Part 3

Before we conclude, some notice of the probable causes of this conspiracy may be expected. As this is a matter of speculation, we shall not speak without reserve. Of the motives of Vesey, we cannot sit in judgment; they have been scanned by a power who can do higher justice than ourselves. But as they are explained by his character and conduct, during the combinations of the plot, they are only to be referred to a malignant hatred of the whites, and inordinate lust of power and booty. Indeed, the belief is altogether justifiable, that his end would have been answered, if, after laying our city in ashes, and moistening its cinders with blood, he could have embarked with a part of the pillage of our banks for San Domingo; leaving a large proportion of his deluded followers to the exterminating desolation of that justice, which would have awaited, in the end, a transient success. His followers were slaves, and for them it would not be so difficult to assign a motive, if it had not been distinctly proved, that without, scarcely an exception, they had no individual hardship to complain of, and were among the most humanely treated negroes in our city. The facilities for combining and confederating in such a scheme, were amply afforded, by the extreme indulgence and kindness, which characterises the domestic treatment of our slaves. Many slave owners among us, not satisfied with ministering to the wants of their domestics, by all the comforts of abundant food, and excellent clothing, with a misguided benevolence, have not only permitted their instruction, but lent to such efforts their approbation and applause.

Religious fanaticism has not been without its effect on this project, and as auxiliary to these sentiments, the secession of a large body of blacks from the white Methodist Church, with feelings of irritation and disappointment, formed a hot-bed, in which the germ might well be expected to spring into life and vigour. Among the conspirators _a majority_ of them belonged to the _African Church_,[14] and among those executed were several who had been Class Leaders. It is, however, due to the late head of their church (for since the late events the association has been voluntarily dissolved) and their deacons, to say, that after the most diligent search and scrutiny, no evidence entitled to belief, has been discovered against them. A hearsay rumour, in relation to _Morris Brown_, was traced far enough to end in its complete falsification.

That the course which certain discussions assumed in Congress were likewise efficacious in producing both discontent and delusion, is sufficiently apparent. Jack Purcell’s confession in the Appendix, will show to what a purpose Vesey applied those beautiful propositions of civil and natural freedom, which were sported with a wanton recklessness of their consequences, as applied to the condition of a certain portion of our common country.

It is consoling to every individual, who is proud of the character of his country, in the late unhappy events, to be able to say, that, within the limits of the City of Charleston, in a period of great and unprecedented excitement, the laws, without even one violation, have ruled with uninterrupted sway—that no cruel vindictive or barbarous modes of punishment have been resorted to—that justice has been blended with an enlightened humanity, in according to those who had meted out for us murder, rapine and conflagration, in their most savage forms—trials, which, for the wisdom, impartiality and moderation that governed them, are even superior to those which the ordinary modes of judicature would have afforded ourselves.

With little to fear, and nothing to reproach ourselves we may, without shrinking, submit our conduct to the award of posterity, and ourselves to the protection of the Supreme Ruler of Events.

APPENDIX.

(A.)

Every Slave who shall raise, or attempt to raise an Insurrection, in this Province, or shall endeavour to delude or entice any Slave to runaway and leave the Province, every such Slave and Slaves, and his and their accomplices, aiders and abetters, shall, on conviction thereof, as aforesaid, suffer death. _Provided always_, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the Justices who shall pronounce sentence against such Slaves, by and with the advice and consent of the Freeholders as aforesaid, if several Slaves shall receive sentence at one time, to mitigate and alter the sentence of any Slave, other than such as shall be convicted of homicide of a white person, who they shall think may deserve mercy, and may inflict such corporal punishment (other than death) on any such Slave, as they in discretion shall think fit, any thing herein contained to the contrary thereof, in any wise notwithstanding. _Provided_, that one or more of the said Slaves who shall be convicted of the crimes or offence aforesaid, where several are concerned, shall be executed for example, to deter others from offending in the like kind. A. A. 1740. P. L. 167.

(B.)

A negro man testified as follows:[15]—I know Peter, he belongs to Mr. James Poyas; in May last, Peter and myself met in Legare street, at the corner of Lambol street, where the following conversation took place—He asked me the news—I replied, none that I know of—He said, by George! we can’t live so. I replied, how will we do? He said, we can do very well, if you can find any one to assist us—will you join? I asked him, how do you mean? He said, why! to break the yoke; I replied, I don’t know. He asked me, suppose you were to hear, that the whites were going to kill you, would you defend yourself? I replied, I’d try to escape. He asked, have you lately seen _Denmark Vesey_, and has he spoken to you particularly. I said no. Well then, said he, that’s all now: but call at the shop to-morrow after knocking off work, and I will tell you more! We then parted.—I met him the next day, according to appointment, when he said to me, we intend to see, if we can’t do something for ourselves, we can’t live so. I asked him, where he would get men? He said, we’ll find them fast enough, we have got enough, we expect men from country and town. But how, said I, will you manage it. Why, we will give them notice, said he, and they will march down and camp round the city. But what, said I, will they do for arms. He answered, they will find arms enough, they all bring down their hoes, axes, &c. I said, that won’t do to fight with here. He said, stop! let us get candidates from town with arms, and we will then take the Guard-House and Arsenal in town, the Arsenal on the Neck and the Upper Guard-House, and supply the country people with arms. How, said I, will you approach those Arsenals, &c. for they are guarded? Yes, said he, I know that, but what are these guards, one man here, and one man there, we let a man pass before us. Well, said I, but how will the black people from the country, and those from the islands, know when you are to begin, or how will you get the town people together. Why, said he, we will have prayer meetings at night, and there notify them when to start, and when the clock strikes twelve, _all must move_. But, said I, the whites in the back country, Virginia, &c.; when they hear the news, will turn to, and kill you all, and besides, you may be betrayed. Well said he, what of that, if one gets hanged, we will rise at that minute. We then left his shop, and walked towards Broad street, when he said, I want you to take notice of all the shops and stores in town with arms in them, take _down their numbers, and give them to me_. I said, I will see to it, and then we parted.

About the 1st of June, I saw in the public papers a statement that the white people were going to build missionary houses for the blacks, which I carried and showed to Peter, and said, see the good they are going to do for us; when, he said,—What of that?—Have you not heard, that on the 4th of July, the whites are going to create a false alarm of fire, and every _black_ that comes out will be _killed_, in order _to thin them_? Do you think they would be so barbarous? (said I) Yes! (said he) I do!—I fear _they have a knowledge of an army from San Domingo_, and they would be _right to do it; to prevent us joining that army, if it should march towards this land_! I was then very much alarmed. We then parted, and I saw no more of him till the guards were very strict, (about a fortnight ago.) At that time I saw Peter and Ned Bennett standing and talking together, at the corner of Lambol and Legare-streets. They crossed over and met me by Mrs. Myles’, and Ned Bennett said to me—did you hear what those boys were taken up for the other day? I replied, No! but some say it was for stealing. Ned asked me if I was sure I had never said any thing to the whites about what Peter Poyas had spoken to me about? I replied, No! Says Peter—You never did? No! I answered. Says Ned, to me—How do you stand? At which I struck the tree box with my knuckles and said, as firm as this box—I’ll never say one word against you. Ned then smiled and nodded his head, and said—That will do!—when we all separated. Last Tuesday or Wednesday week, Peter said to me—You see, my lad, how the white people have got to windward of us? You won’t, said I, be able to do any thing. O, yes! (he said) we will! By George we are oblige to! He said, all down this way ought to meet and have a collection to purchase powder. What, said I, is the use of powder—the whites can fire three times to our once. He said, but _’twill be such a dead time of the night, they won’t know what is the matter, and our horse companies will go about the streets and prevent the whites from assembling_. I asked him—where will you get horses? Why, said he, there are many butcher boys with horses; and there are the livery stables, where we have several candidates; and the waiting men, belonging to the white people of the horse companies, will be told to take away their master’s horses. He asked me if my master was not a horseman? I said, Yes! Has he not got arms in his house? I answered, Yes! Can’t they be got at? I said, Yes! Then (said he) it is good to have them. I asked what was the plan? Why, said he, after we have taken the Arsenals and Guard Houses, then we will set the town on fire, in different places, and as the whites come out we will slay them. If we were to set fire to the town first the man in the steeple would give the alarm too soon.—I am the Captain, said he, to take the lower Guard-House and Arsenal. But, I replied, when you are coming up, the Centinel will give the alarm. He said, he would advance a little distance ahead, and if he could only get a _grip at his throat, he was a gone man_, for his sword was very sharp; he had sharpened it, and had made it so sharp, it had cut his finger, which he showed me. As to the Arsenal on the Neck, he said, that it was gone as sure as fate, _Ned Bennett, would manage that with the people from the country, and the people between Hibbens’ Ferry and Santee would land and take the Upper Guard-House_. I then said, then this thing seems true. My man, said he, God has a hand in it, _we have been meeting for four years, and are not yet betrayed_. I told him, I was afraid, after all, of the white people from the back country and Virginia, &c. He said that the blacks would collect so numerous from the country, we need not fear the whites from the other parts, for when we have once got the city we can keep them all out. He asked, if I had told my boys. I said no. Then said he, you should do it, for Ned Bennett has his people pretty well ranged. But, said he, take care and don’t mention it to those waiting men who receive _presents of old coats, &c. from their masters, or they’ll betray us_. I will speak to them. We then parted, and I have not since conversed with him. He said the rising was to take place last Sunday night, (16th June)—That _any of the coloured people who said a word about this matter would be killed by the others. The little man, who can’t be killed, shot or taken_ is named Jack, a Gullah Negro. Peter said there was a French Company in town of three hundred men fully armed—that he was to see Monday Gell, about expediting the rising. I know that Mingo went often to Mr. Paul’s to see Edwin, but don’t know if he spoke with William. Peter said he had a sword, and I ought to get one. He said he had got a letter from the country; I think from St. Thomas’, from a negro man who belonged to the captain of a militia company, who said he could easily get the key of the house where the company’s arms were put after muster, and take them all out, and help in that way. This business originates altogether with the _African Congregation_, in which Peter is a leader. When Bennett’s Ned asked about those taken up, he alluded particularly to Mr. Paul’s William, and asked me if I said any thing to him about it.

_The voluntary confession of ROLLA, to the Court, made after his trial, but before sentence was passed on him._

I know Denmark Vesey, on one occasion, he asked me what news? I told him, none. He replied, we are free, but the white people here won’t let us be so; and the only way is, to raise up and fight the whites. I went to his house one night, to learn where the meetings were held. I never conversed on this subject with Batteau or Ned.—Vesey told me, he was the leader in this plot. I never conversed either with Peter or Mingo. Vesey induced me to join. When I went to Vesey’s house, there was a meeting there, the room was full of people, but none of them white. That night, at Vesey’s, we determined to have arms made, and each man to put in twelve and a half cents towards that purpose. Though Vesey’s room was full, I did not know one individual there. At this meeting, Vesey said, we were to take the Guard-House and Magazines, to get arms; that we ought to rise up against the whites to get our liberties. He was the first to rise up and speak, and he read to us from the Bible, how the _children of Israel were delivered out of Egypt from bondage_; he said, that the rising would take place last Sunday night week, (the 16th June) and that Peter Poyas was one.

(C.)

_Examination of SALLY, a negro woman belonging to Mr. Alexander Howard._

I know Jesse, and heard him speak several times about it; one day in particular, he was anxious to see his brother, who has my mother for his wife, and waited until he came, when they conversed together. Jesse said, he had got a horse to go into the country, to bring down men to fight the white people; that he was allowed to pass by two parties of the patrol on the road, but that a third party had brought him back, and that, if there were but five men like him, they would destroy the city. This was on last Sunday week, (the 16th June,) he said, that before 3 o’clock, that night, all the white people would be killed. That, if any person informed, or would not join in the fight, such person would be killed or poisoned. He frequently came into the yard to see his brother, and I threatened to inform, if he came there, and spoke in that way, to get us all into trouble. We never had any quarrel.

_Examination of LOT, a negro man belonging to Mr. Forrester_.

I know Jesse; he met me last Sunday week (16th June) at the corner of Boundary street, as I was coming into town; he said, he was going to get a horse to go into the country. From what my master had told me the Thursday before, I distrusted his errand, and gave him a caution. When, as I was going down into town towards Mr. Hibbens’ ferry slip, and conversing with him, he said, you shall see to night, when I come down, what I am going up for, and, _if my own father does not assist, I will cut off his head_. He said, he was going as far as Goose Creek bridge, and would get a horse if it cost him nine dollars. The church bells were then ringing, and at half past eleven o’clock, same day, I saw him at Mr. Howard’s, and afterwards understood from Sally, that he had set off for the country, and had been brought back by the Patrol.

(D.)

_Examination of FRANK, a negro man belonging to Mrs. Ferguson_.

I know Denmark Vesey, and have been to his house; I have heard him say, that the negroe’s situation was so bad, he did not know how they could endure it; and was astonished they did not rise and fight for themselves, and he advised me to join, and rise. He said, he was going about to see different people, and mentioned the names of Ned, Bennett and Peter Poyas, as concerned with him; that he had spoken to Ned and Peter on this subject, and that they were to go about and tell the blacks, that they were free, and must rise and fight for themselves: that they would take the Magazines and Guard Houses, and the City, and be free; that he was going to send into the country to inform the people there, too; he said, he wanted me to join them. I said, I could not answer. He said, if I would not go into the country for him, he could get others; he said, himself, Ned Bennett, Peter Poyas and Monday Gell, were the principal men, and himself the head man.—He said, they were the principal men to go about and inform the people, and fix them, &c.; that one party would land on _South Bay_, one about Wappoo and about the Farms; that the party which was to land on South Bay, was to take the _Guard-House, and get arms, and then they would be able to go on_; that the attack was to commence about 12 o’clock at night; that great numbers would come from all about, and it must succeed, as so many were engaged in it; that they would kill all the whites; that they would leave their masters’ houses, and assemble near the Lines, march down and meet the party which would land on South Bay; that he was going to send a man into the country on a horse, to bring down the country people, and that he would pay for the horse. He gave two dollars to Jesse, to get the horse on Saturday week last, (15th June) about 1 o’clock in the day, and myself and witness (No. 8,) also put in 25 cents a piece, and he told Jesse, if he could not go, he must send some one else. I have seen Ned Bennett at Vesey’s. I one night met at Vesey’s a great number of men, and as they came in, they each handed him some money.—Vesey said, there was a _little man, named Jack_, who could not be killed, and who would furnish them with arms; he had a charm, and would lead them; that Charles Drayton had promised to be engaged with them. Vesey said, the negroes were living such an abominable life, they ought to rise. I said, I was living well. He said, though I was, others was not, and that it was such fools as I, that were in their way, and would not help them, and that, after all things were well, he would mark me. He said, he did not go with _Creighton to Africa, because he had not a will, he wanted to stay and see what he could do for his fellow creatures_. I met Ned, Monday, and others, at Denmark Vesey’s, where they were talking about this business.

The first time I spoke with Monday Gell, it was one night at Denmark Vesey’s house, where I heard Vesey tell Monday, that he must send some one into the country to bring the people down. Monday said, he had sent up Jack, and told him to tell the people to come down and join in the fight against the whites; and also to ascertain and inform him how many people he could get. A few days after, I met Vesey, Monday and Jack in the streets, under Mr. Duncan’s trees, at night, where Jack stated, he had been into the country, round by Goose Creek and Dorchester; that he had spoken to 6,600 persons, who had agreed to join. Monday said to Vesey, that it Jack had so many men, they had better wait no longer, but begin the business at once, and others would join. The first time I saw Monday at Vesey’s, he was going away early, when Vesey asked him to stay, to which Monday replied, he expected that night a meeting at his house, to fix upon and mature the plan, &c. and that he could stay no longer. I afterwards conversed with Monday in his shop, when he asked me, if I had heard that Bennett’s and Poyas’ people were taken up, that it was a great pity. He said, he had joined in the business. I told him to take care he was not taken up. Whenever I talked with Vesey, he always spoke of Monday Gell as being his principal and active man in this business.

(E.)

_Examination of Witness No. 10, a Negro Man._