PART IV

LAST YEAR OF WAR AND AFTERMATH

XXVI. The Lansing-Ishii Notes 307

XXVII. Amidst Troubles Peking Rejoices 317

XXVIII. A New World War Coming? 328

XXIX. Japan Shows Her Teeth 339

XXX. Bandits, Intriguers, and a House Divided 347

XXXI. Young Men in Peking, Old Men in Paris 358

XXXII. A Nation Strikes and Unites 368

XXXIII. Taking Leave of Peking 375

Index 391

INTRODUCTION

Through recent developments China has been put in the forefront of international interest. The world is beginning to have an idea of its importance. Those who have long known it, who have given attention to its traditions and the sources of its social and industrial strength, have the conviction that China will become a factor of the first magnitude in the composition of the world of the twentieth century. They have penetrated beyond the idea that China is a land of topsy-turvy, the main function of which is to amuse the outsider with unexpected social customs, and which, from a political point of view, is in a state bordering upon chaos. When we ask ourselves what are the elements which may constitute China's contribution to the future civilization of the world, what are the characteristics which render her civilization significant to all of us, we enter upon a subject that would in itself require a volume merely to present in outline. From the point of view of social action, there is the widely diffused sense of popular equity which has enabled Chinese society for these many centuries to govern itself, to maintain property rights, personal honour and dignity without recourse to written law or set tribunals, chiefly through an informal enforcement by society itself acting through many agencies, of that underlying sense of proportion and rightness which lives in the hearts of the people. From the point of view of economic life, China presents the picture of a society in which work has not been robbed of its joy, in which the satisfaction of seeing the product of industry grow in the hands of the craftsman still forms the chief reward of a labour performed with patient toil but without heartbreaking drudgery. From the point of view of social organization, China forms an extremely intricate organism in which the specific relationship between definite individuals counts far more than any general principles or ideas. Loyalty, piety, a sense of fitness give meaning to the ceremonial of Chinese social life, which is more than etiquette as a mere ornament of social intercourse in that it bodies forth in visible form as every-day observances, the relations and duties upon which society rests. From the point of view of art, China stands for a refinement of quality which attests the loving devotion of generations to the idea of a perfect product; in the representative arts, calmness of perception has enabled the Chinese to set a model for the artistic reproduction of the environments of human life. In their conception of policy and world position, the Chinese people have ever shown a readiness to base any claim to ascendancy upon inherent excellence and virtue. They have not imposed upon their neighbours any artificial authority, though they have proudly received the homage and admiration due their noble culture.

At this time, when the Far Eastern question is the chief subject-matter of international conferences and negotiations, China stands before the world in the eyes of those who really know her, not as a bankrupt pleader for indulgence and assistance, but as a great unit of human tradition and force which, heretofore somewhat over-disdainful of the things through which other nations had won power and preference and mechanical mastery, has lived a trifle carelessly in the assurance that real strength must rest on inner virtue; China has made no use of the arts of self-advertisement, but has felt within her the consciousness of a great human force that must ultimately prevail over petty intrigue and forceful aggression. The secular persistence of Chinese civilization has given to the Chinese an inner strength and confidence which make them bear up even when the aggressiveness of nations more effectively organized for attack seems to render their position well-nigh desperate. Can the world fail to realize that if this vast society can continue to live according to its traditions of peace and useful industry instead of being made the battleground of contending Imperial interests, the peace of the world will be more truly advanced than it may be by any covenants of formal contrivance? Declarations, treaties, and leagues are all useful instruments, but unless the nations agree without afterthought to respect the life and civilization of China, all professions of world betterment would be belied in fact. If China is to be looked upon as material for the imperialist policies of others, peace conferences will discuss and resolve in vain.

During the six years of my work in China I was constantly surrounded by the evidences of the transition of Chinese life to new methods and aims. In all its complex phases this enormous transformation passed in review before my eyes, in all its deep significance, not only for China and the Far East, but for the whole world. It was this that made life and work in China at this time so intensely fascinating. A new form of government had been adopted. As I represented the Republic upon which it had been largely modeled, whose spirit the Chinese were anxious to follow, it fell to me to counsel with Chinese leaders as if I had been one of their number. The experience of a great American commonwealth which had itself successfully endeavoured to raise its organization to a higher plane was of unending assistance to me in enabling me to see the Chinese problems as part of what right-thinking men were struggling for throughout the world. The most discouraging feature was, however, that the needs of China so often took the form of emergencies in which it seemed futile to plan at long range, in which immediate help was necessary. Where one was coöperating with a group of men beset by overpowering difficulties of the moment, it often seemed academic even to think of the general improvement of political and economic organization, over a longer range of time. The old elements of the Imperial régime, the traditional methods of basing authority on something from above, the purely personal conception of politics with the corruption incident upon the idea that members of clans must take care of each other--which formerly was a virtue--all were the sources of the outstanding difficulties that jutted everywhere into the plans for a more highly and efficiently organized commonwealth. But it was a pleasure to see the growing manifestation of a commonwealth spirit, the organization of public opinion, and the clearer vision of the demands of public service. Even among the officials the idea that the Government was merely a taxing and office-holding organization was giving way, especially among the younger men, to a desire that the functions of government should be used for developmental purposes, in helping the people towards better methods in agriculture and industry, in encouraging improved communications and public works of many kinds.

International action as seen from Peking during this period did not have many reassuring qualities. In most cases it was based upon a desire to lose no technical advantage of position; to yield not a whit, no matter what general benefit might result through mutual concessions. Each one was jealously guarding his position in which he had advanced step by step. Some were willing to make common cause with others in things that would not always commend themselves to a sense of equity, in order that they might take still another step forward. During the major part of this period one power employed every device of intrigue, intimidation, corruption, and force in order to gain a position for itself in flagrant disregard of the rights of the Chinese people itself, and in oblivion of the rights of others.

As to American policy, the difficulties which I encountered arose from the fact that a great deal was expected of a country so powerful, which had declared and always pursued a policy so just to China. Chinese goodwill and confidence, and the real friendship of the Chinese people toward America certainly tended to make easier any task America might be ready to undertake. But America had no political aims and desired to abstain particularly from anything verging on political interference, even in behalf of those principles we so thoroughly believe in. American relationships to China depended not on governmental action, but on a spontaneous coöperation between the two peoples in matters of education, commerce, and industry.

Infinitely complex as were the questions of Chinese internal affairs and of the privileges and desires of the various powers, yet to my mind it was not a difficult problem to see what should be done in order to put matters on a sound foundation. I had learned to have great confidence in the ability of the Chinese to manage their own affairs when let alone, particularly in commerce and industry.

That was the first desideratum, to secure for them immunity from the constant interference, open and secret, on the part of foreign interests desirous of confusing Chinese affairs and drawing advantage from such confusion. So far as American diplomatic action was concerned, its essential task was to prevent such interference, and to see to it that China could not be closed even by those indirect methods which often accompany the most vociferous, ardent declarations in favour of Chinese independence and sovereignty. We therefore had to keep a close watch and to resist in specific detail any and all of those innumerable efforts on the part of others to secure and fortify a position of privilege. That was the negative side of our action. The positive side, however, was entirely non-political. Americans sought no position of tutordom or control. Only upon the free and spontaneous invitation of the Chinese would they come to counsel and assist.

The important thing was that Americans should continue to take a hand in the education of China and the upbuilding of Chinese business and enterprise. They had done this in the past, and would do it in the future in the spirit of free coöperation, without desire to exercise a tutelage over others, always rejoicing in any progress the Chinese themselves made. Such activities must continue and increase. Sound action in business and constructive work in industry should be America's contribution to the solution of the specific difficulties of China. The Chinese people were discouraged, confused, disillusioned; but every centre, no matter how small, from which radiate sound influences in education and business, is a source of strength and progress. If Americans could be stopped from doing these things, or impeded and obstructed in them, then there would nothing further remain worth while for Americans to do. But if they could organize enterprises, great and small, they would in the most direct and effective manner give the encouragement and organizing impulse which China needed so urgently. So the simple principle of American action in China is this: By doing things in themselves worth while, Americans will contribute most to the true liberation of the Chinese people.

Never has one nation had a greater opportunity to act as counsellor and friend to another and to help a vast and lovable people to realize its striving for a better life. Coöperation freely sought, unconstrained, spontaneous desire to model on institutions and methods which are admired--that is the only way in which nations may mutually influence each other without the coercion of political power and the cunning of intrigue. That is a feeling which has existed in the hearts of the Chinese toward America. The American people does not yet realize what a treasure it possesses in this confidence.