CHAPTER XXXIII

TAKING LEAVE OF PEKING

The Government was now confronted with the question of whether its delegates at Paris should or should not sign the Treaty and Covenant. The Chinese people were opposed to signing, for with China's signature would go specific recognition of the transfer of German rights to Japan. They had learned one great lesson: that to make concessions to foreign powers never got them out of trouble, but only aggravated it. If the Peking officials in 1898 had turned a deaf ear to the German demands, despite threats of naval demonstrations, the Germans could never have secured the things which the Chinese actually gave them. The Chinese people now said: "Never again!"

I was informed on the 28th of May that nearly all the officials in Peking were agreed that the Treaty should be signed. Knowledge of their readiness to capitulate brought the national movement of the Chinese people to its height almost immediately, in opposition to the reactionary militarist control. By the 1st of July, a gentleman from the immediate entourage of the President, who often came to see me on the latter's behalf, told me that the President had instructed the delegates at Paris not to sign the Treaty. They did not sign it then, and steadfastly resisted all efforts to make them sign it later.

When the student troubles were at their height, on the 2nd of June I was at the Legation late one evening to answer some cablegrams. I was interrupted by an American woman teacher who with five Chinese schoolgirls came to my office in a state of great excitement. The girls had stood with a crowd for forty-eight hours asking admission to the President's palace to present their grievance. They had endured these hardships as bravely as any of the young men, but they were now alarmed because two of the student leaders had been seized and taken inside the palace. The girls feared their execution, and begged me to intercede. As I could not quiet their apprehensions, I finally said I would direct that an inquiry be made at the palace. By telephone I learned that the students were being detained because they had been too forward in their demonstrations, but that nothing untoward would happen to them. The girls, happy and thankful at this reassurance, went home.

No one could fail to sympathize with the aims and ideals of the students, who were striving for national freedom and regeneration. I, too, felt a strong sympathy, though I, of course, abstained from all direct contact with the movement, as it was a purely Chinese matter. Nevertheless, the Japanese papers reported quite in detail how I had organized the student movement, and how I had spent $2,000,000 in getting it under way. As everybody knew how spontaneous and irrepressible the movement of the students was, these items excited only amusement.

Pessimism reigned among liberal-minded people in early June. They feared that followers of General Tuan would insist upon putting him back into the Premiership, in which case there would be no escape from another revolution to oppose him, with the general demoralization and waste of national resources which would attend it. The second _aide mémoire_ of the associated representatives was presented to the President by Sir John Jordan on the 5th of June; it conveyed the hope that China's internal difficulties might now come to an end, that the peace conference at Shanghai might be resumed and successfully concluded without delay, and it stated that meanwhile military measures should not be resumed. The friendly advice encouraged the liberal elements, particularly the express desire that there should be no further fighting. It was felt that the President's hands were strengthened for peace.

Dr. Chiang Monlin, Acting Chancellor of Peking University in the absence of Dr. Tsai Yuan-pei, went to Shanghai because the militarist faction wished to hold him responsible for the acts of the students. He was, indeed, one of their chief counsellors, but he counselled wisdom and moderation. He told me that the leaders were conscious of much progress in organizing public opinion, but that at least ten years of further work and experience would be necessary before there could be any approach to a public opinion consciously and unceasingly active in support, or in proper restraint, of the Government. "All we ask," Doctor Chiang said, "is ten years' time--freedom from outside interference--then the New China will be organized."

I visited General Tuan, finding him calm but stubborn as usual. I asked him whether, if the students should call on him, he would go out to speak to them. "I would certainly do that," he replied; "I am in sympathy with them, but I feel that they are often misled by people whose motives are not disinterested." I told him that I believed the students would gladly follow him and make him their leader if they could be assured that he would not be controlled by counsellors who had not the true welfare of China at heart.

This movement of the Chinese people impressed me the more vividly in the light of a letter from R.F. Johnston on July 3rd which led me to hark back to the days of the old Empire. Mr. Johnston was a tutor of the young Emperor, and he inclosed a translation of a Chinese poem which the Emperor had written out for me. It bore the Imperial seals, and was dated: "Eleventh year of Hsuan Tung, sixth month, fifth day." Here is the first verse:

The red bows unbent, Were received and deposited. I have here an admirable guest, And with all my heart I bestow one on him. The bells and drums have been arranged in order, And all the morning will I feast him.

Shortly after, in a talk I had with Mr. Johnston, he told me that the little Emperor had himself conceived the idea of writing something for me. Johnston had suggested a certain poem but it did not satisfy his pupil, who finally made his own selection. He said to his tutor: "I want to imagine that the American minister is coming to the palace as my guest."

The young Emperor, Mr. Johnston said, was interested in everything that went on in the political and social life of the capital, and read the papers every day. I attributed his interest in my doings to the fact that the Emperor shared the love for America that is general in China; but, also, I think the repeated likelihood of being taken to the American Legation for refuge and shelter had impressed itself very strongly on his youthful mind, so that it seemed to him a haven of escape from all terror and danger.

Reports came at the end of July that President Wilson was defending the Shantung settlement, by stating that it conferred on Japan no political rights but only economic privileges. Had Mr. Wilson given attention to the details of the question, as reported over and over again in telegrams and dispatches from the Legation and consulates in China, he could not have harboured such a misunderstanding. In this instance the President based his action rather on vague assurances given by Japan, the actual bearing of which he did not know. The term "economic privileges" can hardly apply to such matters as control of the port of Tsingtao and the Shantung Railway, and to a general commercial preference in Shantung Province; yet these were plainly what Japan wished to retain. Her pledge "to return Shantung Peninsula with full sovereignty" sounded satisfactory, but it was never defined to cover more than the 150 square miles of agricultural and mountain land which the Germans had held as a leasehold, exclusive of Tsingtao port. That important harbour the Japanese intended to retain, as well as the terminals, railway, and mines.

The refusal of the Chinese to sign the Paris Treaty afforded an opportunity for saving Shantung to China. But if the German rights were to be confirmed to Japan under the term of "economic privileges," we should soon find that these economic privileges meant an end of independent American enterprise in Shantung Province. Japan had used such "economic privileges" in Manchuria. We were amply warned what to expect from an extension of that policy to other parts of China.

President Wilson stated later that the League would prevent Japan from assuming full sovereignty over Shantung. Here he again misunderstood. Japan had no idea of asking for sovereignty over Shantung; she had absolutely no right to it, and did not need it for carrying out her plans, so long as she could retain the politico-economic rights awarded at Paris.

I reiterated these statements in my telegrams to Washington. I explained again that ownership by a foreign government of port facilities and of a railway leading into the interior of China, together with exclusive commercial preferences, are economic rights so fortified politically that they constitute political control--as Manchuria shows--without the name. In fact, they could be safely accompanied with most profuse protestations to respect Chinese sovereignty.

The question of political sovereignty was beside the mark. It had been broached, as I have pointed out, to make the world believe that something was being returned. "Returning Shantung Peninsula with full sovereignty" was a big phrase and it had an imposing sound. But the sovereignty of Shantung was not involved, it had never been either German or Japanese: it had always been Chinese. The 150 square miles of unimportant land outside the port of Tsingtao might be "returned with full sovereignty," but nobody cared for that. To talk of sovereignty merely obscured the issue.

Dr. Sun Yat-sen was just then busying himself with the task of drawing up projects for the further economic development of China with international participation, and I corresponded with him. In one of my letters I considered how rapid and sweeping the industrial transformation of China should be. I wrote:

I believe that we should at all times keep in mind the fact that we are not dealing with a new country, but with one in which social arrangements are exceedingly intricate and in which a long-tested system of agricultural and industrial organization exists. It is to my mind most important that the transition to new methods of industry and labour should not be sudden but that the old values should be gradually transmuted. It is highly important that artistic ability, such as exists, for instance, in silk and porcelain manufacture, should be maintained and protected, and not superseded by cheaper processes. The one factor in modern organization which the Chinese must learn to understand better is the corporation, and the fiduciary relationship which the officers of the corporation ought to occupy with respect to the stockholders. If the Chinese cannot learn to use the corporation properly, the organization of the national credit cannot be effected. Here, too, it is necessary that the principle of personal honesty which was fostered under the old system should not be lost, but transferred to the new methods of doing business. So, at every point where we are planning for a better and more efficient organization, it seems necessary to hold on to the values created in the past, and not to disturb the balance of Chinese society by too sudden changes.

Among his suggestions for constructive works, Dr. Sun Yat-sen had spoken of a northern port, somewhere on the coast of Chihli Province, which should have water deep enough to admit large ocean-going ships. The port of Tientsin is not adequate: it is far up river, and lacks satisfactory anchorage where the river empties into the sea. Chinwangtao is a far better port, but so exposed that enormous expenditure would be needed to improve it; and its capacity, even then, would be too small. I asked Mr. Paul P. Whitham, special commissioner of the Department of Commerce, to go to the Chihli coast to see whether about half way between Tientsin and Chinwangtao a satisfactory port site might be found. He succeeded in finding a site where, with comparatively moderate expense, a deep-sea port could be built. It was easy to see the transformation in north China commerce that this would bring about. Here would be an outlet for a rich and extensive hinterland, including the Province of Chihli and all the region to the north and northwest of it, particularly inner Mongolia and western Manchuria. I talked the matter over with the civil governor and other provincial leaders of Chihli Province, also with the representatives of Governor Li Hsun of Nanking, besides certain members of the Central Government. They greatly favoured the project, and before many weeks preliminary surveys were made. It was to be known as the Great Northern Port.

I visited Sir John Jordan on August 14th telling him of my resignation, at which he expressed regret; but he admitted that he could understand why I wished to return to the United States. He, too, wished to be relieved of his duties as soon as possible. I had on that day a very full talk about Shantung with Mr. Yoshizawa, Japanese Chargé, in which we considered ways which might render the Shantung arrangement more satisfactory, especially if Tsingtao should be made into a genuine international settlement. But I emphasized the importance of the return of the railway.

The negotiations for the new Consortium had been going on for some time. The Japanese proposed that the Consortium should not apply to Manchuria and eastern Mongolia. The Japanese-controlled press had attacked the first proposal of this Consortium, as Japan purposed during the war to achieve complete leadership of foreign finance in China. If the United States would join the _old_ Consortium, Japan would have been pleased, for there she led. But ordinarily the financial power of Japan is of distinctly secondary importance, and the abnormal conditions of the war could not last. Now Japan approved of the new Consortium in principle, but continued to procrastinate when a decision on details was required.

My resignation was accepted in a cablegram received on the 18th of August, the President expressing formally his regret that I should find it necessary to insist upon relinquishing my post. Even now, when I knew how decidedly the President had misjudged the Chinese situation, notwithstanding my insistent and detailed warnings, I had no desire to advertise differences in policy. The Japanese press, I knew, would consider my resignation due to the defeat of my "policy" to have America maintain her honourable and trusted position in China. I did not wish to favour this sort of interpretation by a controversy with the administration.

The Chinese understood the situation quite completely. When I told the President, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Premier, and non-official Chinese friends, they seemed discouraged at the prospect of my leaving China at this juncture. I had the good fortune to make many friendships in China with men whose loyalty and truthfulness could be relied upon. Though seemingly distressed at the idea of my going, they knew I only hoped it might enable the work of developing close relations between the two countries to continue more effectively. I wished to bring about positive practical action. The spirit of the American policies and declarations was admirable, but not enough individual and specific American activity in China accompanied them.

Mr. Fu, Acting Minister of Education, and a number of his associates visited me on the 25th of August, to consider arrangements for exchange professorships in American and Chinese universities. I had always favoured bringing young Chinese scholars into lectureships in American universities, to make accessible to the American public the treasures of Chinese literature, philosophy, and art. President Yuan Shih-kai had supported this idea, and, but for the unfortunate monarchical movement, would have done much to promote intellectual contact between the United States and China. His successors shared his sentiments, and only the turmoil in Peking's political life prevented their working out plans in detail.

General Hsu Shu-cheng called on me from time to time and told me about his Mongolian venture. When the War Participation Bureau became plainly obsolete its name was changed to "Northwest Frontier Defence Bureau." Everybody knew against whom this Bureau was to "defend" China, though there was talk about Bolshevik activity in Mongolia, also of the designs of General Semenoff to create a Pan-Mongolian state. General Hsu unfolded in his talks with me very large schemes for developing Mongolia, including a colonial bank, the building of highways for motor transport, the digging of artesian wells, and the establishment of model farms. He would, he said, also promote the completion of the railway from Kalgan to Urga, and would even extend it to Chinese Turkestan. Report had it that the Japanese had promised General Hsu an advance of $50,000,000 for his enterprises. But he told me that he would carry them out with capital entirely subscribed in China. The President and other Peking leaders, it was said, apprehensive of the direction the overflowing energies of General Hsu might take next, bethought themselves of the undeveloped reaches of Mongolia. There would be the field ample enough for his ebullient nature. All this time the Japanese were carefully watching any factor that might become active in Mongolia, including General Semenoff, General Chang Tso-lin, the Viceroy of Manchuria, and General Hsu Shu-cheng. Whatever might happen there, they undoubtedly intended that it should fit in with their policy of imposing their influence upon that dependency.

Mrs. Reinsch and my family had sailed from Chinwangtao on the 12th of June for Honolulu, where they were to spend the summer. As my resignation had already gone forward, it was a farewell to Peking for Mrs. Reinsch, who was reluctant to leave the city which she had enjoyed so much. A series of farewell luncheons, dinners, and receptions began for me in August which, with the heavy work of winding up the business of my office, filled the remaining weeks with activity every day from sunrise until after midnight. When President Hsu Shih-chang entertained me for the last time, he said: "The Chinese look to you to be a friend and guide to them, and we hope your action and influence may continue for many decades." On the next day he invited me, through Mr. Chow Tsu-chi, to act as counsellor to the Chinese Government, with residence in America.

I left Peking on the evening of September 13th. All my colleagues with members of their staffs, the high Chinese officials, and a throng of other people, had gathered at the station to say "good-bye." Drawn up on the platform were companies of the American marines, the Indian troops of the British Legation Guard, and Chinese troops. With the Acting Premier, Mr. Kung Shin-Chan, I inspected them, accepted their salute, and made a few farewell remarks to the faithful marines. As the American band played "Auld Lang Syne," the train moved out of the station, and the thousands of faces of those who had come to see me off became blurred in the distance, leaving impressed on my mind a composite face, friendly, eager, urging to endeavour.

My friend, Chow Tsu-chi, accompanied me as far as Tientsin where I parted with him. It had, all in all, been a truly heart-warming leave-taking. I felt that the spontaneous expressions of deep confidence both on the part of my countrymen and of the Chinese would remain with me as the best reward for any exertions and efforts I had made.

Dr. Charles D. Tenney, American Chargé d'Affaires after my departure, wrote the following report to the Secretary of State concerning the farewell hospitalities:

I have the honour to state that the departure from Peking of the Honourable Paul S. Reinsch, American Minister to China, whose resignation has been accepted by the President, was made the occasion of gratifying manifestations of cordiality toward the United States and of the highest popular and official esteem for the retiring Minister.

Mr. Reinsch was naturally the guest of honour at numerous dinners and receptions in the period just preceding his departure, at which the Chinese present expressed the deepest appreciation of his diversified activities during the six years of his tenure of office. Published references to Mr. Reinsch's career as American Minister, also, refer to his many-sided interest in and efforts to promote the joint commercial, industrial, and educational interests of China and the United States, in addition to the usual duty of fostering international unity between the two nations. It was made strikingly evident that the Government and people of this Republic have come earnestly to desire and expect a policy of vigorous advancement of these interests by the United States in China. The feeling of all was epitomized by President Hsu Shih-chang, who, at Mr. Reinsch's farewell interview, asserted his profound belief that the latter's activities as Minister had advanced and strengthened in a very real way all those economic and social relations that to-day bind the governments and peoples of China and the United States in close friendship, at the same time expressing his hope that on his return to the United States Mr. Reinsch would abate none of his efforts toward these ends, but that in his altered capacity he would continue to work in the interests of China.

Mr. Reinsch left Peking on the evening of the thirteenth instant and the scene at the railway station was of an unusual and gratifying description. Although it is not customary for guards of honour to be tendered by other legations on the departure of ministers, on this occasion there was present a detachment from the British Legation Guard, and there were also present detachments from the American Legation Guard, the Peking police force and the Peking gendarmerie, with military music. The Acting Premier came in person to the station to bid farewell to Mr. Reinsch and there were present a thousand persons, including Chinese officials, foreign diplomats, representatives of all varieties of institutions and societies, and personal friends of all nationalities.

I had turned over arrangements for my trip through Japan to Mr. Willing Spencer, the First Secretary, who had consulted with Mr. Tokugawa, of the Japanese Legation. Their main difficulty had been the fact that Korea was under quarantine because of the cholera. An amusing experience ensued. In order to avoid any risk of delay I agreed to be inoculated; this was done deferentially by a little physician who came from the Japanese Legation. At Shimonoseki our steamer arrived in the early morning, and was held in quarantine. The inspecting officers who boarded said I should be permitted to land almost immediately. However, they left and said a launch would be sent for me before noon. As the evening train would be the last that could make my connection with the steamer at Yokohama, I waited somewhat nervously for the launch. It was three o'clock before the officers returned, saying that my baggage could now be taken ashore; soon they disappeared with the baggage, but left me still on the boat. I wired the embassy at Tokyo, telling them of my predicament. The train was to leave at half-past seven, and no launch had appeared at six.

Suddenly out of the evening mist covering the bay a little launch emerged, and an official I had not seen before boarded and asked me to accompany him. Descending to the launch with my two servants, I was surprised to notice that it did not head toward Shimonoseki, but took the opposite direction. I remonstrated, but the officer, smiling reassuringly, said: "It will be all right." Then the two inspecting officers appeared from below; smiling and bowing they told me we were going to the Isolation Hospital!

And to the Isolation Hospital we went. There in the central reception room I was introduced to the chief, who, after a brief exchange of civilities, announced, "Now, everything is all right."

We took the launch, and arrived at Shimonoseki with still a quarter of an hour to spare before the train departed, whereon a special compartment had been reserved for me. Everything was now clear. The Japanese passengers on the steamer were as little pleased at being detained there as I was. Had a foreigner, even a foreign minister, been taken off the ship to Shimonoseki, a small riot might be looked for. So the word was passed around that I was being taken to the Isolation Hospital, where nobody had any particular wish to go. I could not but admire the resourcefulness of these little officials, and to feel thankful to them for all the trouble they took to solve this knotty problem without doing violence to any of their quarantine regulations.

I had only one day in Tokyo. A luncheon had been arranged for me at the house of Baron Okura, where I went with Ambassador Morris and met several Japanese gentlemen, among them Mr. Hanihara, just made Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Baron Shidehara, the new Ambassador to the United States. We took lunch on an open veranda, overlooking delightful gardens, and after an animated conversation I took my leave and hurried to Yokohama, with the same agreeable impression of Japanese hospitality that I had received six years before, on my first arrival in the Far East.

THE END

INDEX

Abbott, John J., 256, 260

Adams, Dr. Henry C., 30, 32, 35, 68, 154

Administrative Conference, 46

Advice from America, 269

Advisers, Foreign, 47, 68

Aglen, Sir Francis, 233

Aide mémoire of December 2, 1918, 326

Alston, Mr., 151, 233

American activity, 75

American aims in China, 65

American Chamber of Commerce, 200

American coöperation, 72, 73

American enterprise in China, 64, 65, 82, 88, 91, 102, 106, 128, 200, 207, 210, 214, 226

American International Corporation, 208, 217, 219, 225

American Legation, 19

American Marines, 17, 18

American minister, 143, 309, 319, 358, 378, 385

American Red Cross, 14, 80, 81, 151, 163, 218

American University Club, 200

American-French coöperation, 223

Ancestor worship, 34

Anderson, Meyer & Co., 208

Anderson, Roy S., 12, 85, 109, 213, 244, 264

Anfu Club, 317

Anglo-American Association, 156, 374

Anglo-American friendship, 155

Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 135

Anhui Party, 188

Anti-foreign propaganda, 141

Aoki, General, 267, 351

Ariga, Professor, 154

Armistice, 317

Arms, Importation of, 342

Army, 53, 189

Arnold, Julean, 103, 185, 329

Arsenals, 297

Associated Press, 132

Authority, 177

Automobiles, 108, 117

Backhouse, Edward, 52

Bain, Dr. F., 224

Baker, J.E., 329

Bandits, 190, 347

Bank of China, 90, 91, 97, 202

Bank of Communications, 190, 299, 372

Banking, 102

Bashford, Bishop, 50

Battle of Peking, 284

Beelaerts, van Blokland, M., 52

Belin, F.L., 272, 277, 283

Bemis, E.W., 223

Bethlehem Steel Corporation, 67, 82, 84, 99, 140

Bevan, Professor, 154

Billings, Dr. Frank, 151

"Bite to death," 110

Blood of enemies, 109

Blythe, Sam L., 245, 255

Boardman, Miss, 93

Bolshevism, 351

Botanical Gardens, 29

Bowley, Major, 109, 362

Boxer indemnity payments, 297

Bredon, Sir Robert, 154

Brigands, 54, 347

British Legation, 114

British minister, 325, 371

British-American Tobacco Company, 66, 67, 75, 89

Bryan, Secretary, 84, 140, 269, 270

Business representatives, 215

Buttrick, Dr., 150

Calhoun, W.J., 161

Carey, W.F., 207, 208, 209, 213

Central Government, 54, 55, 56, 292, 293, 321

Chadbourne, Mrs., 235

Chang Chien, 29, 70, 71, 80, 81

Chang Chin-yao, 351

Chang Chung-hsiang, 113, 359

Chang Hsun, General, 11, 184, 262, 265, 267, 270, 272, 274, 283

Chang Hu, 172

Chang Tso-lin, 262, 384

Chen Chin-tao, Dr., 100, 201, 202, 222, 232, 247, 251, 257, 260, 264

Chen, Eugene, 247

Chen Huan-chang, Dr., 23

Chen Lu, 340

Chen Pan-ping, 213

Chiang, Dr. Monlin, 377

Chien Neng-hsun, 227, 325

Chienmen, 17

Chin Pu Tang, 96, 103, 288, 340

Chin Yun-peng, General, 266, 301

China Medical Board, 150, 363

China Press, 62

Chinchow-Aigun Railway, 67, 97

Chinda, Ambassador, 140

Chinese art, 29, 157, 228

Chinese dinners, 32, 33, 152

Chinese ethics, 34

Chinese life, 22, 49

Chinese handwriting, 29

Chinese industry, 373

Chinese iron industry, 224, 293

Chinese language, 51

Chinese manners, 71

Chinese _materia medica_, 151

Chinese musicians, 196

Chinese navy, 74

Chinese politics, 13, 42, 53

Chinese Social and Political Science Association, 153, 235

Chinese traditions, 177

Chinese women, 27, 28

Chino-American Bank, 227, 363

Chino-American steamship line, 164

Chino-Japanese entente, 352

Chinwangtao, 381

Chou Hsueh-hsi, 227

Chow Tsu-chi, 95, 96, 105, 118, 152, 175, 176, 179, 183, 184, 190, 192, 201, 207, 213, 322, 330, 385

Chu Chi-chien, 24, 27, 182, 189, 201, 215

Chu Jui, 167, 261

Chu Ying-kuang, 167, 314

Chuan Liang, 225

Chuchow Chinchow Railway, 221

Chüfu, 35, 37, 40, 41

Chung Hua Hsin Pao, 311

Claims, 113, 166

Coal Hill, 19

Communications, Ministry of, 104

Confucian family, 38

Confucian Society, 26, 111

Confucianism, 23, 26, 35, 111

Consortium, 62, 63, 69, 70, 80, 97, 216, 239, 287, 298, 327, 355, 382

Constitution, 199

Continental & Commercial Bank loan, 222, 236, 238, 256

Coolidge, Charles A., 320

Corruption, 57, 291

Crane, Charles R., 40

Currency loan, 97

Currency loan agreement, 319, 346

Currency reform loan, 327

Customs, 55, 68, 69

Dane, Sir Richard, 68

Davis, Arthur P., 82

Decoration Day, 362

Deering, Mrs., 362

Democratic party, 43, 45, 86, 96, 203

Denby, Charles, 211

Denials, diplomatic, 132, 135

Dennis, Dr. W.C., 329

Department of State, 101, 102, 148, 171, 176, 258, 297, 307, 313, 354

Diplomacy and commerce, 65

Diplomatic corps in Peking, 114

Diplomatic tactics, 116

Disorganization, 56

Donald, W.H., 48, 78, 244, 255, 312

Dragon flags, 275

Economic development, 380

Eliot, President, 68

Emerson, Miss, 185

Emperor, 283, 377

Empress Dowager, 15, 18, 29, 33, 108

Equal opportunity, 100

Extra-territoriality, 114

Famine, 50, 162

Fan Yuen-lin, 151

Farewell, 384

Feng Kuo-chang, General, 54, 172, 183, 184, 236, 237, 255, 258, 262, 292, 314

Feng Yu-hsiang, 262

Ferguson, Dr. John C., 244, 268, 283

Festivities, 323

Fifteenth United States Infantry, 14, 282

Finance, 89, 105, 214, 296, 317, 326, 345, 355

Finch, John W., 224

Fleisher, B.W., 159

Flexner, Dr. Simon, 150, 151

Forbidden City, 18, 19

Foreign Office ball, 27

Frazar, E.W., 163

Frazar & Company, 67

French interests, 222

French minister, 302, 325, 344, 353

Fu Liang-tso, 294

Fukien, 84, 99, 100, 133, 139, 140

Funeral of Yuan Shih-kai, 194

Gailey, Robert, 118

Gary, Judge Elbert H., 230

Gattrell, Dr., 52

Gest, G.M., 90, 101, 105

Gilbert, Mrs., 12

Gold-note scheme, 318

Goodnow, Dr. F.J., 30, 31, 32, 47, 68, 154, 172

Grand Canal, 81, 170, 207, 213, 217, 331

Grant, Ulysses S., Jr., 185

Great northern port, 381

Group V demands, 134, 135, 138, 139, 142, 143, 145, 147

Guthrie, Ambassador, 234

Han Yeh Ping Co., 87, 224

Hanihara, Mr., 387

Hankow-Canton line, 97, 294, 297

Harrison, Governor-General, 164

Hayashi, Baron, 233, 237, 250, 307, 327, 339, 346

Haxthausen, Von, Baron, 88

Herrera de Huerta, M., 233

Hicks claim, 166

Hilfsaktion, 163

Hintze, Admiral von, 167

Hioki, Mr. Eki, 126, 129, 136, 137, 142, 189, 233

Ho, J.C., 295

Holcombe, Lieut.-Colonel, 362

Holy Duke, 37, 38, 40, 41, 59

Honorary LL.D., 157

Hornbeck, Dr. Stanley K., 12, 61

House, Colonel, 360

Hsiung Hsi-ling, 86, 98, 103, 223, 341

Hsu Shih-chang, 47, 103, 154, 172, 192, 266, 273, 279, 281, 317, 319, 325, 344, 351, 385

Hsu Shih-ying, 201

Hsu Shu-cheng, General, 202, 243, 301, 302, 383

Hsu Sing-loh, 227

Hsu Un-yuen, 202, 227, 231, 257, 260

Hukuang Railways, 67, 97, 169, 210, 211, 294, 297

Hunan, 351

Hutchins, Lieut.-Commander, 183, 184, 362

Hwai River conservancy, 13, 60, 71, 74, 80, 98, 162, 207

Immortality, 34

Imperial City, 24, 164, 323

Imperial Family, 154, 280

Imperial movement of Yuan Shih-kai, 171-179

Imperial Palace, 18, 281, 283

Imperial restoration, 1917, 272

Industrial Bank, 72, 227, 263

Industrial Bank of Japan, 299, 341

Industrial loans, 341

International Banking Corporation, 47, 74, 102, 208

International railway syndicate, 101

Iron deposits, 224

_Japan Mail_, 141

Japanese activity, 73

Japanese coöperation, 217

Japanese diplomats, 83

Japanese hegemony, 191

Japanese in Manchuria, 113

Japanese in Shantung, 124, 126

Japanese loan, 232

Japanese methods, 335

Japanese minister, 287, 310, 331, 339, 344, 346

Japanese morphia, 332

Japanese opposition to Yuan, 178

Japanese papers, 269, 331, 352, 365, 382

Japanese post offices, 332

Jeme Tien-yew, Dr., 210

Jenks-Conant Monetary Commission, 300

Jernigan, T.R., 89

Johnston, Archibald, 67, 99

Johnston, R.F., 377

Jordan, Sir John, 51, 77, 155, 157, 323, 376

_Journal de Pekin_, 61, 88

Judson, President, 32

Kalgan-Urga route, 117, 219

Kang Yu-wei, 272, 279

Kiang, General, 110, 271

King Ya-mei, Dr., 28, 112

Knight, Admiral, 151, 351

Knox, Secretary, 311

Kobayashi, Dr., 299

Kolchak, Admiral, 350

Konovalov, M., 154

Koo, Dr. Wellington, 5, 10, 144, 171, 256, 268

Korea, 332

Koudacheff, Prince, 197, 220, 237, 239, 323

Krupenski, M., 77, 127

Ku Chung-hsiu, 204

Kuangsi, 186, 221

Kuangtung, 187

Kung Shin-chan, 384

Kuo Min Tang, 2, 9, 43, 46, 86, 200, 203, 244, 247, 263, 264, 288, 340

Kyle, Mr., 348, 349

Lama priests, 194

Lansing, Secretary, 268, 346

Lansing Ishii Notes, 307, 337, 366

Lee Higginson loan, 187, 191, 202

Legal talent, 208

Legation guards, 77

Legation Quarter, 19

Li Ching-hsi, 264

Li Ho-chi, 262

Li Shun, 262, 314, 319, 381

Li Yuan-hung, General, 44, 45, 174, 181, 193, 198, 235, 237, 239, 242, 258, 265, 273, 276

Liang Chi-chao, 32, 33, 174, 275, 288, 289, 292, 298, 299, 340, 345

Liang Chi-chao, resignation of, 174

Liang Shih-yi, 89, 90, 95, 109, 172, 173, 184, 188, 190, 193, 201, 209, 213, 288, 322, 330, 350

Liang Tun-yen, 103, 104, 124, 169, 192, 273, 275

Library, 238

Liggett, General, 235

Living Buddha, 28

Liu, Civil Governor, 14

Loans, 287, 303, 317, 326, 345

Localized privileges, 337

London _Times_, 136

Lowry, Dr., 156

Lu Tsung-hsiang, 4, 136, 137, 141, 148, 153, 169

Lu Tsung-yu, 112, 299, 359

_Lusitania_, 168

Ma Liang, 46

MacMurray, J.V.A., 50, 241

Mailed fist, 117

Manchuria, 133, 137

Martel, Count, 22, 233, 257

Martin, Dr. W.A.P., 50, 66

Mayers, Sidney, 52, 330

Mazot, M., 154

McClatchey, C.K., 159

Mead, Professor D.W., 82

Medical missions, 28

Midzuno, Mr., 82

Militarists, 318

Missionaries, 23, 39, 66, 333, 349

Mongolia, 76, 79, 383

Moratorium, 190

Morris, Ambassador, 387

Morrison, Dr. George E., 48, 68, 154, 238, 244, 246, 255, 304, 312, 319, 320

Morton, Joy, 257

Murdock, Mr. Victor, 240

Music, 26

Nan Tung-chow, 70

Nanking, 11, 293

Nanking Road, 11

Naval base, 99

Neville, Colonel Wendell C., 185, 212, 234, 362

New China, 30

New Year, 164, 165, 183

Newell, Major, 183, 362

News from abroad, 158

News service, 159

Newspapers, 157

Ni Tze-chung, General, 266

Nishihara, Mr., 353

Nobility, 181

Norris, Bishop, 151

North China _Daily News_, 88

Note of May 13, 1915, 148

Obata Mr., 137, 339, 340, 344

Oil Development Bureau, 86

Okuma, Count, 126, 311

Open Door policy, 73

Orphans strike, 112

_Ostasiatische Lloyd_, 88

Ostrougoff, Mr., 350

Padoux, M., 154

Pan Fu, 117, 208, 217, 395

Paris, Chinese delegation at, 339

Parliament, 2, 3, 43, 46, 58, 199, 204, 231, 236, 263, 350

Pastor, Don Luis, 51

Paulding & Company, 101

Peace Planning Society, 173

Peace Conference, 360

Peace Conference at Shanghai, 345

Peck, Willys R., 2, 17, 50, 161

Peitaiho, 201

Peking, 18, 52

Peking, city walls of, 16

Peking _Gazette_, 247

Peking Language School, 157

Peking tramways, 91

Peking University, 156

Peking-Kalgan Railway, 210

Pelliot, Paul, 154, 257

People's Convention, 186

Pettus, W.B., 52

Political discussions, 269

Pott, Dr. Hawks, 10

Prisoners in Siberia, 162

Progressive party, 103

Provisional Constitution of 1912, 199, 201

Pu Lun, Prince, 108, 118

Putnam Weale, 49, 78, 136

Quo Tai-chi, 234, 242

Railway contract, 142, 213, 232

Railway guards, 267

Railway unification, 329

Randolph, W., 98

Rank in seating, 234

Rank of precedence, 324

Real property value, 150

Recognition, question of, 176

"Regional understanding," 328

Reinsch, Mrs., 40, 78, 118, 384

Reorganization Loan, 62

Republicanism, 3, 25, 31, 42, 198, 290

Resignation, A Chinese, 174

Resignation, letter of, 364

Resources, 76

Revolutionists, 130

Roads, 163

Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, 150

Rockhill, W.W., 20, 30, 31, 32, 161

Rogers, Walter, 159

Rosthorn, von, M., 52

Russia and Siberia, 355, 356

Russian ambassador at Tokyo, 311

Russo-Asiatic Bank, 77, 83

Russo-Japanese entente, 72

Salt Revenue, 55, 68

Sakatani, Baron, 345, 346

Sarajevo, 105

Saturday Lunch Club, 9

Savings banks, 228

Secret agreements, 361

Sforza, Count, 52

Shanghai, 9, 115, 200, 371, 373

Shansi Bankers' Guild, 90

Shantung, 14, 35, 123, 129, 180, 188, 190, 209, 218, 251, 315, 333, 337, 338, 340, 352, 359, 374, 378, 379

Shantung railway, 125, 190, 379

Sheng Hsuan-huai, 96

Shidehara, Baron, 387

Shimonoseki, 386

Shun Tien Shih Pao, 191, 322

Sibert, Colonel, 92, 99, 207

Siems-Carey Company, 207, 219, 225

Simpson, B. Lenox, 48, 49, 52, 103, 131, 132, 154

Sinologists, 52

Smith, Dr. Arthur H., 50

Smith, Charles Stevenson, 235, 245

Social life, 208

Southern party, 291

Special interests, 100, 309, 312

Spencer, Willing, 386

Spheres of interest, 100, 219, 221, 309, 312

Spiritualism, Dr. Wu, 258

St. John's University, 10, 200

Staël-Holstein, Baron, 154

Standard Oil Company, 62, 66, 83, 84, 85, 89, 98, 105, 223

Statement of 5th of June, 268

Stevens, John F., 350

Stewart, Dr. M.A., 233

Stone, Dr. Mary, 28

Straight, Williard, 91, 94, 212, 300

Strike and boycott, 372

Strikes, 369

Student movement, 358, 368, 375

Sun Hung-yi, 203

Sun Pao-chi, 5, 17, 27, 169

Sun, T.C., 295

Sun Yat-sen, Dr., 43, 263, 334, 380

Surplus salt revenue, 325

Sze, Alfred, 4, 10

Szechuan, 211

Taft, President, 74

Taishan, 35, 37, 39

Tanaka, General, 351

Tang Shao-yi, 200, 201

Tartar City Wall, 211

Taxation, 55, 115

Telephone and telegraph agreement, 225

Temple of Confucius, 39

Temple of Heaven, 25, 277, 282, 284

Tenney, Dr. Charles D., 66, 161, 241, 309, 348, 385

Terauchi, General, 353

Thanksgiving, 325

Tien Chung-yu, Tuchun, 117, 262

Tientsin, 14

Tobacco and wine revenue, 353

Tobacco and wine tax, 222

Tokugawa, Mr., 386

Tokutomi, Mr., 303

Troops, foreign, 79, 115

Tsai, Duke, 33, 279, 281

Tsai Ao, 180, 182

Tsai Chu-tung, 14

Tsai Ting-kan, Admiral, 6, 108, 129, 246

Tsai, Dr. Yuan-pei, 377

Tsao Ju-lin, 113, 137, 189, 213, 243, 267, 288, 289, 299, 314, 318, 353, 358, 362, 370

Tsao Kun, 262, 277, 326

Tsing Hua College, 112, 113

Tsur, Dr. T.T., 112

Tuchuns, 43, 54, 261, 264, 265

Tuan Chi-Jui, General, 54, 174, 188, 189, 193, 199, 202, 226, 242, 243, 250, 260, 265, 266, 268, 275, 276, 282, 286, 288, 293, 298, 300, 313, 317, 354, 369, 376

Twenty-one demands, 129, 149

Ultimatum, 143, 145, 146, 147

Versailles Conference, 358

Walker, Sir Edward, 373

Wang, Dr. C.C., 112

Wang Chung-hui, Dr., 10, 247

Wang, C.T., 43, 231, 247, 250, 290

Wang Shih-chen, 273, 314

War Participation Office, 315, 318, 341, 342, 343, 351, 383

War Works Drive, 322

Weil, Miss, 185

Welch, Dr. George A., 150, 151

Western Hills, 16

White, Corporation, J.G., 82, 98

White Wolf, 54

Whitham, W.P., 329, 381

Williams, E.T., 2, 17, 50

Willoughby, Dr. W.F., 154

Willoughby, Dr. W.W., 233, 235, 265, 329

Wilson, President, 63, 89, 125, 239, 268, 308, 319, 331, 356, 360, 362, 363, 378, 379

Winterhalter, Admiral, 237

Wireless telegraph, 159

Wu Fu Ssu, 89

Women's Medical College, 28

Worship of heaven, 23, 24, 25

Wu Pei-fu, 262

Wu, C.C., 186, 243, 247, 251, 253, 290

Wu Ting-fang, Dr., 9, 226, 258, 268, 270, 279

Y.M.C.A., 62, 66, 88, 89, 118, 155, 163

Yamaza, Mr., 82, 83, 87

Yang Shih-chi, 172

Yangtse, 211

Yangtse Valley, 133

Yeh Kung-cho, 104, 172, 330

Yen Fu, Dr., 46, 235

Yen, Mr. Hawkling L., 185

Yen Hsi-shan, 261

Yen, Dr. W.W., 10

Yi Shih Pao, 157

Ying Chang, General, 2, 4, 110

Yin Chang-heng, General, 110, 111

Yokohama Specie Bank, 299

Yoshizawa, Mr., 381

Young China, 368

Yuan, Madame, 165

Yuan Ko-ting, 195, 196

Yuan Shih-kai, 1, 3, 5, 8, 23, 25, 31, 43, 47, 58, 72, 79, 95, 108, 125, 129, 134, 138, 145, 146, 171, 172, 174, 177, 180, 184, 185, 192, 193, 383

Yunnan, 180, 182, 183, 184

End of Project Gutenberg's An American Diplomat in China, by Paul S. Reinsch