CHAPTER XV

EMPEROR YUAN SHIH-KAI

"Yuan Shih-kai is trying to make himself emperor, we hear from Peking," Mr. E.T. Williams remarked to me at the Department of State when I saw him there in July, 1915. The report said that an imperialist movement in behalf of Yuan Shih-kai had been launched in Peking. As there had been frequent reports during the year of such attempts to set up an empire, I was not at first inclined to give much credence to the rumours.

Upon my return to San Francisco in September, this time to take steamer for China, I met Dr. Wellington Koo, who had just come on a special mission. I had been confidentially informed that he would probably be designated as minister to the United States, to take the place of Mr. Shah. The Department of State had directed me to delay my departure in order to confer with Doctor Koo upon recent developments in China. On the day we spent together we went over all that had happened since my absence. The reports which had already been received that a movement had been started to make Yuan Shih-kai emperor I then considered improbable, in view of all the difficulties which the enterprise must encounter, both internationally and from the Chinese opposition. Doctor Koo confirmed this feeling and said that Yuan Shih-kai himself was very doubtful. He mentioned the Goodnow memorandum, however, as a possible factor. I was considerably surprised later to discover that the main object of Doctor Koo's mission was to sound public opinion in America and Europe concerning the assumption of the imperial dignity by Yuan Shih-kai, and to prepare the ground for it. During my return voyage to China the matter quickly came to a head, so that when I arrived in Peking on October 1st I was confronted with an entirely new situation.

To understand the movement it is necessary to review briefly the significant facts of Peking politics during the summer of 1915. A concerted effort had been made to combat the Liang Shih-yi faction. The opposition centred in the so-called Anhui Party, which was largely militaristic, but in which civilian leaders like the Premier, Hsu Shih-chang, the Chief Secretary of the cabinet, Yang Shih-chi, the Minister of Finance, as well as the Minister of Communications, were prominent.

Charges of corruption were lodged against Chang Hu, Vice-Minister of Finance; Yeh Kung-cho, Vice-Minister of Communications; and the Director of the Tientsin-Pukow Railway. Including these, twenty-two high officials were impeached during July, besides several provincial governors. The Anhui Party was trying to eliminate radically the influence of the so-called Communications Party, which had tried to maintain itself through the vice-ministers and counsellors of several important ministries, the chiefs of which were Anhui men.

It appears that several Anhui leaders were involved in a movement to establish a monarchy, with Yuan Shih-kai as emperor. Care was exercised in picking the Committee of Ten to make a preliminary draft of the Permanent Constitution; it was believed by many that influences were at work for putting into that instrument provisions for reëstablishing the monarchy. Report had it that on July 7th General Feng Kuo-chang, military governor at Nanking, had urged that the President assume the throne, for which he was rebuked by Yuan in severe terms. Dr. Frank J. Goodnow, the American constitutional adviser, returned to Peking in mid-July for a short stay; he was asked on behalf of the President to prepare a memorandum on the comparative adaptability of the republican and monarchical forms of government to Chinese conditions. Doctor Goodnow complied. As a matter of general theory, he took the view that the monarchical form might be considered better suited to the traditions and the actual political development of the Chinese. He saw special merit in the fact that under the monarchical system, the succession to power would be regulated so that it could not be made an ever-recurring object of contention. On the expediency of an actual return at the time from the republic to the monarchy Doctor Goodnow expressly refrained from pronouncing a judgment. The memorandum was prepared simply for the personal information of the President. Advisers had been so generally treated as academic ornaments that Doctor Goodnow did not suspect that in this case his memorandum would be made the starting point and basis of positive action.

Meanwhile, Mr. Liang Shih-yi and his group, seeing their power threatened, decided to do something extreme to recover the lead. They concluded that the monarchical movement was inevitable; thereupon they seem to have persuaded Yuan Shih-kai that the movement could be properly handled and brought to early and successful issue only through their superior experience and knowledge. It was they who arranged for the memorandum of Doctor Goodnow. They had remained in the background until the middle of August, when an open monarchical propaganda began, based avowedly on the opinions expressed by the American adviser and thus given a very respectable and impartial appearance.

They formed the Peace Planning Society (Chou An Hui). Its aim was to investigate the advantages and disadvantages accruing from the republican form of government. Doctor Goodnow's views were widely heralded as categorically giving preference to monarchy for China, notwithstanding disclaimers which he now issued. The fact that an American expert should pronounce this judgment was cited as especially strong evidence in favour of the monarchical form, since it came from a citizen of the foremost republic in the world.

It became known in early September that the movement was in the hands of capable organizers. Notwithstanding Yuan Shih-kai's repeated disclaimers, he failed to take positive action to suppress the agitation; he was therefore believed to be at least in a receptive mood. The high officials in Peking with few exceptions had become favourable to the movement. The Vice-President, General Li Tuan-hung, was at first opposed, but even he appeared to be reconciled at last, being not entirely a free agent. The members of the Anhui faction, now that the lead had been taken out of their hands, were less enthusiastic for the change. Several political leaders began to withdraw from affairs. General Tuan Chi-jui, the Minister of War, and Mr. Liang Chi-chao, the Minister of Education, resigned, undoubtedly because of their tacit disapproval of the movement, although other reasons were alleged.[3] The Premier and Mr. Liang Tung-yen, the Minister of Communications, though not on principle opposed, considered that on account of his previous allegiance to the Imperial Family, Yuan Shih-kai could not with propriety assume the Imperial office. Within the inner circles of the movement there was no question of the desire of the President to have it put through. For a time, early in September, he was even thinking of forcing the matter, but began to be apprehensive regarding the action of certain foreign powers who might attach difficult conditions to their recognition of the new régime.

It was suggested that the Legislative Council might simply confer the title of emperor on the President, and the constitution might then be amended to make the presidency hereditary. Thus, it was naïvely believed, legal continuity could be preserved sufficiently to obviate the necessity of seeking a new recognition. A republic with a hereditary president seemed to some politicians the key to the difficulty. This proposal served to direct the minds of those who were managing the movement to the importance of letting a representative body participate in it, and of not carrying it through by a _coup d'état_.

On my return to China Mr. Chow Tsu-chi and other leaders waited on me, saying that present uncertainties involved such drawbacks to peace and prosperity that from all the provinces the strongest appeals were coming, to prevail upon Yuan to sanction the movement. Mr. Chow went so far as to say: "There is such a strong demand for this step that we shall have great trouble if it is not taken. There will be military uprisings." When I looked incredulous, Mr. Chow proceeded: "Yes, indeed, the people can only understand a personal headship, and they want it, so that the country may be settled." Though I took this all with a grain of salt, I was surprised at the apparent unanimity with which the inevitableness of the change seemed to be accepted. When I asked how the President would reconcile such a step with the oath he had taken to support a republican government, I was told that this was, indeed, the great obstacle; that probably it could not be overcome unless the whole nation insisted and made it a point of duty that Yuan Shih-kai continue to govern the state under the new form.

The attempt to reëstablish the monarchy seemed to me a step backward. I had always felt that, whereas the Chinese had no experience with elective representative institutions, nevertheless they were locally so largely self-governed that they were fitted by experience and tradition to evolve some form of provincial and national representation. Yet I was strongly convinced that it is under any circumstances injudicious for one nation or the officials of one nation to assume that they can determine what is the best form of government for another nation. The fundamental principle of self-government is that every people shall work out that problem for itself, usually through many troubles and with many relapses to less perfect methods.

The Legation had during my absence asked for instructions about a possible eventual decision to recognize the new form of government. It had suggested that acceptability to the people, and, consequently, ability to preserve order, should be among the factors determining our attitude. This position had been approved by the State Department. In the many conversations I had with the President and members of the cabinet, I confined myself to expressing the opinion that the Government would strengthen itself and gain respect at home and abroad in such measure as it made real use of representative institutions and encouraged local self-government.

The Council of State on 6th October passed a law instituting a national referendum on the question. Each district was to elect one representative. The delegates from each province were to meet at the respective provincial capitals and to ballot upon the question. The election was fixed for the 5th of November, the date for balloting on the principal issue on November 15th. Those desiring constructive and progressive action had allied themselves with the monarchical movement. They hoped to strengthen constitutional practice and administrative efficiency after the personal ambitions of Yuan Shih-kai had been realized. With Yuan in the exalted position of Emperor, Mr. Chow Tsu-chi explained to me, the government itself would be in the hands of the prime minister and cabinet; they would carry it on constitutionally and in harmony with the legislative branch. As Mr. Chow put it: "We shall make Yuan the Buddha in the temple."

The original promoters of the movement were not wholly pleased with the efforts to engraft on it principles of constitutional practice and popular consent. As certain military leaders might resort to a _coup d'état_ on October 10th, the anniversary of the outbreak of the revolution in 1911, the review of troops set for that date was countermanded.

Mr. Liang Shih-yi and Mr. Chow Tsu-chi afterward explained to me their preference for the monarchical form. Mr. Liang said: "Chinese traditions and customs, official and commercial, emphasize personal relationships. Abstract forms of thinking, in terms of institutions and general legal principles, are not understood by our people. Under an emperor, authority would sit more securely, so that it would be possible to carry through a fundamental financial reform such as that of the land tax. The element of personal loyalty and responsibility is necessary to counteract the growth of corruption among officials. The Chinese cannot conceive of personal duties toward a pure abstraction."

With President Yuan Shih-kai I had a long interview on October 4th. He assumed complete indifference as to the popular vote soon to be taken. "If the vote is favourable to the existing system," he said, "matters will simply remain as they are; a vote for the monarchy would, on the contrary, bring up many questions of organization. I favour a representative parliament, with full liberty of discussion but with limited powers over finance." Education and expert guidance in the work of the Government were other things about which he was planning. "There is a general lack of useful employment," he added with some hilarity, "on the part of the numerous advisers who hover around the departments. With an administrative reorganization all this will be changed. These experts will be put to work in helping to develop administrative activities." And he reverted to his favourite simile of the infant: "Even if we feel that all their medicine may not be good for the child, yet we shall let them take it by the hand to help it to walk."

It was plain that Yuan Shih-kai, while seeming very detached, was trying to justify the proposed change on the ground of making the Government more efficient and giving it also a representative character.

Doubtless Yuan Shih-kai had thought originally that the Japanese would not obstruct the movement, though ever since the time of his service in Korea he had not been favourably regarded by them. His supporters, indeed, claimed that the assurances first given to Yuan by the Japanese were strong enough to warrant him in expecting their support throughout. By the end of October, however, the Japanese Government came to the conclusion that the project to put Yuan Shih-kai on the throne should, if possible, be stopped.

A communication came from Japan to the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia, which expressed concern because the monarchical movement in China was likely to create disturbances and endanger foreign interests. Japan invited the other powers to join in advising the Chinese President against continuing this policy. The American Government declined this invitation, because it did not desire to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. The other powers, however, fell in with the Japanese suggestion, and on October 29th the Japanese Chargé, and the British, French, and Russian ministers, called at the Foreign Office and individually gave "friendly counsel" to the effect that it would be desirable to stop the monarchical movement.

The British minister asked whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs thought disturbances could surely be prevented; whereat the Chinese rejoiced, believing it a friendly hint that everything would be well, provided no disturbances should take place. As the machinery for holding the elections had been set in motion, the Chinese leaders believed that any action to stop them would bring discredit and loss of prestige.

The final voting in the convention of district delegates at Peking, on December 9th, registered a unanimous desire from the elections of November 5th to have Yuan Shih-kai assume the imperial dignity. Mr. Chow Tsu-chi remarked to me: "We tried to get some people to vote in the negative just for appearance's sake, but they would not do it." Prince Pu-Lun made the speech nominating Yuan as emperor, which earned him the resentment of the Manchus. On the basis of these elections, the acting Parliament passed a resolution bestowing on Yuan Shih-kai the imperial title, and calling upon him to take up the duties therewith connected. He twice rejected the proposal, but when it was sent to him the third time he submitted, having exhausted the traditional forms of polite refusal.

When Yuan was actually elected Emperor, the Entente Powers were puzzled. They announced that they would await developments. The Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs informed them that there would be some delay, as many preparations were still required before the promulgation of the empire could be made. But it was generally believed that the movement had reached fruition. The Russian and French ministers had already expressed themselves privately as favourable to recognition. The German and Austrian ministers hastened to offer Yuan their felicitations, which embarrassed the Chinese not a little. The majority of foreign representatives at Peking were favourable to recognizing the new order on January 1st, when the promulgation was to be made. Messages of devotion and sometimes of fulsome praise came to the Emperor-elect (already called Ta Huang Ti) from foreigners. Foreign advisers, including the Japanese but not the Americans, set forth their devotion in glowing phrases. Doctor Ariga, the Japanese adviser, expressed his feelings in the traditional language of imperial ceremony. It was even announced that the new emperor had been prayed for in foreign Christian churches. I could not, however, verify any such case.

Suddenly, on Christmas Day, came the report that an opposition movement had been started in Yunnan Province.

A young general, Tsai Ao, who had for a time lived in Peking where he held an administrative post, had left the capital during the summer and had coöperated with Liang Chi-chao, after the latter resigned his position as Minister of Education. Liang Chi-chao attacked the monarchical movement in the press, writing from the foreign concession at Tientsin. General Tsai Ao returned to his native Yunnan, and from that mountain fastness launched a military expedition which was opposed to the Emperor-elect.

So the dead unanimity was suddenly disrupted. Now voices of opposition came from all sides. The Chinese are fatalists. The movement to carry Yuan into imperial power had seemed to them irresistible; many had therefore suppressed their doubts and fears. But when an open opposition was started they flocked to the new standard and everywhere there appeared dissenters.

A small mutiny took place in Shantung early in December. In the Japanese papers it was called "premature."

A night attack was executed near Shanghai on the settlement boundary, which was participated in by several Japanese. Being easily suppressed, it was not thought important.

Yuan Shih-kai had long been in training for the emperorship, he loved to use the methods of thought and expression of legendary monarchs. Keeping close to national traditions in the days of his power he always took care to use words indicative of self-deprecation and consideration for his subordinates. The members of the cabinet repaired on December 13th to the President's house to offer their congratulations. Replying, the Emperor-elect said: "I should rather be condoled with than congratulated; for I am giving up my personal freedom and that of my descendants for the public service. I would find far greater satisfaction in leisurely farming and fishing on my Honan estate than in this constant tussling with problems of state."

When one of the ministers suggested that there should be a great celebration of the new departure, Yuan Shih-kai replied: "It would be better not to think of celebrating and of glory at the present time, but only of work, and work, and work. My government should be improved and soundly established. In that case, glory will ultimately come, but otherwise, if artificially enacted, it is bound to be shortlived."

These sayings were reported by his faithful ministers as being quite in keeping with the character of a self-sacrificing, benevolent monarch.

The empire to be established was to be quite _comme il faut_; it was to have a complete ornamentation of newly made nobility. The Vice-President was to have the title of prince, and there were to be innumerable marquises, counts, and barons. The military governors and members of cabinet were to become dukes and marquises, while the barons would be as many as the sands of the sea. The attitude of Vice-President Li Yuan-hung was not quite plain. Aside from the princedom he was also offered the marriage of one of his sons to one of Yuan's daughters. One of his wives seemed especially fascinated by these glittering honours; she was said to have virtually prevailed upon General Li to resign himself to the situation. The President was very kind to him and had supplied him with a bodyguard which watched his every movement--for Yuan Shih-kai's information.

New styles of robes for the Emperor and for his high officials and attendants were designed under direction of Mr. Chu Chi-chien. They were fashioned after the ceremonial robes of the Japanese Imperial House. The great coronation halls in the Imperial City were thoroughly cleansed and repainted. New carpets were ordered; the making of a nicely upholstered throne was entrusted to Talati's, a general merchandise house in Peking, which fact greatly amused Countess Ahlefeldt.

Meanwhile, with foresight and astuteness, General Tsai Ao and Liang Chi-chao were planning their movement against Yuan. By establishing the first independent government in the remote province of Yunnan they made sure that Yuan Shih-kai would be unable to vindicate his authority over all China at an early time. With Yunnan as starting point, it was hoped that the provinces of Kweichow, Kuangsi, and Szechuan could be induced to associate themselves with the anti-monarchist movement. Though Canton had a large garrison of Yuan's troops, it was hoped that inroads would be made even there.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 3: Mr. Liang Chi-chao wrote a characteristic letter of resignation to the President:

"On a previous occasion, I had the honour to apply to Your Excellency for leave to resign and in answer to my request, Your Excellency granted me two months' sick leave. This shows the magnanimity and kindness of Your Excellency toward me.

"The recent state of my health is by no means improved. The 'pulses' in my body have become swollen and I am often attacked by fits of dizziness. My appearance looks healthy, but my energy and spirit have become exhausted. Different medicines have been prescribed by the doctors, but none has proved effective. My ill-health has been chiefly caused by my doctors' 'misuse of medicine.' I have lately been often attacked by fits of cold, which cause me sleepless nights. I am quite aware of the gravity of my disease and unless I give up all worldly affairs, I am afraid that my illness will be beyond hope of cure.

"In different places in America, the climate is mild and good for invalids. I have now made up my mind to sail for the new continent to recuperate my health. There I shall consult the best physicians for the care of my health. I am longing to spend a vacation in perfect ease and freedom from worldly cares in order to recuperate my health. I am sailing immediately. I hereby respectfully bring this to the notice of Your Excellency."

He did not, however, proceed to America.]