenhda_, _lŏnge_ ＞ _lonh_ _luenh_, _sŏmnium_ ＞ _sonh_ _suenh_.

37. Early in the history of Provençal, before u, a labial consonant, a g or a k, an i, or one of the palatal consonants l´, n´, r´, s´, z´, y, tš, dž, an ǫ broke, in most dialects, into a diphthong which developed into ue, üo, üe, or ü[22]: _bŏvem_ ＞ bǫu büọu büeu, ✱_ŏvum_ ＞ ǫu üou üeu, _nŏvus_ ＞ nǫus nüous nüeus; ✱_cŏpero_ ＞ cǫbri cüebre[23], _nŏva_ ＞ nǫva nüeva, _ŏpus_ ＞ ǫps üops, _prŏbat_ ＞ prǫa prüeva, ✱_trŏpo_? ＞ trǫp trüeb; _cŏquus_ ＞ cǫcs cüocs cüex, _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc füoc füec füc, _crŏcus_ ＞ grǫcs grüocs grüecs, _jŏcum_ ＞ iǫc iüoc iüec iüc, _lŏcus_ ＞ lǫcs lüocs lüecs, _lŏcat_ ＞ lüoga, _pŏtui_ ＞ püec, _sŏc(ĕ)rum_ ＞ (sǫzer) sǫgre süegre (fem. süegra); ✱_ingrŏssiat_ ＞ engrǫissa engrüeissa, ✱_angŏstia_ ＞ engǫissa engüeissa, _nŏctem_ ＞ nǫit nüoit nüeit, _ŏcto_ ＞ ǫit üeit, _pŏstea_ ＞ pǫissas püeissas, _prŏximus_ ＞ prǫymes prüeymes; _fŏlia_ ＞ fǫlha füolha füelha fülha, _ŏcŭlus_ _ŏclus_ ＞ ǫlhs üolhs üelhs ülhs, _lŏnge_ ＞ lǫnh lüenh, _sŏmnium_ ＞ sǫnh süenh, _cŏrium_ ＞ cǫr cüer, _pŏstea_ ＞ pües, _prŏximum_ ＞ prǫsme prüesme, ✱_plŏia_ ＞ plǫia plüeia plüia, ✱_inŏdiat_ ＞ enǫia enüeia enüia, ✱_pŏdiat_ ＞ pǫia püeia püia, _nŏctem_ ＞ nüoch nüech nüh, _ŏcto_ ＞ üeg.

The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal or velar consonant, or to a premature partial closure of the lips in anticipation of a following labial. Before i or a palatal the diphthong was at the start presumably üo; before u or a labial or velar consonant, uo: from these two types, the first of which influenced the second, came the later developments. Ü is a reduction of üo or üe; it apparently does not occur before u.

The dialect conditions are mixed, the development in each region depending somewhat on the following sound. In the southwest, ǫ and ue seem to prevail; in the northwest, ü; in the west, in Limousin, and in Auvergne, üe; in Languedoc, üo; in the east and south, üe, üo, ǫ.

The date of breaking is discussed in § 30.

1. In some words where a diphthong would be expected, none is found, although it may have existed: mǫu ＜ _mŏvet_, nǫu ＜ _nŏvem_, plǫu ＜ ✱_plŏvit_; trǫp ＜ _þrop_; brǫcs ＜ ✱_brŏccus_, iǫgon ＜ _jŏcunt_, lǫgui ＜ _lŏco_. The form püoc or püec ＜ _pŏtui_ is regularly reserved for the first person, _pŏtuit_ being represented by pǫc.

2. A few cases of irregular breaking are easily explained: püosc püesc (= _pŏssum_) and püosca püesca (= _pŏssim_) owe their diphthong either to earlier forms with s´ or to the analogy of püec; sǫfre süefre süfre (= _sŭffert_) are from ✱_sŏfferit_, formed upon ✱_ŏfferit_ = _ŏffert_ (cf. § 33, 1); vüelc (= _vŏlui_) follows the analogy of vüelh (＜ ✱_vŏleo_ = _vŏlo_) and of püec.

ụ

38. Cl. L. ū ＞ V. L. ụ ＞ Pr. ü: ✱_habūtus_ ＞ avütz, _jūstum_ ＞ iüst, _mūrum_ ＞ mür, _mūtus_ ＞ mütz, _nūdus_ ＞ nütz, _plūs_ ＞ plüs.

The date of the change of ụ into ü is not known; there is no ü in Catalan, and there may have been none in early Gascon. It seems likely that the Celts, when they adopted Latin, pronounced ū a little further forward in the mouth than did the Romans; that their ụ continued to advance gradually toward the front of the mouth until it became ü; and that this ü spread to the parts of France that were not originally Celtic.[24] In the literary period the sound was probably ü in most or all of the Provençal dialects.

1. Pr. ọnze represents a V. L. ✱_ŭndĕcim_, which in Gaul and Spain replaced _ūndĕcim_. Lọita lücha, trọcha trücha probably go back to Latin double forms, ✱_lŭcta lūcta_, ✱_trŭcta trūcta_.

2. Nǫssas ＜ ✱_nŏptias_ = _nūptias_, by analogy of ✱_nŏvius_, ‘bridegroom,’ from _nŏvus_.

3. Before u, Pr. ü apparently became i: _nūbem_ ＞ ✱nüu ＞ niu, _pūlĭcem_ ＞ ✱püuze ＞ piuze. See §§ 63, (4); 74, (2).

au

39. Cl. L. au ＞ V. L. au ＞ Pr. au: _aurum_ ＞ aur, _gaudium_ ＞ gaug, _paucum_ ＞ pauc, _thesaurus_ ＞ tesaurs.

1. _Bloi_ ＜ _blauþr_, _ioi_, _ioia_, _ioios_, _lotia_ ＜ ✱_laubja_, _noiza_, _onta_ ＜ _hauniþa_, _or_, _sor_, _tesor_, etc., are French or Poitevin; _ioi_ is a good Poitevin form. _Iai_, ‘joy,’ seems to be a fusion of _ioi_ and Pr. _iai_ = _gai_.

2. _Anta_ ＜ _hauniþa_ is unexplained.

UNACCENTED VOWELS.

40. (1) The fate of an unaccented vowel depended largely upon the syllable in which it stood: in general, unstressed vowels in the initial syllable remained intact, while all vowels, except a, fell (at different dates) in the other syllables. The fall of unaccented vowels resulted in many new consonant groups: _collocáre_ ＞ colcár, _hóminem_ ＞ ómne, _sábbatum_ ＞ sápte.

(2) The vowels e̯ and i̯, instead of falling or remaining unchanged, became y in Vulgar Latin, early in our era: _alea_ ＞ alya, _diŭrnus_ ＞ dyųrnus, _mĕdium_ ＞ mędyu. Similarly u̯ became w: _placui_ ＞ placwi, _tĕnuis_ ＞ tęnwis.

1. Apparently, however, e̯é, i̯é ＞ e; o̯ó, u̯ó ＞ o: _prĕhĕndĕre_ ＞ _prĕndĕre_; _abĭĕtem_ ＞ ✱_abētem_, _facĭēbat_ ＞ ✱_facēbat_, _parĭĕtem_ ＞ _parētem_, _quĭētus_ ＞ _quētus_; _cŏhŏrtem_ ＞ _cōrtem_, _cŏŏpĕrit_ ＞ _cōpĕrit_ ✱_cŏpĕrit_; _dŭŏdĕcim_ ＞ ✱_dōdĕcim_. The short e and o in _prĕndĕre_ and ✱_cŏpĕrit_ are not accounted for. In _mulĭĕrem_[25] ＞ Pr. molhęr the i̯ remained long enough (perhaps under the influence of the nominative _mŭlier_) to palatalize the l.

INITIAL SYLLABLE.

41. Usually, in the literary language, Latin a ＞ Pr. a; Latin æ, œ, and e, i (without regard to quantity) ＞ Pr. e; Latin o, u (long or short) ＞ Pr. o; Lat. au ＞ Pr. au, unless the next syllable contained an ú, in which case the au was reduced (in the Vulgar Latin time) to a. Ex.: _amīcum_ ＞ amic, _caballus_ ＞ cavals; _æquālem_ ＞ egal, ✱_pœnĭtĕre_ ＞ penẹdre, _dēbēre_ ＞ devẹr, _mĕliōrem_ ＞ melhọr, _dīlĕctum_ ＞ delęit, _dīvīnum_ ＞ devin, _dīvīdĕre_ ＞ devire, _fīnīre_ ＞ fenir, _mĭnōrem_ ＞ menọr; _plōrāre_ ＞ plorar, _sōlātium_ ＞ solatz, _cŏlōrem_ ＞ colọr, ✱_vŏlēre_ ＞ volẹr, _mūstēla_ ＞ mostẹla, _sŭbĭnde_ ＞ sovẹn; _aucĕllum_ ＞ auzęl, _audīre_ ＞ auzir, _augŭstum_ ＞ aọst, ✱_augūrium_ ＞ aür.

1. An initial vowel is occasionally lost, either through elision with the article (✱_eclĕsia_ ＞ ✱eglęisa, la eglęisa ＞ la glęisa) or through the dropping of a prefix (_ingĕnium_ ＞ engẹnh gẹnh): _epĭscŏpus_ ＞ _bisbes_, _alauda_ ＞ _lauzeta_, _occasiōnem_ ＞ _ocaiso_ _caiso_.

2. In a few words the vowel of the initial syllable disappeared, for some unknown reason, before r in Vulgar Latin: ✱_cŏrrŏtŭlāre_ ＞ ✱_crŏtŭlāre_ ＞ _crollar_, _dīrēctus_ ＞ _drēctus_[26] ＞ _dreitz_, _quĭrītāre_ ＞ ✱_crītāre_ ＞ _cridar_.

3. _Domne_, used familiarly as a proclitic (§ 19), lost its first syllable, and, before a vowel, was reduced to _n_. The combinations _de n_, _que n_ (followed by a proper name) were understood as _d’en_, _qu’en_; hence the title _en_, ‘Sir.’ See Schultz-Gora in _Zs._, XXVI, 588; Elise Richter in _Zs._, XXVII, 193; V. Cescini, _Manualetto provenzale_, 2d ed., 1905, 168 ff.

4. The proclitic ọ probably comes from a V. L. _ot_, not from _aut_.

42. The vowel of the initial syllable, especially in verbs, was extremely subject to the influence of analogy: cülhir (ǫ) through cülh (ǫ) ＜ _cŏllĭgit_, dizẹn ＜ _dīcĕntem_ through dire ＜ _dīcĕre_, dürar through dür ＜ _dūrum_ and düra ＜ _dūrat_, finir through fin ＜ _fīnem_, fivęla through fibla ＜ _fībula_, puęiar (ǫ) through puęia (ǫ) ＜ ✱_pŏdiat_.

1. Avangęli (e) is perhaps influenced by _avan_; blisọ (e) ＜ _blas_ may possibly have been influenced by _tiso_; gazardọ ＜ _wiðarlôn_ shows the influence of _gazanhar_; in piucęla (pülcęla) ＜ ✱_pūellicĕlla_ (_Zs._, XXV, 343) the püu of the first syllable was changed to piu just as _pūlĭcem_ became _piuze_ (see § 38, 3); in _vas_ = _ves_ ＜ _ve(r)sus_ the a is due to the analogy of _az_ ＜ _ad_; _vais_ is unexplained, _vaus_ follows _daus_ (§ 44, 6). If dessẹ is from _de exín_, the first syllable is irregular. Beside _maniar_ ＜ _manducare_ are unexplained forms _meniar miniar_. In _duptar_ (_o_), _suritz_ (_o_) the _u_ doubtless represents ụ or ọ, not ü. _Girofle_ ＜ Καρυόφυλλον and _olifan orifan_ ＜ _elephantem_ are French.

43. Sometimes the initial syllable was altered by a change of prefix or a false idea of etymology: aucire ＜ _occīdĕre_ (cf. the Italian and Rumanian forms), diman (e) ＜ _de máne_ (cf. di ＜ _dīem_), dementre ＜ _dum ĭntĕrim_ (cf. de ＜ _de_), engǫissa ＜ ✱_angŭstia_ (cf. en ＜ _in_), envanezir ＜ _evanēscĕre_, escür ＜ _obscūrum_ (cf. es- ＜ _ex_-), preọn prefọn (o) ＜ _profŭndum_, redọn ＜ _rotŭndum_ (_re-_ in V. L.: Schuchardt, _Vokalismus des Vulgärlateins_, II, 213), trabalh ＜ _trepalium_ (cf. tra- ＜ _tra-_ = _trans-_). _Dimenge_ (also _ditmenge_) is from _dīe domĭnĭco_.

1. On the same principle are doubtless to be explained such double forms as _evori_ (_a_), _saboros_ (_e_), _socors_ (_e_), _somondre_ (_e_), _soror_ (_e_). _Serori_ occurs in a Latin inscription.

2. The prefix _eccu-_, under the influence of _ac_ and _atque_, became ✱_accu-_ in southern Gaul and elsewhere: _aco_ ＜ ✱_accu’hoc_, _aquel_ ＜ ✱_accu’ĭllum_, _aquest_ ＜ ✱_accu’ĭstum_, _aqui_ ＜ ✱_accu’hīc_. _Eissi_ ＜ _ecce hīc_ sometimes becomes _aissi_ through the analogy of _aissi_ ＜ _ac sīc_.

3. In such forms as _tresanar_, the prefix _tres-_ is French.

44. Local or partial phonetic changes affected the initial syllable of many words: demandar (do-) ＜ _demandāre_, emplir (üm-) ＜ _implēre_; ciutat cieutat ＜ _cīvĭtātem_; eissir issir ＜ _exīre_, getar gitar ＜ ✱_jĕctāre_; crear criar ＜ _creāre_; mercẹ (mar-) ＜ _mercēdem_; delgat (dal-) ＜ _delicātum_.

1. Nearly everywhere there is a tendency to change e to o, u, or ü before a labial, especially before m: _premier_ _promier_ _prumier_, _remas_ _romas_, _semblar_ _somblar_, _trebalh_ _trubalh_. So _de ves_ ＞ ✱_do ves_ ＞ _dous_.

2. In the 13th century, nearly everywhere, iu ＞ ieu: _piucela_ _pieucela_.

3. Many dialects of the north and west change ei and e to i: _deissendre_ _dissendre_, _eissam_ _issam_, _eissi_ _issi_, _eissilh_ _issilh_, _leisso_ _lisso_, _meitat_ _mitat_; _degerir_ (_i_), _denhar_ (_i_), _disnar_, _en_ _in_, _enfern_ (_i_), _entrar_ (_i_), _envers_ (_i_), _escien_ _icient_, proclitic _est_ _ist_, _estar_ (_i_), _estiers_ (_i_), _Felip_ (_i_), _gelos_ (_i_), _genhos_ (_i_), _genolh_ (_i_), _gequir_ (_i_), _guereiar_ (_i_), _guerensa_ (_i_), _i(n)vern_, _isnel_ _irnel_, _peior_ _pigor_, proclitic _per_ _pir_, _premier_ (_i_), _semblar_ (_i_), _serven_ (_i_), _serventes_ (_i_), _sevals_ (_i_), _trebalhar_ (_i_), _tremblar_ (_i_). In _disnar_, _ivern_, _isnel_ only i is found. In some dialects there is an alternation of e and i, e being used when there is an í in the next syllable, i when there is none, _fenít_, _sirvén_. In _vezí_ ＜ _vīcīnum_ the e probably goes back to V. L.: cf. Fr.

4. In a few dialects e in hiatus with a following vowel becomes i: _crear_ _criar_, _leal_ _lial_, _prear_ _priar_, _preon_ _prion_, _real_ _rial_.

5. In many dialects of the north and west e has a tendency to become a before r: _guerentia_ _garensa_, _merce_ _marce_, _pergamen_ _pargamen_.

6. In some dialects there is a tendency to assimilate e to an á in the next syllable: _delgat_ _dalgat_, _gigant_ _iaian_, _deman_ (_a_), _semblar_ (_a_), _serrar_ (_a_), _tremblar_ (_a_). So _de vás_ (§ 42, 1) ＞ _da vás_ ＞ _dávas_; hence _daus_, under the influence of _deus_ ＞ _de ves_.

INTERTONIC SYLLABLE.

45. The term _intertonic_ is applied to the syllable that follows the secondary (§ 18) and precedes the primary accent. In this position all vowels, except a, regularly disappeared in popular words, probably between the 5th and the 8th century[27]; a apparently remained: ✱_bŭllĭcāre_ ＞ boiar (bollegar), _bŏnĭtātem_ ＞ bontat, ✱_carrĭcāre_ ＞ carcar cargar, _caballĭcāre_ ＞ cavalcar cavalgar, _cĕrĕbĕllum_ ＞ cervęl, _cīvĭtātem_ ＞ ciutat, _cŏllŏcāre_ ＞ colcar colgar, _dēlĭcātum_ ＞ delcat delgat, _excommūnĭcāre_ ✱_excommĭnĭcāre_ ＞ escomeniar, _vĕrēcŭndia_ ＞ vergọnha; _calamĕllum_ ＞ calamęl, _invadĕre_ ✱_invadīre_ ＞ envazir, _margarīta_ ＞ margarida, _mīrabĭlia_ ＞ miravilha, _parav(e)rēdus_ ＞ palafrẹs.

1. The vowel is preserved in a number of words in which it originally bore the secondary accent (§ 18): _abbréviáre_ ＞ _abreuiar_, _calúmniáre_ ＞ _caloniar_, ✱_eríciónem_ ＞ _erisso_; on the other hand, ✱_cominítiáre_ (through ✱_comín’tiáre_) ＞ _comensar_, _partítiónem_ (through ✱_pártiónem_) ＞ _parso_. Cf. _Zs._, XXVII, 576, 684, 693, 698, 701, 704. When kept, the vowel is sometimes altered: ✱_carōnea_ ✱_caróneáta_ ＞ _caraunhada_, ✱_cupídietósus_ ＞ _cobeitos_ _cobitos_, _papíliónem_ ＞ _pabalho_.

2. The prefix _mĭnus-_ was reduced to _mis-_ (or _mes-_) in Gaul, perhaps at the close of the Vulgar Latin period: ✱_mínus-prétiat_ ＞ _mespreza_. _Menes-_ was used also. Cf. P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 43, 44.

3. _Mostier_ is from ✱_monistĕrium_, altered, by the influence of _ministĕrium_, from _monastērium_. _Comprar_ is from V. L. _comperare_. _Calmelh_ _calmelha_ (cf. _calamel_ above) are Provençal formations from _calm_. _Caresma_ or _caresme_ seems to be from V. L. ✱_quarrēsĭma_ = _quadragēsĭma_. _Anedier_ ＜ _anatarium_ shows the influence of _anét_ _ánet_ ＜ _anătem_ (§ 48, 1).

4. In learned words the vowel is generally preserved: _irregulár_, _irritár_, _pelicán_, _philozophía_. The vowel is, however, often altered, the exchange of e and i being particularly frequent: _esperít_, _femeníl_, _orifán_, _peligrí_ (_e_), _soteirán_ (_sotrán_) ＜ _subterraneum_ influenced by _dereirán_ and _primeirán_.

46. Very often the intertonic vowel was preserved by the analogy of some cognate word or form in which that vowel was stressed: dev_i_nár through _devín_, fin_i_mén through _finír_, guerr_e_iár through _guerréia_, noir_i_dúra through _noirír_, obl_i_dár through _oblít_, pert_u_sár through _pertúsa_, re_u_sar through _reúsa_, serv_i_dór through _servíre_.

1. In such cases the preserved vowel is sometimes altered, the exchange of e and i being especially common: _avinén_, _covinén_, _sovinénsa_, cf. _venír_, _ven_; _enginhár_, _enginhós_, cf. _genh_; _envelzír_, cf. _vil_; _gememén_, cf. _gemír_; _issarnít_ (_eissernít_), from _excĕrnĕre_; _randóla_, from _hirŭndŭla_, perhaps influenced by _randón_; _temerós_ (_o_), from ✱_timorōsus_, influenced by _temér_; _traazó_ (_i_), from _traditiōnem_, with a substitution of suffix; _volentiérs_, from _voluntarius_, under the influence of _volén_ ＜ _volentem_.

PENULT.[28]

47. (1) The vowel of the penult of proparoxytones fell in many words in Vulgar Latin, especially between a labial and another consonant, and between two consonants one of which was a liquid: ✱_avĭca_ ＞ ✱_auca_, _cŏm(i)tem_, _cŏmp(u)tum_, _dēb(i)tum_, _dŏm(i)nus_[29]; _alt(e)ra_, _vĭg(i)lat_, _cal(i)dus_, _vĭr(i)dem_; _frig(i)dus_, _nĭtĭdus_ ＞ ✱_nĭttus_, _pŏs(i)tus_, _pūtĭdus_ ＞ ✱_pūttus_.

(2) The classic Latin _-culus_ comprises an original _-clus_ (_sæclum_) and an original _-culus_ (_aurĭcŭla_). In popular Latin both were _-clus_ (✱_macla_, _ŏclus_, etc.), to which was assimilated _-tŭlus_ in current words (_vĕtŭlus_ ＞ _vĕclus_, etc.).

(3) Many popular words which in Vulgar Latin had very generally lost the vowel were for some reason introduced into southern Gaul in their classical forms, and not a few were adopted both in the uncontracted and in the syncopated state: _fragĭlem_ ＞ frágel (cf. Fr. _fraile_, It. _frale_), _jŭvĕnem_ ＞ iọve (cf. Fr. _iuevne_); _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrgue _clĕr’cum_ ＞ clęrc, _dēbĭtum_ ＞ dẹute _dēb’tum_ ＞ dẹpte, _flēbĭlem_ ＞ frẹvol _flēb’lem_ ＞ frẹble, _mal’habĭtum_ ＞ malaute _mal’hab’tum_ ＞ malapte, _nĭtĭdum_ ＞ nẹde ✱_nĭttum_ ＞ nẹt, _hŏmĭnem_ ＞ ome _hŏm’nem_ ＞ omne, _pŏpŭlum_ ＞ pǫbol _pŏp’lum_ ＞ pǫble.

1. _Cŏgnĭtum_ seems to have become ✱_cónhede_, whence _coinde_ _cuende_ _conge_. Cf. § 79, Gnd, Gnt.

48. The unaccented penult vowels that had not already fallen disappeared, in most cases, in the transition from Latin to Provençal: ✱_carrĭcat_ ＞ carca, _cŏllŏcat_ ＞ cǫlca, _cŭrrĕre_ ＞ cọrre, _spathŭla_ ＞ espatla, ✱_ĕssĕre_ (= _ĕsse_) ＞ ęstre, _ī(n)sŭla_ isla, _pĕssĭmum_ ＞ pęsme, _pōnĕre_ ＞ pọnre, ✱_rīdĕre_ ＞ rire, _tabŭla_ ＞ taula, _tŏllĕre_ ＞ tǫlre.

1. A apparently was more tenacious than other vowels, and frequently remained as an indistinct e: _anătem_ ＞ ánet, which, being associated with the diminutive ending _-ét_, became anét (cf. modern Pr. _anèdo_); _cannăbim_ ＞ cánebe (learned?); _cŏlăphum_ ＞ ✱cólebe ＞ cǫlbe, but _cŏl’phum_ ＞ cǫlp; _Stĕphănum_ ＞ Estęve; _lampăda_ ＞ lámpeza; _ŏrgănum_ ＞ órguene (later orguéne) órgue; _ŏrphănum_ ＞ ǫrfe; _raphănum_ ＞ ráfe; _Rhŏdănum_ ＞ Rǫzer; ✱_sēcăle_ (= _sĕcāle_) ＞ séguel (but cf. modern _segle_ _selho_). Cf. A. Thomas in the _Journal des savants_, June, 1901, p. 370. See also P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 90-94. Cf. § 45, footnote. It is noteworthy that ✱cólebe ultimately lost its penult, while the other words lost the final syllable or none.

49. Under certain conditions, however, a vowel which had not fallen in the Latin of southern Gaul was often kept in Provençal. It was then probably indistinct in sound, and was written usually _e_, but occasionally _o_.

(1) After c´, g´, or y the vowel was apparently retained in some dialects and lost in others. When the c´, g´, or y was intervocalic, forms with and without the vowel are about equally common; when the c´, g´, or y was preceded by a consonant, forms with the vowel predominate, and after cons. + c´ the vowel was apparently never lost. After intervocalic c´: _cŏcĕre_ (= _cŏquĕre_) ＞ cǫire cǫzer, _dīcĕre_ ＞ dire dízer, _dūcĕre_ ＞ düire ✱düzer (condücir dedüzir), _facĕre_ ＞ faire ✱fázer (fazedọr, etc.), _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile, ✱_nŏcĕre_ (= _nŏcēre_) ＞ nǫire nǫzer, _placĭtum_ ＞ plach, _sŏcĕrum_ ＞ sǫzer (sǫgre is from _sŏcrum_), ✱_vŏcĭtum_ (= _vacuum_) ＞ vuech. After intervocalic g´ or y: _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes, _fragĭlem_ ＞ frágel, _imagĭnem_ ＞ imáge, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęire legír (through ✱lęger?), _rĭgĭdum_ ＞ rẹide rẹge, _rĭgĭda_ ＞ rẹgeza, ✱_tragĕre_ (= _trahĕre_) ＞ traire tragír (through ✱tráger?). After cons. + c´: _carcer_ ＞ cárcer, _crēscĕre_ ＞ crẹisser, _nascĕre_ ＞ náisser, _pascĕre_ ＞ páisser, _parcĕre_ ＞ párcer, ✱_tŏrcĕre_ (= _tŏrquēre_) ＞ tǫrzer. After cons. + g´ or y: _angĕlum_ ＞ ángel (learned?), ✱_cŏll’gĕre_ (= _cŏllĭgĕre_, through _cŏllĭgo_ etc.) ＞ cǫlre cuelher colhír, ✱_dē-ēr’gĕre_ (= _ērĭgĕre_) ＞ dẹrdre dẹrzer, ✱_fŭlgĕrem_ (from _fŭlger_ = _fŭlgur_) ＞ fọuzer, _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iọnher, _margĭnem_ ＞ marge, _plangĕre_> planher, _vĭrgĭnem_ ＞ vẹrgena vẹrge.