Part 11

157. Differences in accentuation and in the environment of vowels or consonants regularly developed different stems in different parts of some verbs. For instance, _ádjūtā́re_ ＞ aidar (§ 45), while _adjū́tat_ ＞ aiüda.

158. Sometimes, as above, an intertonic vowel disappeared: _mándūcā́re_ ＞ maniar, _mandūco_ ＞ ✱mandüc manüc; ✱_parabolāre_ ✱_páraulā́re_ ＞ parlar, ✱_parabŏlat_ ✱_paraulat_ ＞ paraula. In such cases the shortened stem usually prevailed: mania, parla. But in _adjutare_ the longer one was preferred: aiüdar.

159. (1) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may be unstressed, and therefore remain unbroken, in another part: _probāre_ ＞ proar, _prŏbat_ ＞ prueva,[116] ✱_sequīre_ ＞ sęguir, ✱_sĕquit_ ＞ sięc.[117] In such cases the phonetic development is generally undisturbed.

(2) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may, with different environment, remain unbroken even in another part in which it is stressed: ✱_volēre_ ＞ volẹr, ✱_vŏleo_ ＞ vuelh, ✱_vŏlet_ ＞ vǫl. If the breaking occurs in the 1st pers. sg., the phonetic development is regularly undisturbed; if it occurs in the 2d and 3d pers. sg., it is generally carried into the other forms in which the vowel is stressed: _cŏllĭgit_ ＞ cuęlh, hence cuęlh = _collĭgo_; _ĕxit_ ＞ ięis, hence ięsc, ięscon, ięsca.

160. A consonant may be followed by e̯ or i̯, and so palatalized, in one part of the verb, and not in another: ✱_cadeo_ ＞ chai, ✱_cadēmu’_ ＞ chazẹm; _dēbeo_ ＞ dẹch dẹi (§ 73, βy), _dēbet_ ＞ dẹu; _faciat_ ＞ fassa, _facĕre_ ＞ faire; _fŭgio_ ＞ füi, _fugĕre_ ＞ fugir; _jaceam_ ＞ iassa, _jacēre_ ＞ iazẹr[118]; _placeāmu’_ ＞ plassám, _placēmu’_ ＞ plazẹm; _sapiam_ ＞ sapcha, _sapit_ ＞ sap; _tĕneo_ ＞ tenh, _tĕnet_ ＞ ten; _valeo_ ＞ valh, _vales_ ＞ vals; _vĕniat_ ＞ venha, _venīre_ ＞ venir; _vĭdeam_ ＞ vẹia, _vidētis_ ＞ vezẹtz; ✱_vŏleo_ ＞ vuęlh, ✱_vŏlet_ ＞ vǫl. Verbs in _-eo_ generally keep this distinction; but we find mǫva, somóna, tẹma = _mŏveam_, _submŏneam_, _tĭmeam_. Most verbs in _-io_, on the other hand, dropped the i̯ in Vulgar Latin: _partio_ ✱_parto_ ＞ part, _partiunt_ ✱_partunt_ ＞ parton, _partiam_ ✱_partam_ ＞ parta; sen, senton, senta; sięrf, sięrvon, sięrva; etc. A few verbs show forms both with and without the e̯ or i̯: _audio_ ＞ auch (_audiam_ ＞ auia), ✱_audo_ ＞ au; _crēdo_ ＞ crẹ, ✱_crēdeo_ ＞ crẹi[119]; _vĭdeo_ ＞ vẹi[119], ✱_vĭdo_ ＞ vẹ.

161. Verbs in -ng- naturally developed a palatal consonant before e or i (§ 73, Ng´), but not before other vowels: _cĭngĕre_ ＞ cẹnher, _cĭngo_ ＞ cẹnc, _cĭngit_ ＞ cẹnh, _cĭngam_ ＞ cẹnga; so fẹnher, ọnher, plánher, pọnher, etc. The palatal was carried by analogy into the parts that were originally without it: hence the double forms cẹnc cẹnh, cẹngon cẹnhon, cẹnga cẹnha, etc. These double forms led tenẹr, venir to adopt tenc, venc, tenga, venga, beside the regular tenh, venh, tenha, venha. Such forms as these, supported by dẹrc ＜ _de-ērĭgo_, dic ＜ _dīco_, pręc ＜ _prĕco_, sęc ＜ ✱_sequo_, trac ＜ ✱_trago_, etc., afforded a starting-point for an ending -c, adopted by some other verbs in the 1st pers. sg. of the present indicative: _pĕrdo_ ＞ pęrt pęrc, _pr(eh)ĕndo_ ＞ pren prenc, _remaneo_ ＞ remanh remanc, etc.

PECULIAR FORMS.

162. The following verbs have individual peculiarities that call for special mention:--

(1) Anar (＜ _annāre_), ‘to go’, takes most of its present from _vadĕre_: indicative, _vau_ _vauc_ (analogy of _estau_ _estauc_), _vas_, _va_ _vai_ (analogy of _fai_), _anám_, _anátz_, _van_ _vaun_ (analogy of _estan_ _estaun_); subjunctive, _an_ or _vaza_ (＜ _vadam_) _vaia_ (analogy of _vai_ and of _traia_), _vaga_ (analogy of _traga_), etc.; imperative, _vai_ (analogy of _fai_), _anátz_.

(2) Aucire (＜ _occīidĕre_: § 43) has in the pres. indicative 3d sg. _auci_ (＜ _occīdit_) and _aucis_ (analogy of _aucizém_, _aucizétz_). Cf. _auzir_, _caire_, _rire_, _traire_, _vezér_. These forms were doubtless helped by the analogy of _ditz_ (＜ _dīcit_), _dütz_, _fatz_, _iatz_, _letz_ (＜ _lĭcet_), _platz_, _tatz_.

(3) Auzir (＜ _audīre_) has in the pres. indicative 3d sg. _au_ (＜ _audit_) and _aus_ (analogy of _auzém_, _auzétz_). Cf. _aucire_, _caire_, _rire_, _traire_, _vezér_. See also § 160.

(4) Aver (＜ _habēre_) has in the pres. indicative: _ai_ (＜ _habeo_: § 73, βy), _as_, _a_, _avém_, _avétz_ (see §§ 167, 168), _an_ _aun_; see § 137, (1). There is no trace of ✱_ho_. Instead of _ai_, the dialects of Aude, Tarn, Tarn et Garonne, and Haute-Garonne have _ei_ (cf. _Gram._, II, p. 304), which probably developed first in the future (§ 152, 1) through the analogy of the preterit ending _-ei_ which took the place of _-ai_: _amāvi_ ✱_amai_ ＞ ✱_amai_ _amei_ (§ 175), then _amarai_ ＞ _amarei_, then _ai_ ＞ _ei_. The pres. subjunctive is _aia_ (＜ _habeam_: § 73, βy). For the imperative, see § 156.

(5) Caire cazér (＜ _cadĕre_ ✱_cadēre_) has in the pres. indicative 3d sg. _ca_ (＜ _cadit_) _cai_ (analogy of _brai_ ＜ ✱_bragit_, _fai_, _trai_ ＜ ✱_tragit_, _vai_) _cas_ (analogy of _cazém_, _cazétz_: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _rire_, _traire_, _vezér_).

(6) Conóisser (＜ _cognōscĕre_) has in the pres. indicative 1st sg. _conosc_ (＜ _cognōsco_) and _conóis_ (analogy of 2d and 3d sg., _conóisses_, _conóis_).

(7) Creire (＜ _crēdĕre_): pres. subjunctive _creza_ (＜ _crēdam_) and _crega_ (analogy of _diga_, _sega_, _traga_). See also § 160.

(8) Créisser (＜ _crēscĕre_): pres. subjunctive _cresca_ (＜ _crēscam_) and _crega_ (analogy of _diga_, _sega_, _traga_, and of the imperfect subjunctive _cregués_).

(9) Dar (＜ _dare_): _dau_ (＜ ✱_dao_), _daun_ (＜ ✱_daunt_); see § 137, (1).

(10) Destruire (＜ ✱_destrūgĕre_ = _destruĕre_): analogy of _agĕre_, _tĕgĕre_, etc. Cf. _traire_. ✱_Destrūgit_ ＞ _destrüi_.

(11) Dever (＜ _debēre_) has in the pres. indicative 1st sg., beside _dech_ _dei_ (§ 160), _dec_ (analogy of _dic_, _prec_, _sec_, _trac_, and perhaps of the preterit _dec_).

(12) Dire (＜ _dīcĕre_): _dic_ (＜ _dīco_) _diu_ (cf. § 51, 3; § 65, G, 1); _ditz_ (＜ _dīcit_) _di_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_, and of imperative _di_ ＜ _dīc_); _dízon_ (analogy of _ditz_, _dizém_, _dizétz_); _diga_ _dia_ (both ＜ _dīcam_: § 65, G). For the imperative, see § 156.

(13) Düire (＜ _dūcĕre_): _dütz_ (＜ _dūcit_) _düi_ (analogy of _destrüi_, _trai_).

(14) Eissir (＜ _exīre_): _iesc_, _iescon_, _iesca_, analogy of _conosc_, _florisc_, etc.; for vowel, see § 159, (2).

(15) Ésser estre (＜ ✱_ĕssĕre_ = _ĕsse_). Pres. indicative: _sŭm_ ＞ sọn sọ (§ 82, M), then, by the analogy of _ai_ and _füi_, sọi süi; _ĕs_ became ęst ięst, perhaps through _ĕs tu_ ＞ ęs-t-u ＞ ęst-tü, supported by the analogy of the preterit ending of the 2d sg. (vọs vendętz, tü vendęst or vendięst, so, to match vọs ętz, a form tü ęst or ięst); _ĕst_ became ẹs, probably through such combinations as quẹ’s (understood as qu’ẹs); _sīmu’_, which existed in Latin beside _sŭmus_ (Rom., XXI, 347), gave sẹm, while from _ĕstis_ there was constructed an ✱_ĕsmus_ ＞ ęsmes (rare), and from ętz a form ẹm (very common); _ĕstis_ ＞ ęstz ętz (§ 78, 2); _sŭnt_ ＞ sọn sǫ (§ 83, Nt). Pres. subjunctive: _sĭm_, _sīs_, etc., were replaced in V. L. by ✱_sĭam_, ✱_sĭas_, etc. (on the analogy of _fiam_, _faciam_, etc.), which gave sía sías sía siám siátz, sían síon; we find also sẹia, etc., formed apparently on _deia_, _veia_. Imperative borrowed from subjunctive.

(16) Estar (＜ _stare_). Pres. indicative: _estáu_ (＜ ✱_stao_) _estáuc_ (§ 161); _estás_ (＜ _stas_); _está_ (＜ _stat_) _estái_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_); _estám_ (＜ _stamu’_); _estátz_ (＜ _statis_) _estáitz_ (after _faitz_); _están_ (＜ _stant_) _estáun_ (＜ ✱_staunt_); see § 137 (1). Pres. subjunctive: _estía_, etc., _estéia_, etc., patterned on _sia_, _seia_; also _estéi_, perhaps a cross between _esteia_ and ✱_esté_ ＜ _stem_. Imperative: _está_, _estáitz_.

(17) Faire far (＜ _facĕre_ ✱_fare_): § 137, (1). Pres. indicative: _fatz_ (＜ _facio_) _fau_ (analogy of _dau_, _estau_) _fac_ _fauc_ (§ 161); _fas_ (＜ ✱_fas_); _fatz_ (＜ _facit_) _fa_ (＜ ✱_fat_) _fai_ (influence of _faire_, _faim_, _faitz_, and of _trai_); _faim_ (＜ _facĭmu’_: § 167, 1) _fam_ (＜ ✱_famu’_) _fazém_ (see _fazétz_); _faitz_ (＜ _facĭtis_) _fatz_ (＜ ✱_fatis_) _fazétz_ (analogy of regular verbs, _crezétz_, etc.); _fan_ (＜ ✱_fant_) _faun_ (analogy of _daun_, _estaun_). Pres. subjunctive: _faça_ _fassa_, etc. (＜ _faciam_, etc.). Imperative: _fai_ (＜ _fac_); _fatz_ _faitz_ (borrowed from indicative) _fait_ (＜ _facĭte_).

(18) Iazér (＜ _jacēre_), also _iassér_ (influence of _ias_ ＜ _iatz_ ＜ _jacet_, and of _iassa_?): _iatz_ (＜ _jacet_) _iai_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_); _iassa_ (＜ _jaceam_) _iaia_ (analogy of _traia_, _vaia_).

(19) Movér móure (＜ _movēre_ ✱_mŏvĕre_): _mova_ (＜ ✱_mŏvam_ = _mŏveam_) _moga_ (analogy of _traga_).

(20) Partir (＜ _partīre_): _part_ (＜ ✱_parto_ = _partio_) _parc_ (§ 161); so _parta_ _parga_.

(21) Perdre (＜ _pĕdĕre_): _pert_ _perc_, _perda_ _perga_; see § 161.

(22) Plazér plaire (＜ _placēre_ ✱_placĕre_): _platz_ (＜ _placet_) _plai_ (analogy of _fai_, _trai_); _plassa_ (＜ _placeam_) _plaia_ (analogy of _traia_, _vaia_).

(23) Podér (＜ ✱_potēre_ = _pŏsse_): see § 137, (1). Pres. indicative: _posc_ (＜ _pŏssum_ influenced by _cognōsco_) _puosc_ _puesc_ (analogy of _puoc_ _puec_ ＜ _pŏtui_), _puecs_ (? ＜ ✱_pots_ ＜ ✱_pŏtsum_ + _puesc_), _pois_ (＜ ✱_pŏsseo_); _potz_ (＜ _pŏtes_); _pot_ (＜ _pŏtet_ = _pŏtest_); _podém_ (＜ ✱_potēmu’_); _podétz_ (＜ ✱_potētis_); _póden_ (＜ ✱_potent_) _pódon_, _pon_ (analogy of _potz_, _pot_, and _son_ ＜ _sŭnt_). Pres. subjunctive: _posca_ _puosca_ _puesca_ (like _posc_ _puosc_ _puesc_), etc.; _poissa_ (＜ ✱_pŏsseam_), etc.

(24) Prendre (_prĕndĕre_ = _prehĕndĕre_) penre (see § 71, end): _pren_ (＜ _prĕndo_) _prenh_ (analogy of _tenh_, _venh_) _prenc_ (§ 161); so _prenda_ _prenha_ _prenga_.

(25) Rire (＜ ✱_rīdĕre_): _ri_ (＜ _rīdet_) _ritz_ (analogy of _rizém_, _rizétz_: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _caire_, _traire_, _vezér_); _ria_ (＜ _rīdeam_?).

(26) Sabér (＜ ✱_sapēre_): see § 137, 1. Pres. indicative: _sai_ _sei_ (analogy of _ai_ _ei_ from _avér_); _saps_; _sap_; _sabém_ (＜ ✱_sapēmu’_); _sabétz_ (＜ ✱_sapētis_); _sáben_ (＜ ✱_sapent_) _sábon_. Pres. subjunctive: _sapcha_ (＜ _sapiam_). Imperative from subjunctive.

(27) Tazér taire (＜ _tacēre_ ✱_tacĕre_): _tatz_ (＜ _tacet_) _tai_ (analogy of _taire_ and of _fai_, _trai_).

(28) Tenér (＜ _tenēre_): _tenh_ (＜ _tĕneo_) _tenc_ (§ 161); so _tenha_ _tenga_.

(29) Traire (＜ ✱_tragĕre_, perhaps also ✱_tracĕre_, = _trahĕre_): _trac_ (＜ ✱_trago_ or ✱_traco_) _trai_ (§ 63, 6)[120]; _trai_ (＜ ✱_tragit_) _tra_ (analogy of _da_, _esta_, _fa_, _va_) _tratz_ (＜ ✱_tracit_?: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _caire_, _rire_, _vezér_); _trázon_ (analogy of _tratz_); _traga_ _traia_ (both ＜ ✱_tragam_).

(30) Vezér (＜ _vidēre_): _vei_ (＜ _vĭdeo_) _vec_ (§ 161); _ve_ (＜ _vĭdet_) _ves_ (analogy of _vezém_, _vezétz_: cf. _aucire_, _auzir_, _caire_, _rire_, _traire_). Imperative from subjunctive.

(31) Volér (＜ ✱_volēre_ = _vĕlle_): see § 137, (1). Pres. indicative: _vuelh_ (＜ ✱_vŏleo_); _vols_ (＜ ✱_vŏles_); _vol_ (＜ ✱_vŏlet_); _volém_ (＜ ✱_volēmu’_)[121]; _volétz_ (＜ ✱_volētis_); _vólon_ (＜ ✱_vŏlent_). Pres. subjunctive: _vuelha_ (＜ ✱_vŏleam_), _vuelhas_, _vuelha_, _vulhám_, _vulhátz_, _vuelhan_. Imperative from subjunctive.

163. In verse the present subjunctive ending -ia sometimes counts as one syllable: si͡atz. Cf. § 153, 1.

PERSONAL ENDINGS[122].

164. (1) In the first person singular final _-o_ and _-em_ regularly disappeared: _amo_ ＞ am, _amem_ ＞ am. When, however, the _-o_ or _-em_ was preceded by a consonant group requiring a supporting vowel (§ 52), the ending was regularly retained as -e: _dŭbĭto_ ＞ dọpte, _sŭffĕro_ ＞ suffre, _trĕmŭlem_ ＞ tremble.

Through the analogy of ai, crẹi, dẹi, sọi, vẹi, and the 1st pers. sg. of the preterit, this -e was in the indicative generally changed at an early date to -i: ✱_cŏpĕro_ ＞ cǫbre cǫbri, ✱_opĕro_ ＞ ǫbre ǫbri; so _ĭmpleo_ ✱_ĭmplo_ ＞ ompli. This -i (occasionally -e) was then taken as a distinctive ending of the 1st pers. sg., and was added to many verbs that needed no supporting vowel: auzir, au auze; azorar, azọr azọri; cantar, can canti; cọrre, cọr cọrri; mẹtre, mẹt mẹti; prezar, prętz pręzi; remirar, remir remire remiri; respondre, respon respondi; sentir, sen senti; vẹndre, vẹn vẹndi.

In the subjunctive, when a final vowel was required, -e was usually kept; it was also extended to some verbs that did not need it: acabe, dọne, mire, plọre. Very rarely an unnecessary -i was added instead of -e: laissar, lais laissi.

(2) The ending _-am_ regularly gave -a: _audiam_ ＞ auia.

165. In the second person singular final _-as_ regularly remained, and _-ēs_ and _-ī̆s_ became -s (or, when a supporting vowel was required, -es): _amas_ ＞ amas; _valēs_ ＞ vals, _sapĭs_ ＞ saps, _partīs_ ＞ partz; _dŭbĭtēs_ ＞ dọptes. Cf. § 82, S. Sometimes, especially in late texts, -s is expanded into -es: canz cantes, partz partes, saps sabes, vals vales; so floris florisses, etc.

Final _-a_ remained, and _-ē̆_ and _-ī_ fell: _ama_ ＞ ama, _tĕne_ ＞ ten, _crēde_ ＞ crẹ, _partī_ ＞ part.

166. In the third person singular final _-at_ became -a, _-ĕt_ and _-ĭt_ fell (but remained as -e when a supporting vowel was needed): _amat_ ＞ ama, _amet_ ＞ am, _tĕnet_ ＞ ten te, _vĕnit_ ＞ ven ve; _trĕmŭlet_ ＞ tremble. Cf. § 82, T.

167. In the first person plural the final _-s_ disappeared early, _s_ being perhaps regarded as a distinctively second person ending[123]. The rare form ęsmes = _sŭmus_ is the only one that retains the _s_: cf. § 162, (15).

Then _-āmu’_, _-ēmu’_ gave regularly -am, -ẹm: _cantāmus_ ＞ cantám, _habēmus_ ＞ avẹm. Likewise _-ĭmu’_, through the analogy of _-āmu’_, _-ēmu’_, came to take the accent on its penult, and then regularly developed into -ẹm: _crēdĭmus_ ✱_credĭ́mu’_ ＞ crezẹm. This -ẹm of the second and third conjugations passed into the fourth, and entirely displaced the -im that would have been the regular representative of _-īmu’_: _partīmus_ ＞ ✱partím partẹm.

1. In _faim_ ＜ _facĭmu’_ the old accentuation apparently survives: cf. § 52, (4), 1.

2. In some dialects of Béarn, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, _-m_ apparently becomes _-n_: _devén_, _havén_, _volén_; so _aurián_, _trobarén_, _segrián_ (cf. § 152, 1; § 153, 1). Cf. § 65, M, 1.

168. In the second person plural _-ātis_ regularly gave -atz: _amātis_ ＞ amatz, _audiātis_ ＞ auiatz. The regular form from _-ētis_ is -ẹtz, which we find kept in the future (veirẹtz) and in the present subjunctive (cantẹtz); in the present indicative it was replaced by -ętz, probably through the analogy of ętz ＜ _ĕstis_: _habētis_ ＞ avẹtz avętz, ✱_potētis_ ＞ podẹtz podętz, so sezętz, valętz, etc.; the rare avẹtz and podẹtz are the only forms that preserve ẹ. The ending _-ĭtis_, taking the accent on its penult (cf. § 167), became ✱-ẹtz, then -ętz: _crēdĭtis_ ＞ crezętz. This -ętz also displaced the -itz that would have been regular in the fourth conjugation: _partītis_ ＞ partętz.

The final -tz was reduced, in some of the principal dialects, to -s (§ 64): cantás, sezęs, partęs. In other dialects it was replaced very early by -t (§ 64): auiát, avęt, passát, podęt; so partirẹt, etc.

1. In _faitz_ ＜ _facĭtis_ the old accentuation apparently survives.

169. In the third person plural _-ant_, _-ent_, _-unt_ gave respectively -an -ant, -en, -on -o (§ 83, Nt): _amant_ ＞ áman ámant, _audiant_ ＞ áuian áuiant; _valent_ ＞ válen, _ament_ ＞ ámen; _vēndunt_ ＞ vẹndon vẹndo. In Languedoc -an was replaced by -on or -o in the 13th century; in other regions, later: ámon, chanto ls, coménso l. The _Boeci_ has -en for -an: amen, monten. In Gascony and some of the Limousin territory -en partially displaced -on (floríssen, párten, vẹnden), elsewhere -on or -o displaced -en (válon).

IMPERFECT INDICATIVE.

170. In the first conjugation _-abam_ regularly gave _-ava_. In the second, through the analogy of _aβéa_ ＜ _habēbam_ (§ 153), _-ēbam_ came to be replaced, in southern Gaul, by _-éa_, which regularly changed to _-ía_ (§ 26). In the third, _-iēbam_ regularly became _-ēbam_ (§ 40, 1); and this and original _-ēbam_ were replaced by the _-éa_ ＞ _-ía_ of the second conjugation. In the fourth, _-ībam_, which had in the accented syllable the characteristic vowel of the conjugation, crowded out _-iēbam_; _-ībam_ then lost its β through the analogy of the second and third conjugations. We have, then, in Provençal, only two sets of endings: _-áva_, etc., in the first conjugation; _-ía_, etc., in the second, third, and fourth.

amáva vezía fazía partía amávas vezías fazías partías amáva vezía fazía partía amavám veziám faziám partiám amavátz veziátz faziátz partiátz amávan vezían fazían partían

1. In poetry _ía_ is sometimes counted as one syllable: _avi͡an_, _devi͡an_.

2. For some subsequent developments of western dialects, see Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 326.

3. For the personal endings, see §§ 164-169.

4. _Esser_ has: ęra, ęras, ęra, erám, erátz erás, ęran ęron ęro.

PRETERIT, OLD CONDITIONAL, AND IMPERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE.

171. These parts are all formed from the same stem, that of the Latin perfect: cf. § 141, (2). Ex.: cantęi, cantęra, cantęs; vendęi, vendęra, vendęs; partí, partíra, partís; vi, vira, vis; dẹc, dẹgra, deguẹs.

PRETERIT.

172. Preterits which stress the ending throughout are called _weak_; those which do not stress the ending throughout are called _strong_: part_í_, part_íst_, part_í_, part_ím_, part_ítz_, part_íron_ is weak; saup, saub_íst_, saup, saub_ém_, saub_étz_, sáub_ron_ is strong. Verbs of the first and fourth conjugations regularly have weak preterits (amęi, finí). Verbs of the second and third, with very few exceptions, originally had strong preterits (_placuī_ ＞ plac, _fēcī_ ＞ fis): many of them, however, developed weak preterits either in Vulgar Latin or in Provençal (irasquęi, nasquęi, tessęi tesquęi, visquęi); some assumed a weak form in -í in the 1st pers. sg. (dis dissí, pris prenguí, remas remanguí, trais traguí: cf. §§ 173, 177); quęrre, on the other hand, substituted a strong preterit (quis, etc.) for a weak one.

173. (1) Final _-ī_, in the first pers. sg., doubtless remained through the earlier stages of Provençal (_habuī_ ＞ águi, _dīxī_ ＞ díssi): cf. § 51, (2). Before it fell, it changed an accented ẹ in the preceding syllable to i (_vēnī_ ✱_vēnuī_ ＞ ✱vẹngui vinc): cf. § 27; occasionally, however, the ẹ was kept, through the analogy of the other persons (pris prẹs). Sometimes, instead of falling, the -i took the accent (following the analogy of the fourth conjugation) and remained: águi ＞ ac or aguí, díssi ＞ dis or dissí (cf. § 177).

When the -i was immediately preceded by an accented vowel, it regularly formed a diphthong with that vowel, and did not fall (_fuī_ ＞ füi): cf. § 51, (3); but -íi was simplified to -i (_partīvī_ _partīī_ ＞ partí).

Before enclitic l, -ei -iei were often reduced to -e -ie: cantiel.

(2) In the 2d pers. sg., _-stī_ became -st, a preceding ẹ being changed to i (§ 27): _partīstī_ ＞ partíst, _debuĭstī_ ＞ deguíst; sometimes, through the analogy of the 2d pers. pl., ẹ remains (venguẹst: cf. § 27, 2). Occasionally the final -t disappears: anięst anięs, fezíst fezís.

(3) The _-t_ of the 3d pers. sg. was lost in strong preterits: _placuit_ ＞ plac, _vīdit_ ＞ vi. In weak preterits, it was retained by most dialects after é, and by many after í: donęt donę, vendęt vendę; partí partít. Cf. § 82, T.

(4) In the 1st pers. pl., _-mus_ _-mu’_ (see § 167) was reduced to -m: _vīdĭmu’_ ＞ vim.

(5) The _-stis_ of the 2d pers. pl. regularly became -tz (§ 78, 2), later in many dialects -s (§ 64): _debuĭstis_ ＞ deguẹtz deguẹs.

(6) The _-runt_ of the 3d pers. pl. regularly gave -ron or -ro (§ 83, Nt): _partīrunt_ ＞ partíron partíro, _vīdĕrunt_ ＞ viron viro. In some dialects -en is substituted for -on: _fŭĕrunt_ ＞ fọron fọren (cf. § 169).

The _e_ before _-runt_, which in classic Latin was usually long, was always short in Vulgar Latin when it was preserved at all: _amavĕrunt_ ＞ _amārunt_, _fēcĕrunt_.

WEAK PRETERITS.

174. (1) In the first and fourth conjugations we find in Latin the following endings:--

_-āvī_ _-āī_ _-āvĭmus_ _-īvī_ _-īī_ _-īvĭmus_

_-āvĭstī_ _-āstī_ _-āvĭstis_ _-īvĭstī_ _-īstī_ _-īvĭstis_ _-īstis_ _-āstis_

_-āvit_ _-aut_ _-āvēre_ _-īvit_ _-īit_ _-īt_ _-īvēre_ _-īvē̆runt_ _-āvē̆runt_ _-ārunt_ _-īrunt_

The popular speech preferred in every case the shortened form, and generally reduced _-āvĭmus_, _-īvĭmus_ to _-āmus_, _-īmus_ (in southern Gaul _-āmu’_, _-īmu’_: § 167), on the analogy of the 2d pers. sg. and pl.

(2) In the second conjugation a few verbs (_delēre_, _flēre_, _nēre_, _-olēre_, _-plēre_, _viēre_) had similar endings (_delēvī_, etc.), which were doubtless contracted in like fashion in so far as these words were in common use. Most verbs of this conjugation, however, had strong preterits (_tacēre_, _tacuī_; _vidēre_, _vīdī_; etc.).

(3) The third conjugation had in classic Latin no weak endings corresponding to those of the first, second, and fourth; but the vulgar speech developed a set in the following manner. Compounds of _dare_ formed their perfect in _-dĭdī_ (_perdĭdī_); this _-dĭdī_, in accordance with the principle set forth in § 16, 3, came to be pronounced -dę́dị (_condédi_); and -dędị, probably through dissimilation[124], was shortened to -dęi (✱_credéi_). With this form as a starting-point, a weak preterit was created on the analogy of those of the other conjugations, the endings being something like -ęi, -ęstị, -ęt, -ęmus -ęmu’, -ęstis, -ęrunt. This inflection was probably extended to some verbs outside the _-dĕre_ class (✱_battéi_, etc.?).

175. (1) In Provençal the weak inflection disappeared from the second conjugation, _delēre_ and _-plēre_ passing into the fourth, and the other weak verbs going out of use.

(2) Verbs of the fourth conjugation (except venir) all took the weak endings -í, -íst, -í, -ím, -ítz, -íron: partí, partíst, partí, partím, partítz, partíron. Irregular verbs either disappeared or became regular (_sensī_ = sentí), with the exception of _venīre_ ＞ venir (vinc).[125]

(3) The new weak endings of the third conjugation developed into -ęi, -ęst, -ęt, -ém, -ętz, -ęron: vendęi, vendęst, vendęt, vendém, vendętz, vendęron. In the 1st pers. sg. the ę often broke (vendięi), and the diphthong was sometimes carried into the 2d pers. sg. (vendięst). These endings were considerably extended in Provençal (cazęt, etc.), and were occasionally attached to a strong preterit stem (nasquęt, tesquęt, venquęt, visquęt). Most verbs, however, kept their strong preterit (mis, conọc). The _-īvī_ perfect disappeared from the third conjugation: _quæsīvit_ ＞ ✱_quæsit_ ＞ quẹs.

(4) The first conjugation discarded its own weak endings, and substituted those of the third: cantęi cantięi, cantęst cantięst, cantęt, cantém, cantętz, cantęron. This strange phenomenon seems to have originated as follows: _dare_, _dĕdī_ ＞ dar, dęi; from dar the ending -ęi was readily extended to estar (estęi); and from these two very common verbs it spread to the whole first conjugation.

Irregular verbs (except _dare_, _stare_) either disappeared or became regular.

1. According to Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 304, Latin _-ai_ became by phonetic process -ęi in Vulgar Latin, and -ęi or -ięi in Provençal. There seems to be no evidence to support this theory. Cf. § 23, 2.