CHAPTER XXVI
THE LANSING-ISHII NOTES
It was in rather an indirect way that I learned of the secret negotiations which had been going on between the head of the State Department in Washington and the Japanese Government. Since these negotiations concerned some of the most vital problems in the whole Chinese situation, it was surprising that everyone had been kept in ignorance of them. I learned of them, I confess with mingled emotions, from none other than Baron Hayashi himself. I called on him on the evening of November 4th; and, after going over the matter of routine which I had wished to take up with him, I remained chatting pleasantly with him. In the course of our talk the Baron remarked: "I have just received some information that is quite important, and I want you to know about it. Let me get the cablegram."
He brought a paper and handed it over to me without comment. It was a cablegram from Tokyo that informed him of the signing of the Lansing-Ishii notes, and gave a summary of their text. The first paragraph contained the vital clause: "The Government of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous." This naturally struck me in the face with stunning force, before I had time to weigh its meaning in relation to the remainder of the declaration. I read the dispatch twice and made an effort to impress its salient points on my memory, and then turned to my Japanese colleague attempting to retain my composure.
"Yes," I managed to say, "this is quite interesting. It is somewhat in line with conversations we have had, yet differs in some respects."
I forced myself to remain a little longer and tried to continue the matter-of-fact conversation which this astounding piece of news had interrupted. When I finally took my leave, I was uncertain whether Baron Hayashi did or did not know that I had been unaware of this exchange of notes. Hurrying to the Legation, I dispatched a cablegram to the Department asking that I be informed.
It had been agreed, so the cable from Tokyo had stated, that an announcement of the parley should not be given out until November 7th. But the Japanese minister had already informed the Chinese Foreign Office on Sunday night; and early on Monday its representative called to get my version of the matter.
No word had been sent me. It was inexcusable to fail to give the local representative the earliest possible information, and I intimated as much in my cablegram to the Secretary of State. As the Foreign Office had been fully informed, I could only state to my visitor that I was not authorized to deliver the text until later, and that I was myself still considering the full import of the document, which in certain respects followed lines of policy that had been discussed in the past.
As I could plainly see, the notes had been paraded in the Chinese Foreign Office as yielding important concessions from the United States and as a diplomatic triumph for Japan. I knew nothing of the motives which had animated the President and Secretary of State when they agreed to the paper. I could not explain its purposes; but when my visitor asked: "Does this paper recognize the paramount position of Japan in China?" I could and did answer with an emphatic "No." Beyond that I said nothing.
All that day and the next reports streamed in from many quarters that the Japanese were "crowing over their victory" in their talks with the Chinese. More Chinese officials and many Americans applied at the Legation for authentic word. But no help came from the Department of State. Indeed no word reached me until the morning of the 7th.
It cannot be said that the American secrecy pledge was not punctiliously observed--even to the extent of keeping in ignorance the American minister, who would have to bear the brunt of the consequences of this diplomatic manoeuvre. The Japanese, meanwhile, had given the note not only to the Chinese Government several days in advance, but--was it out of abhorrence for secret diplomacy?--even before the notes had been signed their text was communicated to the representatives of Great Britain, Russia, France, and Italy. This was done at Tokyo.
It is not surprising that this procedure produced upon the Chinese the impression that the Japanese had got what they wanted. They thought the declarations made by the United States contained admission of a special position held by Japan in China, not desired by the latter, but forced through by the military and political power of Japan.
The reception given the note by Far Eastern experts and by the public indicated that it would be interpreted in widely varying fashion. The first impression only gradually gave way to a calmer judgment when the specific terms of the notes were carefully read and the ambiguous character of the instrument was realized. In the first place, the Japanese Legation, in translating for the benefit of the Chinese Ministry, had used for "special interest" a Chinese term which implied the idea of "special position." Doctor Tenney's more direct translation of the term was without this extra shade. The Department authorized me to deliver an explanatory note to the effect that the interests referred to were of an economic, not a political, nature. It referred to "Japan's commercial and industrial enterprises in China"; these, it added, "manifestly have, on account of the geographical relation of the two countries, a certain advantage over similar enterprises on the part of citizens or subjects of any other country."
I could not avoid the feeling that the form which the exchange of notes at Washington had taken was unfortunate. It was indeed desirable that the friendly attitude of the United States toward all Japan's economic activities in China should be stated strongly. This had been the tenor of the conversations between successive Japanese ministers and myself, which had been communicated to the State Department. It was necessary, if the Japanese really entertained it, to disabuse them of the conception that the political influence of the United States was being used to discourage close business relationships between China and Japan, and to frown upon Japanese enterprises in China. On the basis of such an understanding, it was hoped that Japan would join with the United States in agreeing that special privileges in any part of China, or any sort of economic advantage, would not be sought by political means; that the Manchurian régime, to be more specific, would not extend to other parts of China.
But the notes definitely stated that Japan would not use her special interests in a way to "discriminate against the trade of other nations, or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in the treaties with other powers." This might give rise to the idea that "special interests" did not refer merely to specific economic interests and enterprises. It might include also a certain political influence or preference.
The Japanese minister, though disclaiming a reading which would imply a paramount interest, evidently saw in the notes an endorsement of the principle of spheres of influence. "The notes speak for themselves," he said in an interview on the 8th of November; "they simply again place on record the acknowledged attitude of the United States and Japan toward China. They are simply a restatement of an old position. Even the term 'special interests' is doubtless used in the same sense here as in the past. Several other countries have territory that borders on China; this fact gives them a special interest in these parts of China which they touch. In exactly the same way, Japan has special rights in China."
The non-official Japanese statements claimed much more than this. They did "crow over" the Chinese. Was not here a vindication of distinct priority enjoyed by Japan in China? In Japan the veteran Okuma, who is never backward in airing his opinions in the press, also seemed to have a rather broad idea of the notes. "Hitherto," he said, "America's activities in China were often imprudent and thoughtless. For instance, Secretary Knox's proposal to neutralize the Manchurian Railway was, indeed, a reckless move. The United States also relegated Japan to the background when she sent the note of June 7th to China, advising that country concerning domestic peace. Thus America disregarded Japan's special position in China. We may understand that she will not repeat such follies, in the light of the new convention."
Of course, there is nothing in the notes to interfere with the fullest and freest interchange of communications between the American Government and the Chinese, on any topic whatever.
In reporting his conversation on the notes with the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs before they were signed, the Russian ambassador at Tokyo hit it off in this way: "Nevertheless, I gain the impression from the words of the minister that he is conscious of the possibility of misunderstandings, also, in the future; but is of the opinion that in such a case Japan would have at her disposal better means than the United States for carrying into effect her interpretation."
To show how different people were affected, I shall cite from some letters. Dr. George Morrison wrote to a friend from southern China: "Relays of Chinese have thronged to see the American consul, all sounding one note--that they have been betrayed by America. After all her valiant protestations, what earthly good did America gain by making such a concession to Japan, giving recognition to that which every American and Englishman in China had been endeavouring to prevent? Carried to its logical conclusion this agreement gives recognition not only to Japan's 'special interests' in Manchuria, but also to those in Fukien Province which lies in 'geographical proximity' to Formosa. Surely the British will now claim recognition of similar rights in Kwangsi Province. It is all very deplorable."
Another Britisher, Mr. W.H. Donald, took a different view. "When I saw the notes," he wrote, "I was delighted, because I read into them the fact that America had, to use an Americanism, 'put one over' Japan. Ishii went to America to get acquiescence in Japan's predominance in China; to get America to admit Japan's hegemony of the Pacific. He got neither. Instead, he had to reaffirm adherence to the previous undertakings--undertakings which were discarded when Japan put in her twenty-one demands."
The Chinese papers generally pronounced the notes inconsistent. The _Chung Hua Hsin Pao_ saw no need for having the "special interests" of Japan particularly recognized any more than those of other nations, like Great Britain, France, Russia, and the United States, all of which have territory adjacent to China. The paper thought that the assurance that Japan seeks no special rights or privileges, should be taken at its face value when the point of the whole agreement was the recognition of "special interests" enjoyed by Japan. The tenor of the note, therefore, appeared to favour "special interests," consequently the division of China into spheres of influence--contrary to the traditional policy of the United States.
Personally, from my knowledge of the situation in the Far East, I could not see any urgent reason for making this declaration. I learned later that the notes had been drawn up in consultation between the President and the Secretary of State, without other reference to the Department of State and without the knowledge of its staff. Also, the Secretary had acted upon the belief and understanding that the first statement concerning special interests was simply a self-evident axiom, but that its restatement would clarify the situation. Certainly, on the other hand, the positive affirmative pledge against "the acquisition by any government of any special rights or privileges" was clearer and went further than any previous declaration.
To safeguard its rights under any construction that might be given to the document, the Chinese Government declared that it could not recognize any agreement relating to China entered into between other powers.
I have said that I could not see the need of these notes. Failing to receive instructions which I sought from the Department of State, I continued to take the position that the policy of the American Government remained unchanged with respect to the existence of a special position or special privileges on the part of any other power in China. But the immediate effect of the notes on the Chinese Government was to make its high officials feel that nothing very positive could be expected from the United States by way of assistance out of the nation's difficulties.
The general and continuing effect of the notes was seen in the behaviour of the Japanese in China. The Japanese papers boldly declared that Japan would interpret the term "special interests" in a way to suit herself, and that it implied the supremacy of Japanese political influence in China. The thrusting forward of this View did not strengthen the government of General Tuan. Several more provinces followed those which had declared their independence with acts that made their allegiance at least doubtful. General Tuan's appointee as military governor of Hunan suffered defeat at the hands of the southern troops. The governors of the Yangtse Valley, under the leadership of General Li Shun, addressed to the Government pointed inquiries about financial dealings with the Japanese and the purchase of arms, which was reported to involve an arms alliance.
As the attacks were directed at him personally, General Tuan felt that he must resign. Notwithstanding an outward show of amity, General Feng Kuo-chang and the Premier had actually not agreed. The Premier wished to make war on the south and conquer it. The Acting President, on the other hand, was in constant correspondence with southern leaders in an attempt to bring about reconciliation. Tuan sent in his resignation. The Japanese worked for his retention. The President did ask him to reconsider, but his resignation finally took effect on the 20th of November. General Wang Shih-chen, who was close to the President as chief of staff, became acting premier. But Tsao Ju-lin, who headed the Japanese clique, was retained.
Peace and unity did not result. The northern Tuchuns gathered at Tientsin on December 4th, and decided to push the war against the south with 200,000 men. This was to be made a pretext for getting more funds.
I kept in touch with General Tuan, in whose personal character and honesty of purpose in wishing China to take part in the war I placed reliance. Also his friend, Mr. Chu Ying-kuang, who had made a fine record as civilian governor of Chekiang, had kept his eye mainly on this goal. Through them I kept in touch with all of the Chinese who fostered such action. If the Chinese of their own initiative should create services for supplying urgent needs of the Allies, and should train a model division for use on the battlefields of Europe, I felt that the United States and her associates would find a way to transport them to Europe. General Tuan was now free of politics. In the conversations I had with the Premier and his associates, the idea of a special organization for preparedness was talked over. The upshot of this was the creation of a War Participation Office, with General Tuan as its president. The Office was to make constructive plans for developing resources useful in the war, and for training troops for Europe.
Meanwhile, the Japanese were "cutting loose" in Shantung. Quite openly they were trying to set up an administration in what they called the railway zone. The agreements between China and Germany contained no provision for such a zone. The Germans merely had the railway itself, and certain specific mining enterprises, together with the port of Tsingtao. A general priority in the mining districts within a zone of ten miles along each side of the railway had been abandoned some time previous to the war. Now the Japanese asserted in this "zone" general administrative power, including policing, taxation, forestry, and education. With this encroachment, the Chinese noted evidences of Japanese toleration of revolutionary and bandit activities wherever they served the purposes of the invaders.
People came frequently from Shantung to see me in order to lay before me their complaints and petitions. They were distressed, but I could not help them, save where American rights were involved. The Shantung men reported that the Japanese were making the Lansing-Ishii notes the basis of their propaganda, stating that Japan's special position had now been recognized. This penetration into the interior of one of the provinces of China proper by a foreign political administration was undoubtedly the most serious attack ever made on Chinese sovereignty.
A member of the Chinese Foreign Office called on me on the 21st of December, and spoke earnestly about the Japanese inroads in Shantung. He said nothing could stop the Japanese. Their minister had stated that it would be difficult to change an ordinance signed by the Premier and sanctioned by the Emperor.
Among both Chinese officials and the general public all was discouragement and depression. The first effect of the Lansing-Ishii notes, the strong influence exercised by the pro-Japanese clique in the government because of the financial backing they got, the knowledge that such backing had to be bought with valuable national concessions, the increasing disunion between north and south, the general despair of any constructive and unifying policy being possible, made the Chinese individually and collectively paralysed with doubt, fear, and a feeling of impotence. It was plain that Japanese influences, making a politico-commercial campaign in China, were everywhere actively taking advantage of this demoralized state of the public mind and intensifying it through their manipulations.